<p>Against the background of growing populist and authoritarian movements in the United Staes, Europe, India, and Russia, political myths and their use have become a topic of theoretical contention (Bauman <span>2017a, 2017b</span>; Reich <span>2015</span>). Some authors have argued that political myths—for example, narratives of rise and decline or of origins—are a populist tool foreign to the principles of rational liberal democracies (Abizadeh, <span>2004</span>; Eatwell and Goddwin <span>2018</span>; Green <span>2014</span>, 119–130; Müller <span>2016</span>). But the more radically political myths are positioned in opposition to the good governance of liberal democracy, the more difficult it becomes to explain the resurgence of populism in contemporary politics. An alternative opinion maintains that myths are in fact a necessary part of identity-building. Whether in the context of nation-building and the establishment of strong identities (Hosking and Schöpflin <span>1997</span>) or as a significant basis for radical forms of social self-assertion (Bottici <span>2009</span>; Errejón and Mouffe <span>2015</span>), myths play a fundamental role. Yet, if myth is pervasive and will not cease to exist independently of rational attempts at debunking it, the question of how to evaluate myth becomes all the more important. How is it possible to distinguish between myths that are detrimental to democratic institutions, procedures, and values, and myths that encourage democratic forms of participation, subjectivity, and political action, and that strengthen values like equality and justice?</p><p>In this article, I seek to combine interpretive and conceptual perspectives in 20th century history in order to propose a normative analysis of political myths. In particular, I argue that in our recent history, there have been two different models of myth-making: fascist myths, on the one hand, and the more recent development of populist myths, on the other. One important distinguishing feature is the way in which these two models organize emotions.</p><p>In the following, I will first define political myths as a historical phenomenon and then introduce the concept of <i>emotional analogy</i> to distinguish fascist from populist leader myths. With the help of the Spanish philosopher María Zambrano (1904–1991), I will further use this analysis to develop a third, democratic model of myth-making. I suggest to use this model as a heuristic to guide democratic practices in creatively criticizing and (re)working political myths today.</p><p>As Martha Nussbaum rightly maintained, myth-making is part and parcel of democracy because like any other form of government, democracy relies on emotions that keep it alive (Nussbaum <span>2013</span>). In a time where myths are being weaponized for authoritarian politics, democratic societies need to harness democratic myths that are capable of organizing and strengthening a democratic emotional core. If such myths are to be
{"title":"Guiding Examples: Democratic Myth-Making in the Work of María Zambrano","authors":"Karolina Enquist Källgren","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12782","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Against the background of growing populist and authoritarian movements in the United Staes, Europe, India, and Russia, political myths and their use have become a topic of theoretical contention (Bauman <span>2017a, 2017b</span>; Reich <span>2015</span>). Some authors have argued that political myths—for example, narratives of rise and decline or of origins—are a populist tool foreign to the principles of rational liberal democracies (Abizadeh, <span>2004</span>; Eatwell and Goddwin <span>2018</span>; Green <span>2014</span>, 119–130; Müller <span>2016</span>). But the more radically political myths are positioned in opposition to the good governance of liberal democracy, the more difficult it becomes to explain the resurgence of populism in contemporary politics. An alternative opinion maintains that myths are in fact a necessary part of identity-building. Whether in the context of nation-building and the establishment of strong identities (Hosking and Schöpflin <span>1997</span>) or as a significant basis for radical forms of social self-assertion (Bottici <span>2009</span>; Errejón and Mouffe <span>2015</span>), myths play a fundamental role. Yet, if myth is pervasive and will not cease to exist independently of rational attempts at debunking it, the question of how to evaluate myth becomes all the more important. How is it possible to distinguish between myths that are detrimental to democratic institutions, procedures, and values, and myths that encourage democratic forms of participation, subjectivity, and political action, and that strengthen values like equality and justice?</p><p>In this article, I seek to combine interpretive and conceptual perspectives in 20th century history in order to propose a normative analysis of political myths. In particular, I argue that in our recent history, there have been two different models of myth-making: fascist myths, on the one hand, and the more recent development of populist myths, on the other. One important distinguishing feature is the way in which these two models organize emotions.</p><p>In the following, I will first define political myths as a historical phenomenon and then introduce the concept of <i>emotional analogy</i> to distinguish fascist from populist leader myths. With the help of the Spanish philosopher María Zambrano (1904–1991), I will further use this analysis to develop a third, democratic model of myth-making. I suggest to use this model as a heuristic to guide democratic practices in creatively criticizing and (re)working political myths today.</p><p>As Martha Nussbaum rightly maintained, myth-making is part and parcel of democracy because like any other form of government, democracy relies on emotions that keep it alive (Nussbaum <span>2013</span>). In a time where myths are being weaponized for authoritarian politics, democratic societies need to harness democratic myths that are capable of organizing and strengthening a democratic emotional core. If such myths are to be","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 2","pages":"310-320"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12782","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144519825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Who were the first theorists of liberal democracy? Since the mid-20th century, scholars have attributed this title to figures like Locke, Montesquieu, Kant, Madison, Constant, Tocqueville, Mill, and Lincoln. Yet none of these thinkers used the term “liberal democracy.” Rather than retroactively applying this label, this essay adopts an actor's categories methodology to examine what “liberal democracy” meant to those who first used it. The term originated in 1860s France, coined by liberals opposing Napoleon III. This article argues that liberal democracy was conceived as a polemical concept, designed to counter rival definitions of democracy. It also explores one of its foundational meanings: rule by public opinion. The essay concludes by showing how this polemical character and emphasis on public opinion continue to shape liberal-democratic theory in France and beyond.
{"title":"The First Theorists of Liberal Democracy","authors":"Arthur Ghins","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12778","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Who were the first theorists of liberal democracy? Since the mid-20th century, scholars have attributed this title to figures like Locke, Montesquieu, Kant, Madison, Constant, Tocqueville, Mill, and Lincoln. Yet none of these thinkers used the term “liberal democracy.” Rather than retroactively applying this label, this essay adopts an actor's categories methodology to examine what “liberal democracy” meant to those who first used it. The term originated in 1860s France, coined by liberals opposing Napoleon III. This article argues that liberal democracy was conceived as a polemical concept, designed to counter rival definitions of democracy. It also explores one of its foundational meanings: rule by public opinion. The essay concludes by showing how this polemical character and emphasis on public opinion continue to shape liberal-democratic theory in France and beyond.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 3","pages":"415-426"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145100959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Political Theology of Sortition","authors":"Artemy Magun","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12779","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 3","pages":"404-414"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145101020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Epistemology of Protest: Silencing, Epistemic Activism, and the Communicative Life of Resistance","authors":"Christopher Senf","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12786","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 2","pages":"368-370"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144520087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Against Desert: Mysticism, Ableism, and the Level Playing Field","authors":"Tom Malleson","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12787","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 3","pages":"427-437"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145100984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Oligarchic Unconscious of Liberal Republicanism","authors":"Udeepta Chakravarty, Jochen Schmon","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12774","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 2","pages":"232-244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144519969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Are Social Imaginaries Immune to Ideology Critique?","authors":"Yves Winter","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12784","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 2","pages":"255-263"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144519968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Corruption and Global Justice","authors":"Valentin Beck","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12785","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 3","pages":"550-551"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145102367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Slow Down: the Degrowth Manifesto","authors":"Dominic Roulx, Matthias Fritsch","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12788","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 2","pages":"375-377"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144520252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Responsive Judicial Review: Democracy and Dysfunction in the Modern Age pp. 281–295. $125.00. ISBN: 978-0-19-286577-9","authors":"Frank I. Michelman","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12777","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 3","pages":"540-542"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145102359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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