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The legacy of the Arab uprisings on Turkey’s foreign policy: Ankara’s regional power delusion 阿拉伯起义对土耳其外交政策的影响:安卡拉的地区权力错觉
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2145180
O. B. Dınçer
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the editors 编辑的来信
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2130663
Italo Brandimarte, Martin Kirsch
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引用次数: 0
(Re-)conceptualising the international: introduction to the special section (重新)国际概念化:特别部分介绍
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2130665
Z. Çapan, J. Grzybowski
Abstract ‘The international’ is the background condition that holds together inquiries of international politics, orders, systems, societies, practices, and so forth. Albeit being usually taken for granted, its foundational function begs the questions of what the international actually is or, instead, what conceptualisations of the international imply, project, and do. Periodic discussions in International Relations (IR) about the international as the subject matter of the field routinely revolve around attempts to fix its definition, to consciously escape it, or to return to a pragmatic approach of using rather than questioning the concept of the international. In bringing the international from the background to the fore, this Special Section investigates explicit and implicit conceptualisations of the international, and their implications. It does so in a variety of ways and areas. The special section focuses on dynamics of reification and reflection, on how the ‘international’ is opposed to the ‘transnational’ or ‘the world’, how it is denied or seemingly superseded, and how it yet retains its conceptual significance.
“国际”是将国际政治、国际秩序、国际制度、国际社会、国际实践等问题联系在一起的背景条件。尽管通常被认为是理所当然的,但它的基本功能回避了这样的问题:国际实际上是什么,或者相反,国际的概念意味着什么,项目和做什么。在国际关系(IR)中,关于国际作为该领域主题的定期讨论通常围绕着试图确定其定义,有意识地逃避它,或回到使用而不是质疑国际概念的实用主义方法。在将国际从背景带到前台的过程中,本特别节调查了国际的明确和隐含概念及其含义。它以各种方式和领域做到这一点。特别部分侧重于物化和反思的动态,“国际”如何与“跨国”或“世界”相对立,它如何被否认或似乎被取代,以及它如何保留其概念意义。
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引用次数: 0
Srdjan Vucetic, Greatness and decline: national identity and British foreign policy 斯尔詹·武契奇,伟大与衰落:民族认同与英国外交政策
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2130667
Marius-Ionuț Ghincea
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引用次数: 0
The ‘morality of compromise’: David Owen, human rights diplomacy and the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty “妥协的道德”:大卫·欧文、人权外交与巴列维王朝的衰落
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2130030
David Grealy
Abstract Following his appointment as Foreign Secretary in February 1977, David Owen framed human rights promotion as a guiding principle of British foreign policy. Sensitive to Iran’s significance as a pro-Western power in the Middle East and appreciative of the opportunities that the Shah’s custom provided for British business, Owen would continue to champion human rights promotion as a central pillar of Britain’s international agenda while simultaneously providing support to the Shah’s dictatorship. This article scrutinises Owen’s attempts to rationalise this fundamental contradiction by constructing a ‘morality of compromise’ which drew inspiration, inter alia, from the value pluralism espoused by the philosopher Isaiah Berlin. In so doing, analysis not only complements and builds upon existing coverage of Anglo-Iranian relations and the marginalisation of human rights concerns therein; it also highlights the importance of moral psychology and its role in shaping ethical foreign policymaking at an individual level.
摘要1977年2月,戴维·欧文被任命为外交大臣后,将促进人权作为英国外交政策的指导原则。欧文对伊朗在中东作为一个亲西方大国的重要性很敏感,也很欣赏沙阿的习俗为英国商业提供的机会,他将继续支持促进人权,将其作为英国国际议程的核心支柱,同时为沙阿的独裁统治提供支持。这篇文章仔细审视了欧文试图通过构建“妥协道德”来合理化这一根本矛盾,其中的灵感来自哲学家以赛亚·柏林所倡导的价值多元主义。在这样做的过程中,分析不仅补充并建立在对英伊关系的现有报道以及其中人权问题被边缘化的基础上;它还强调了道德心理学的重要性及其在个人层面塑造道德外交政策方面的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Victor Jonathan Willi, The Fourth Ordeal: a history of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, 1968-2018 维克多·乔纳森·威利,《第四次奥德尔:埃及穆斯林兄弟会的历史,1968-2018》
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2130666
Abdulaziz A. Alotaibi
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引用次数: 0
The behavioural logics of international public servants: the case of African Union Commission staff 国际公务员的行为逻辑:以非洲联盟委员会工作人员为例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2126746
Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Jarle Trondal, Stefan Gänzle
Although international organisations (IOs) are created by governments, their international public administrations (IPAs) have succeeded in ring-fencing their resources, and policymaking from direct intervention by member states. Research shows that international civil servants are best able to protect their autonomy when embedded in large and well-resourced IPAs. Staff in large IOs use their huge size, bureaucratic complexities, and different behavioural logics to protect their autonomy and thereby leave a ‘ bureaucratic footprint ’ in international affairs. Whereas the behavioural logics of large IPAs, mostly headquartered in the Global North, are reasonably well-documented, not much has been written on behavioural logics of international civil servants embedded in small secretariats. We seek to address the gap using the African Union Commission (AUC) staff. Drawing insights from organisational theory and mixed research methods, including the first ever comprehensive survey of AUC staff, the study finds that the AUC staff primarily evoke a departmental behavioural logic. In the absence of departmental logics, the preference of AUC staff is to take on supranational, transnational, and lastly intergovernmental persona. The reluctance of AUC staff to evoke intergovernmental logic is surprising given that the AUC is embedded in an intergovernmental governance architecture.
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引用次数: 2
The Invention of International Order: Remaking Europe after Napoleon 国际秩序的发明:拿破仑之后的欧洲重塑
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2205684
A. Ghanizadeh
ition as it is found in the West – and create a platform to challenge notions of international responsibilities historically or symbolically attached to the West and to reframe them according to non-Western visions. Finally, the resurgence of populist nationalism in Western countries as a considerable political force presents a challenge to the protection of human rights, due to the will to prioritise narrow nationalistic interests over the promotion of an agenda of global responsibilities. It is also for this reason that Ukraine has had difficulties to find allies in some quarters of the globe where these populist nationalists rose to power. The example of the Russian invasion of Ukraine within the parameters presented by Glanville is just one illustration of how ‘Sharing Responsibility’s argument may enter in a dialogue with the most pressing issues in international politics at the moment, in a more and more politically, economically, ideologically and technologically polarised world, and with the research agenda of IR scholars concerned with a number of issues. One can clearly see that Glanville’s significant contribution to the R2P literature will provide important tools to those interested in researching on topics dealing with the future of R2P, such as the impact of climate change on atrocity prevention, the nexus between the Women, Peace and Security agenda and R2P, and the interface between R2P and peace operations whose doctrine, strategies and practices are going through significant changes at the moment.
并创造一个平台,挑战历史上或象征性地依附于西方的国际责任概念,并根据非西方愿景重新构建这些概念。最后,民粹主义民族主义作为一股相当大的政治力量在西方国家死灰复燃,这对保护人权提出了挑战,因为他们愿意将狭隘的民族主义利益置于促进全球责任议程之上。也正是出于这个原因,乌克兰很难在这些民粹主义民族主义者掌权的全球某些地区找到盟友。在格兰维尔提出的参数范围内,俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的例子只是一个例子,说明在一个政治、经济、意识形态和技术越来越两极分化的世界里,“分担责任”的论点如何与当前国际政治中最紧迫的问题进行对话,以及IR学者关注的一些问题的研究议程。人们可以清楚地看到,格兰维尔对保护责任文献的重大贡献将为那些有兴趣研究保护责任未来主题的人提供重要工具,例如气候变化对暴行预防的影响,妇女、和平与安全议程与保护责任之间的关系,以及保护责任与和平行动之间的接口,战略和实践目前正在经历重大变化。
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引用次数: 1
William Hague’s activist foreign policy: the perils of merging practices 威廉·黑格的激进外交政策:合并实践的危险
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2106822
J. Gaskarth
Abstract Assuming office as UK Foreign Secretary in 2010, William Hague asserted a desire to pursue an ‘activist foreign policy’. Despite studies into Hague’s period in office, the significance of this phrase and its implications for Hague’s diplomacy have been overlooked. This article plugs that gap. It suggests ‘activist foreign policy’ merges two separate and potentially conflicting practices, namely, activism and diplomacy. Using insights from the practice turn, we examine two policies of Hague’s tenure: his promotion of the Prevention of Sexual Violence Initiative (PSVI), 2012–2014 and his diplomatic response to the Syria conflict, 2011–2014. Exploring these cases highlights the creative potential of merging practices, but also the extent to which they can conflict in ways that provoke resistance from other participants. The article concludes that policymakers looking to merge practices need to be aware of the underlying logic of behaviours and actions within each practice to transpose them successfully.
威廉·黑格于2010年就任英国外交大臣,宣称希望推行“积极的外交政策”。尽管对黑格任职期间的研究,但这句话的重要性及其对黑格外交的影响一直被忽视。本文填补了这一空白。它表明,“积极的外交政策”融合了两种独立的、可能相互冲突的做法,即积极主义和外交。利用实践转向的见解,我们研究了黑格任期内的两项政策:2012-2014年他推动的防止性暴力倡议(PSVI)和2011-2014年他对叙利亚冲突的外交反应。对这些案例的探索突出了合并实践的创造潜力,但也突出了它们可能以引发其他参与者抵制的方式发生冲突的程度。这篇文章的结论是,寻求合并实践的政策制定者需要意识到每个实践中行为和行动的潜在逻辑,以成功地转换它们。
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引用次数: 1
Just and unjust uses of limited Force: a moral argument with contemporary illustrations. 公正和不公正地使用有限的武力:一个有当代插图的道德论点。
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-09 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2022.2107328
C. Braun
International Relations in the Middle East, edited by Shahram Akbarzadeh, 23–45. London: Routledge. Mazrui, A. A. 1986a. The Africans: A Triple Heritage (BBC/PBS). Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co. Mazrui, A. A. 1986b. The Africans: A Triple Heritage. Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co. Mazrui, A. A. 1990. Cultural Forces in World Politics. London: James Currey. McCourt, David. M, and Brent. J. Steele. 2017. “World of Our Making and SecondGeneration Constructivism.” In The Art of World-Making: Nicholas Greenwood Onuf and His Critics, edited by Harry D. Gould, 1–13. Abingdon: Routledge. Reus-Smit, Christian. 1999. “The Moral Purpose of the State: Culture.” Social Identity, and Institutional Rationality in International Relations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ruggie, John Gerard. 1998. Constructing the World Polity: Essays on International Institutionalization. London: Routledge. Wendt, Alexander. 1992. “Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics.” International Organization 46 (2): 391–425.
《中东的国际关系》,Shahram Akbarzadeh主编,23-45岁。伦敦:劳特利奇。马兹瑞,A.,1986a。《非洲人:三重遗产》(BBC/PBS)。马萨诸塞州波士顿:Little,Brown&Co.Mazrui,A.A.,1986b。非洲人:三重遗产。马萨诸塞州波士顿:Little,Brown&Co.Mazrui,A.A.1990。世界政治中的文化力量。伦敦:詹姆斯·库里。麦考特,大卫。M、 和布伦特。J.斯蒂尔。2017年,《我们创造的世界与第二代建构主义》,载于《创造世界的艺术:尼古拉斯·格林伍德·奥努夫和他的批评者》,哈利·D·古尔德主编,1-13。阿宾顿:劳特利奇。Reus Smit,Christian。1999年,《国家的道德目的:文化》,《国际关系中的社会认同与制度合理性》。新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社。鲁吉,约翰·杰拉德。1998年,《构建世界政治:国际制度化随笔》。伦敦:劳特利奇。亚历山大,温特。1992年,《无政府状态是国家的组成:权力政治的社会建构》,国际组织46(2):391-425。
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引用次数: 5
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