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Deliberative Theory for Re-Focusing the Concept, Measurement, and Analysis of Substantive Reasons in Political Discussions 重新聚焦政治讨论中实质原因的概念、衡量和分析的协商理论
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-07 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12795
Rousiley C. M. Maia, Tariq Choucair, Gabriella Hauber, Leonardo Santa Inês

Based on theories of deliberative democracy, this article explores the substantive content of reasons as a conceptual tool. Although most studies focus on procedural dimensions, we argue that identifying and mapping substantive reasons contributes to advancing empirical investigation in a theoretically informed and normatively relevant way. More precisely, using a typology of reasons contributes to: (i) systematically tracking agreements and disagreements on controversial political issues and better understanding the complexities of political judgments, in a more nuanced and quantifiable description; (ii) deal with some contemporary methodological challenges to understand reciprocity and reflexivity; and (iii) explore disrespectful and undemocratic commitments in argumentation. In this context, we draw implications for broadening research at a macro-level or systemic analysis. To elucidate the practical feasibility of the proposed measure, we offer examples of operationalization in different research designs and ways of engaging in rich and historically based explanations.

本文以协商民主理论为基础,探讨作为概念工具的理性的实质内容。尽管大多数研究都集中在程序维度上,但我们认为,识别和绘制实质性原因有助于以理论上知情和规范相关的方式推进实证调查。更准确地说,使用原因类型学有助于:(i)系统地跟踪有争议的政治问题上的协议和分歧,并以更细微和可量化的描述更好地理解政治判断的复杂性;(ii)应对一些当代方法论挑战,以理解互惠性和反身性;(三)探讨辩论中不尊重和不民主的承诺。在此背景下,我们提出了在宏观层面或系统分析上扩大研究的启示。为了阐明所提出的措施的实际可行性,我们提供了不同研究设计和参与丰富和基于历史的解释方式的操作化示例。
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引用次数: 0
Depression, Critique, and Critical Theory as Political Therapy 作为政治疗法的抑郁、批判和批判理论
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-03 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12797
Jasper Friedrich

Critical theorists, especially in the Frankfurt School tradition, claim that normative thought and critique arise from experiences of suffering and oppression. It seems intuitive that oppression sometimes makes people sad and angry in ways that motivate critique and resistance; yet, other times, it leads to debilitating experiences of depression, resignation, and self-blame. Especially, in the context of our contemporary “mental health epidemic,” it is worth asking whether and how critique and resistance could possibly spring from such experiences. This paper therefore investigates the potential for experiences of depression to disclose social injustice. Drawing on phenomenological accounts of depression, I argue that it is best understood as consciousness of one's alienation from the social world—and under the right conditions, this consciousness can become politicized and lead to critique. Critical theory, here, can play a crucial role as a form of “political therapy” that supplies the hermeneutical tools for this politicization.

批判理论家,尤其是法兰克福学派的传统理论家,声称规范性思想和批判源自苦难和压迫的经验。压迫有时会让人们感到悲伤和愤怒,从而激发批评和反抗,这似乎是直觉;然而,其他时候,它会导致沮丧,辞职和自责的衰弱经历。特别是,在我们当代“心理健康流行病”的背景下,值得一问的是,这些经历是否可能产生批评和抵制,以及如何产生批评和抵制。因此,本文调查了抑郁经历揭示社会不公正的潜力。根据对抑郁症的现象学解释,我认为最好将其理解为一个人与社会世界疏离的意识——在适当的条件下,这种意识可以被政治化并导致批评。在这里,批判理论可以作为一种“政治治疗”形式发挥关键作用,为这种政治化提供解释学工具。
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引用次数: 0
Racists, Fascists, and Other Dejects: Authoritarianism Reconsidered 种族主义者、法西斯主义者和其他对象:重新考虑威权主义
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-04-02 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12796
Noëlle McAfee
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引用次数: 0
The State and Its People 国家和人民
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-25 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12793
David Owen
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引用次数: 0
The Epistemic Challenge to Democratic Resilience: A Late-Classical Athenian Institutional Solution 民主弹性的认知挑战:一个晚古典雅典的制度解决方案
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-23 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12792
Alexandru Volacu

Democratic erosion is an increasingly worrying phenomenon, affecting not only both young and transitional democracies but also more consolidated ones. A particularly important aspect of this process (in its contemporary incarnation) is that, because of its subtle and incrementalist character, it is difficult to perceive by citizens, who often fail to mobilize in support of democracy as they are unaware that the regime is being threatened. I aim to address this challenge in the present article, by drawing on a historical case study where a democratic citizenry is confronted with a very similar epistemic difficulty. I outline the institutional solution devised in the historical context and use its features as a basis for articulating a normative framework underlying the respective solution. I then explore some alternative institutional proposals for contemporary politics that are derived on the basis of this framework.

民主侵蚀是一种日益令人担忧的现象,不仅影响到年轻的民主国家和过渡中的民主国家,也影响到较为稳固的民主国家。这一进程(以其当代形式)的一个特别重要的方面是,由于其微妙和渐进的特点,公民很难察觉,他们往往无法动员起来支持民主,因为他们不知道政权正受到威胁。在本文中,我的目标是通过一个历史案例研究来解决这一挑战,在这个历史案例中,民主公民面临着非常相似的认知困难。我概述了在历史背景下设计的制度解决方案,并利用其特征作为阐明各自解决方案的规范框架的基础。然后,我探讨了基于这一框架衍生出的当代政治的一些替代性制度建议。
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引用次数: 0
The Long March Through the Institutions and the Fifth Wave of Juridification 制度长征与第五次法制化浪潮
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-22 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12791
Olof Hallonsten
<p>Sometime in 1967 or 1968, German student protest leader Rudi Dutschke coined a phrase that has become historical: In order for the youth movement to truly accomplish social change, it should undertake a “long march through the institutions”—a generational shift in the core constituencies of society, including its elites, thus reforming them from the inside.</p><p>The youth movements of the 1960s were decisive in the profound transformation of Western society from the mid-1960s and on, which included broad shifts in norms and values, the end of the 30-year post–World War II economic miracle, and the birth of new political programs. Several renowned sociological works have contributed to the analysis and characterization of these changes, their deeper meaning, and their consequences. They include, most famously, conceptualizations of the <i>post-industrial society</i> (Bell <span>1973</span>; Kumar <span>1995/2005</span>), <i>reflexive modernity</i> (Giddens <span>1990</span>; Beck <span>1992</span>), and <i>postmodernity</i> (Bauman <span>1992, 1993</span>). The period that preceded the transformation has not been as amply characterized and branded, but has been used as an important reference point to deepen the understanding of the current era, and what caused the transition between the two (Wagner <span>1994, 2008</span>; Reckwitz <span>2020, 2021</span>).</p><p>In this article, we build on these theoretical works and use a periodization of modernity that distinguishes between <i>early</i>, <i>high</i>, and <i>late modernity</i> and two transition periods in between, identified as the <i>first</i> and <i>second crises of modernity</i> (Wagner <span>1994</span>). The first crisis, in the late-19th century and early 20th century, culminated in popular struggles for civil rights and equity and was resolved by the buildup of near-universal welfare states in tandem with an expansion of industrial capitalism, the two cornerstones of high modernity, through what Habermas (<span>1987</span>: 358ff) has called the “fourth wave of juridification.” The second crisis, in the 1960s and 1970s, came about largely as a reaction to overregulation and the social conformism and normative control of the “mass society” (Giner <span>1976</span>) and the several “social pathologies” that the institutions of high modernity had produced: imperialist warfare, structural racial injustice, and capitalist exploitation of nature and humanity (Habermas <span>1987</span>: 285).</p><p>We reinterpret the “long march through the institutions” as a key process in the transition that took society out of the second crisis, and thus from high modernity to late modernity. The transition itself brought about broad and deep changes in norms and values, but it also produced some of the most distinguishing features of contemporary society, including new forms of bureaucratization, a veritable explosion of audit and evaluation, and a “hyper-defensive” (Power <span>2004</span>) pursuit o
在1967年或1968年的某个时候,德国学生抗议领袖Rudi Dutschke创造了一个已经成为历史的短语:为了让青年运动真正完成社会变革,它应该进行一次“通过制度的长征”——在社会的核心选民中进行代际转移,包括其精英,从而从内部改革他们。20世纪60年代的青年运动在20世纪60年代中期及以后西方社会的深刻变革中起了决定性作用,其中包括规范和价值观的广泛转变,二战后30年的经济奇迹的结束,以及新的政治计划的诞生。几部著名的社会学著作对这些变化、其深层含义及其后果进行了分析和描述。其中最著名的是后工业社会的概念化(Bell 1973; Kumar 1995/2005)、反思性现代性(Giddens 1990; Beck 1992)和后现代性(Bauman 1992, 1993)。转型之前的时期并没有被充分地描述和标记,但已被用作加深对当前时代的理解的重要参考点,以及导致两者之间转变的原因(Wagner 1994, 2008; Reckwitz 2020, 2021)。在本文中,我们以这些理论著作为基础,采用现代性的分期方法,区分早期、高度和晚期现代性,以及两者之间的两个过渡时期,即现代性的第一和第二次危机(Wagner 1994)。第一次危机发生在19世纪末和20世纪初,在争取公民权利和公平的民众斗争中达到高潮,并通过哈贝马斯(1987:358ff)称之为“第四次合法化浪潮”的高度现代性的两个基石——工业资本主义的扩张,以及近乎普遍的福利国家的建立,得到了解决。第二次危机发生在20世纪60年代和70年代,主要是对“大众社会”(Giner 1976)的过度监管、社会随大流和规范控制的反应,以及高度现代性制度所产生的几种“社会病态”:帝国主义战争、结构性种族不公正、资本主义对自然和人性的剥削(Habermas 1987: 285)。我们将“通过制度的长征”重新解释为使社会走出第二次危机,从而从高度现代性向晚期现代性过渡的关键过程。转型本身带来了规范和价值观的广泛而深刻的变化,但它也产生了当代社会的一些最显著的特征,包括新的官僚化形式,审计和评估的真正爆炸,以及组织对社会合法性的“高度防御”(Power 2004)追求。因此,我们认为,这可以被视为第五波授权的结果。与哈贝马斯的第四次浪潮类似,第五次浪潮是需求和期望变化的结果,这在很大程度上是由于20世纪60年代的年轻人进入中产阶级并逐渐成为劳动力市场、消费市场和选民中的多数而引起的代代性转变。论点的核心是,这一代人出生于第二次世界大战后,因此成长在一个前所未有的物质和社会安全的时代,但他们也通过集体挑战普遍的社会规范和抗议现代社会的不公正和社会病态而团结起来,他们并没有把他们的个人主义价值观和社会正义感留在门外。但他们在“通过制度的长征”中带着这些东西,把它们转化为对社会的要求和期望,不仅允许,而且实际上支持和提供手段,让他们在生活的各个方面实现自我实现和追求生活质量。“长征”的一个主要结果是第五次法制化浪潮——在社会的大部分领域,监管、管理、审计和评估都得到了重大发展。这篇文章将现代性理论、当代史和对当前社会及其不满的诊断三大主线编织在一起。首先,作为从高度现代性向晚期现代性过渡的一部分,代际转变在一般的社会逻辑被特殊的社会逻辑所取代的过程中所起的作用(Wagner 1994, 2008; Reckwitz 2020, 2021),以及促成这种变化的几个相关的价值转变(Inglehart 1977)及其后果(例如Sennett 1998; Rodgers 2011)。其次,著名的风险社会和反思性现代化理论(Giddens 1990; Beck 1992),以及晚期现代性下“世界的不可控性”的更新含义(Rosa 2020),这有力地促进了风险意识和风险管理在当代社会中日益重要的作用(Power 2004)。 社会工程是高度现代性的标志,也是哈贝马斯将其概念化为第四次合法化浪潮的标志(哈贝马斯1987:361-364),在晚期现代性下,它并没有停止对社会的控制,而是以社会的充分量化的形式提供了新的工具(Mau 2019)。随着越来越多的衡量标准和评估方法提供给官僚和决策者,越来越多的现象和过程可以用数字来表达。官僚机构心甘情愿地参与到对度量所传达的现实的清晰但极度简化的、因而具有欺骗性的描述的复制中。不依赖于可量化、可概括和可比性的知识和能力,正无声地逐渐被数字的直观吸引力所取代,并被数字用易于理解的术语解释任何事情的明显能力所取代(Porter 1995: 5-7)。但数字表达了形式理性和工具理性的语言,有助于加强对各种组织和过程的监管和官僚控制。在这篇文章中,我们将“通过制度的长征”重新解释为自然和不可避免的代变,这种代变将20世纪60年代的激进青年带入了社会核心组成群体的位置,或者简单地说,中产阶级。这一代人——婴儿潮一代——在前所未有的物质和社会稳定和富裕中出生和成长,在高等教育大规模扩张和风险社会早期显现的时代(尤其是越南战争)进入青春期,因此为对既定社会秩序进行批判性重新评估提供了手段和强大的动力。他们非凡的道德创造力和雄心壮志(Douglass 2018: 92)确实带来了变革——一场文化革命取代了他们许多人所希望的失败的政治革命——但他们的追求也受到了经济不断发展和物质进步的“高速公路世界”崩溃的阻碍,他们显然是“高速公路世界”的孩子(Berman 1982: 330)。其结果是一个新的中产阶级,较少关注以群众运动和集会的形式对不公正的集体抗议,而更多地关注通过新形式的“单一”消费寻求意义和自我表达(Reckwitz 2020)。以及源源不断的期望和要求,社会制度为他们提供了这种追求的手段,并将他们与不断增长的社会病态和自然和社会世界的“不可控”(Rosa 2020)隔离开来。现代性的制度,尤其是资本主义经济和官僚国家,用它们唯一可用的手段来回应这些新的期望和要求:工具性的理性规则、条例、计划、程序和案件处理、风险管理、文件和审计系统。通过更多的监管、管理和评估滋生不信任,并刺激对更多监管、管理和评估的要求,这种发展变得自我强化。这是第五波合法化浪潮。这在很大程度上是由晚期现代性核心选民的期望和要求造成的,婴儿潮一代变成了中产阶级。这可能不是学生抗议领袖Rudi Dutschke在1967年或1968年直接呼吁他的同龄人进行这样的“长征”时所设想的(Cornils 1998: 101-105)。但这是一次“长征”:20世纪60年代年轻一代的价值观和理想对塑造现代性晚期的社会及其制度产生了巨大影响。在本文中,我们试图在晚期现代性理论和当代社会的反身性框架内,以及以监管、审计和评估以及文件形式出现的有充分记录的官僚主义扩张的框架内,重新解释这种影响的意义,从而重新解释“长征”的意义。我们认为,结果是第五波合法化浪潮,特别类似于哈贝马斯(1987)所描述和分析的第四波。在起作用的机制是相似的:20世纪普遍福利国家的扩张,尽管它是由自由和平等的理想驱动的,但它构成了该制度对生活世界的殖民化和第四波合法化的最有力推动。随着它所建立的社会秩序变得不可持续,或者至少被为数众多、敢于发声的年轻一代描绘为不可持续,他们承担起改变社会的责任,让社会变
{"title":"The Long March Through the Institutions and the Fifth Wave of Juridification","authors":"Olof Hallonsten","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12791","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;Sometime in 1967 or 1968, German student protest leader Rudi Dutschke coined a phrase that has become historical: In order for the youth movement to truly accomplish social change, it should undertake a “long march through the institutions”—a generational shift in the core constituencies of society, including its elites, thus reforming them from the inside.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The youth movements of the 1960s were decisive in the profound transformation of Western society from the mid-1960s and on, which included broad shifts in norms and values, the end of the 30-year post–World War II economic miracle, and the birth of new political programs. Several renowned sociological works have contributed to the analysis and characterization of these changes, their deeper meaning, and their consequences. They include, most famously, conceptualizations of the &lt;i&gt;post-industrial society&lt;/i&gt; (Bell &lt;span&gt;1973&lt;/span&gt;; Kumar &lt;span&gt;1995/2005&lt;/span&gt;), &lt;i&gt;reflexive modernity&lt;/i&gt; (Giddens &lt;span&gt;1990&lt;/span&gt;; Beck &lt;span&gt;1992&lt;/span&gt;), and &lt;i&gt;postmodernity&lt;/i&gt; (Bauman &lt;span&gt;1992, 1993&lt;/span&gt;). The period that preceded the transformation has not been as amply characterized and branded, but has been used as an important reference point to deepen the understanding of the current era, and what caused the transition between the two (Wagner &lt;span&gt;1994, 2008&lt;/span&gt;; Reckwitz &lt;span&gt;2020, 2021&lt;/span&gt;).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;In this article, we build on these theoretical works and use a periodization of modernity that distinguishes between &lt;i&gt;early&lt;/i&gt;, &lt;i&gt;high&lt;/i&gt;, and &lt;i&gt;late modernity&lt;/i&gt; and two transition periods in between, identified as the &lt;i&gt;first&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;second crises of modernity&lt;/i&gt; (Wagner &lt;span&gt;1994&lt;/span&gt;). The first crisis, in the late-19th century and early 20th century, culminated in popular struggles for civil rights and equity and was resolved by the buildup of near-universal welfare states in tandem with an expansion of industrial capitalism, the two cornerstones of high modernity, through what Habermas (&lt;span&gt;1987&lt;/span&gt;: 358ff) has called the “fourth wave of juridification.” The second crisis, in the 1960s and 1970s, came about largely as a reaction to overregulation and the social conformism and normative control of the “mass society” (Giner &lt;span&gt;1976&lt;/span&gt;) and the several “social pathologies” that the institutions of high modernity had produced: imperialist warfare, structural racial injustice, and capitalist exploitation of nature and humanity (Habermas &lt;span&gt;1987&lt;/span&gt;: 285).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;We reinterpret the “long march through the institutions” as a key process in the transition that took society out of the second crisis, and thus from high modernity to late modernity. The transition itself brought about broad and deep changes in norms and values, but it also produced some of the most distinguishing features of contemporary society, including new forms of bureaucratization, a veritable explosion of audit and evaluation, and a “hyper-defensive” (Power &lt;span&gt;2004&lt;/span&gt;) pursuit o","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 3","pages":"484-492"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2025-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12791","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145102103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Why AI Undermines Democracy and What to Do About It by Mark Coeckelbergh, Cambridge, UK: Polity. 2024. pp. 144. $22.95 (pbk). ISBN: 9781509560936. Algorithmic Institutionalism: The Changing Rules of Social and Political Life by Ricardo Mendonça, Virgilio Almeida, and Fernando Filgueiras, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. 2024. pp. 192. $90.00 (hbk). ISBN: 9780192870070. 为什么人工智能会破坏民主以及如何解决它,马克·科克尔伯格,剑桥,英国:Polity, 2024。144页。22.95美元(pbk)。ISBN: 9781509560936。《算法制度主义:不断变化的社会和政治生活规则》,作者:里卡多·门东帕拉、维吉里奥·阿尔梅达和费尔南多·费尔盖拉斯,牛津,英国:牛津大学出版社,2024。192页。90.00美元(hbk)。ISBN: 9780192870070。
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-18 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12776
Glen Billesbach
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引用次数: 0
Critique as Coloniality: The Decolonial Challenge to Immanent Critique 作为殖民的批判:对内在批判的非殖民化挑战
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12790
Shivani Radhakrishnan

Frankfurt School methodology involves a lasting commitment to immanent critique. What distinguishes immanent critique from other forms of social criticism, scholars in this tradition argue, is that social practices are to be judged according to norms and potentials already contained within their objects. This article considers critical theory's relationship to coloniality by developing a three-part challenge to the practice of immanent critique, drawing on insights of decolonial philosophers Anibal Quijano, Enrique Dussel, Maria Lugones, and Oyèrónkẹ́ Oyěwùmí. Immanent critics, I conclude, risk being inattentive to constitutive exclusions, reinscribing asymmetrical burdens on certain critics, and unwittingly replaying a mechanism of domination familiar from colonialism in and through their preferred method of critique. Accordingly, I argue that immanent critics should attend to relations of power that govern the practice of critique itself and offer reasons for being more pluralistic about our methods of criticism.

法兰克福学派的方法论包括对内在批判的持久承诺。这一传统的学者认为,内在批判与其他形式的社会批判的区别在于,社会实践是根据已经包含在其对象中的规范和潜力来判断的。本文借鉴了非殖民主义哲学家阿尼巴尔·基哈诺、恩里克·杜塞尔、玛丽亚·卢戈内斯和Oyèrónkẹ·Oyěwùmí的见解,通过对内在批判实践的三部分挑战,考虑了批判理论与殖民主义的关系。我的结论是,内在的批评家们冒着忽视结构性排斥的风险,在某些批评家身上重新加上不对称的负担,并且在他们偏爱的批评方法中,无意中重演了一种与殖民主义相似的统治机制。因此,我认为内在批评应该关注支配批评实践本身的权力关系,并为我们的批评方法更加多元化提供理由。
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引用次数: 0
Identity, Knowledge, and Antipoverty Politics 身份、知识与反贫困政治
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-10 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12781
Andrei Belibou
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引用次数: 0
Lucidity and Its Limits: Plato and Castoriadis on Myth and the Imaginary 清醒及其极限:柏拉图与卡斯托里亚迪斯论神话与想象
IF 1.2 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-03-10 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12783
Jonny Thakkar
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory
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