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Power vacuums in international politics: a conceptual framework 国际政治中的权力真空:一个概念框架
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2272272
Moritz S. Graefrath
AbstractPolicymakers and academics alike frequently invoke power vacuums as important phenomena in international politics, referring to them in a diverse array of contexts ranging from civil war to the decline and retrenchment of great powers. However, students of international relations (IR) have largely neglected to seriously engage ‘power vacuum’ as a social scientific concept. This renders it virtually impossible to undergird current policy debates on power vacuums with social scientific analysis, and more generally raises doubts about the concept’s analytic utility. In this piece, I argue that ‘power vacuum’ is not merely a popular buzzword but a concept with considerable theoretical promise. I develop a conceptualisation of power vacuums as spaces that experience authority collapse. Since, in the context of international politics, organisations can claim authority on several political levels, I posit the existence of several types of power vacuums of which two appear particularly relevant to the study of IR: national and international vacuums. My conceptualisation is able to reflect the diverse ways in which the term is currently utilised, paves the way for novel research on a subject of great concern to policymakers, and uncovers the potential for closer collaboration across traditionally rigid thematic boundaries within IR. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplemental data and research materialsSupplemental data for this article can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2272272Notes1 On this point, but applied to the concept of ‘grand strategy,’ see Silove Citation2018, 29.2 This is the most adequate, albeit imperfect, translation of the German original, that is, ‘legitime Herrschaft.’ For similar definitions of authority, see, for instance, Deudney Citation1995, 198; Solnick Citation1998, 13; Lake Citation2016, 24; Kustermans and Horemans Citation2022, 206. As will become clear below, what I am talking about here is de facto authority, that is, authority in a descriptive, non-normative sense. On the difference between normative and descriptive conceptualisations of authority and the debate about whether it is a meaningful distinction, see Simmons Citation2016, 16.3 Emphasis removed. ‘Will to comply’ is the closest translation of the original German ‘Gehorchen wollen.’4 I thank one of the anonymous reviewers for suggesting this framing and use of the Russian doll analogy to help clarify my argument.5 As Waltz (Citation1979, 81, 88) famously posits, relations of authority are absent between the most powerful states in the system. The main reason for this is that the successful establishment of authority vis-à-vis another entity is essentially impossible without a pronounced advantage in terms of material capability. However, between particularly strong states and other, weaker political entities this precondition for authority is fulfilled, especially if the power different
政策制定者和学者都经常将权力真空视为国际政治中的重要现象,并在从内战到大国衰落和收缩的各种背景下提及它们。然而,国际关系(IR)的学生在很大程度上忽视了将“权力真空”作为一个社会科学概念来认真对待。这使得用社会科学分析来支持当前关于权力真空的政策辩论几乎是不可能的,而且更普遍地对这一概念的分析效用提出了质疑。在这篇文章中,我认为“权力真空”不仅仅是一个流行的流行语,而且是一个具有相当理论前景的概念。我提出了权力真空的概念,即经历权威崩溃的空间。由于在国际政治的背景下,组织可以在几个政治层面上宣称权威,我假设存在几种类型的权力真空,其中两种似乎与国际关系的研究特别相关:国家真空和国际真空。我的概念能够反映该术语目前使用的多种方式,为决策者非常关注的主题的新研究铺平了道路,并揭示了在IR中跨越传统上严格的主题边界进行更密切合作的潜力。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。补充数据和研究材料本文的补充数据可以在https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2272272Notes1上访问。在这一点上,但适用于“大战略”的概念,参见Silove Citation2018, 29.2。这是对德语原文(即“legitime Herrschaft”)的最充分(尽管不完美)的翻译。关于权威的类似定义,参见Deudney citation 1995,198;索尔尼克引文,1998,13;湖泊学报,2016,24;库斯特曼和霍尔曼引文,2022,206。下面我们会清楚地看到,我在这里谈论的是事实上的权威,即描述性、非规范性意义上的权威。关于权威的规范性和描述性概念化之间的区别,以及关于它是否是一个有意义的区别的争论,见Simmons Citation2016, 16.3重点删除。“Will to comply”是对德语原文“Gehorchen wollen”最接近的翻译。我感谢其中一位匿名评论者,他提出了这个框架,并使用了俄罗斯娃娃的比喻来帮助澄清我的论点正如华尔兹(citation1979,81,88)著名的假设,在系统中最强大的国家之间不存在权力关系。其主要原因是,如果在物质能力方面没有明显的优势,基本上不可能成功地建立对-à-vis另一个实体的权威。然而,在特别强大的国家和其他较弱的政治实体之间,特别是在它们之间的权力差异特别明显的情况下,这种权威的先决条件得到了满足请注意,我在这里并没有对大国的存在做出规范的假设——更不用说帝国和势力范围的建立了——作为一种自然或可取的东西。毕竟,这些国家通常通过战争和其他形式的暴力来积累优势能力,它们的帝国和势力范围同样基于规范上有问题的过程。相反,我的论点建立在以下观察的基础上:从历史上看,某些国家已经成为权力中心,它们利用自己的权力在国际上扩展自己的权威,这对整个国际体系产生了重要影响对于“帝国”、“领土控制”和“霸权”之间的概念关系,学者之间存在着实质性的分歧。值得注意的是,历史学家和政治学家似乎以截然不同的方式来理解这些概念之间的关系。虽然许多历史学家传统上将帝国与领土控制联系在一起(最近的一个例子,参见Immerwahr Citation2019),但今天许多政治科学家认为殖民主义只是几种可能的帝国形式之一。正如阿什福德(Citation2019)所解释的那样,“今天,大多数研究帝国的政治学家都不关注领土。相反,他们用政治影响或等级制度来定义它”(也见Doyle Citation1986, 19-21)。为了避免不必要的概念混淆,在这篇文章中,我区分了需要领土控制的正式帝国和不需要领土控制的非正式帝国。然而,这两者都是霸权的例子,即一个大国在空间上行使广泛的国际权威与上述学者一样,我也将这两个概念理解为在没有正式领土控制的情况下行使空间上广泛的国际权威,并将它们视为同义词。 但是,请注意,其他人提出了确定势力范围的替代方法,根据这些方法,两者将涉及不同的政治现象。例如,参见Resnick Citation2022, 566.9在Kustermans和Horemans的术语中(Citation2022, 209),我在这里将国际权威视为“作为契约的权威”。(参见Lake Citation2009a, 17-44.10)在一个大国自己的家园的特殊情况下,国家和国际权威的层次坍塌为一个。这个大国不仅作为中央国家权力机构统治着所有地方实体,而且由于其令人印象深刻的权力,其他地方的任何外部政治组织都无法指望统治它。因此,在这种情况下,大国同时掌握着国家和国际权威像社会科学中的任何其他理论框架一样,我在本节中发展的基础是基于一系列基本假设和本体论承诺(Hall Citation2003;Monteiro and Ruby Citation2009;Lohse Citation2017)。例如,它从民族国家的威斯特伐利亚世界的前提出发,对导致某些国家有资格成为大国的原因采用了一种完全物质的理解,假设大国与其他国家之间的区别是一种信息上的区别,在赋予物质能力和合法性特权的过程中,低估了其他可能的权威来源的重要性。随后关于权力真空的概念性讨论的合理性取决于对这些理论承诺的接受程度,这意味着它可能不会吸引那些对国际政治有着根本不同看法的学者。然而,我的希望是,即使是这些学者也会发现接下来的讨论是有价值的。作者简介moritz S. Graefrath是欧洲大学研究所政治与社会科学系的马克斯·韦伯博士后研究员。他的研究成果发表在《国际理论》(International Theory)杂志上,涉及国际关系理论与国际安全的交叉领域,重点关注大国政治、大战略和概念创新。电子邮件:Moritz.Graefrath@eui.eu
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引用次数: 0
Sylvia Wynter in the Arctic: early modern expeditionary narratives and the construction of ‘Man’ 西尔维娅·温特在北极:早期现代探险叙事与“人”的建构
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273371
Alister Wedderburn
This article locates Martin Frobisher’s voyages to the North American Arctic in 1576, 1577 and 1578 in relation to the thought of Jamaican critic and theorist Sylvia Wynter. For Wynter, the post-Columbian settlement and colonisation of the Americas functioned as both a crucible and proving ground for a new, racialised understanding of the human, which she calls ‘Man’. Focusing on expeditionary narratives written by sailors on Frobisher’s three voyages to Baffin Island, the article treats these narratives as examples of travel writing, a genre occupying the mobile, labile threshold between history and fiction which has often mediated the comprehension of difference, hierarchy and (international) order. Focusing on these texts’ treatments of race and otherness, the article argues that the Arctic was a key site where the terms of relationality governing English interaction with the so-called ‘New World’ and its people were hesitatingly, clumsily and often violently worked out.
本文将马丁·弗罗比舍(Martin Frobisher)在1576年、1577年和1578年的北美北极航行与牙买加评论家和理论家西尔维亚·温特(Sylvia Wynter)的思想联系起来。对温特来说,后哥伦布时代的美洲定居和殖民既是一个熔炉,也是一个试验场,让她对人类有了新的、种族化的理解,她称之为“人”。本文以Frobisher三次航行到巴芬岛的水手们所写的远征叙事为重点,将这些叙事作为旅行写作的例子,这种类型占据了历史与小说之间流动、不稳定的门槛,经常中介对差异、等级和(国际)秩序的理解。这篇文章关注这些文本对种族和他者的处理,认为北极是一个关键的地点,在那里,英国人与所谓的“新世界”及其人民的互动关系的条款是犹豫、笨拙和经常暴力地制定出来的。
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引用次数: 0
Crisis management in international organisations: the League of Nations’ response to early challenges 国际组织的危机管理:国际联盟对早期挑战的回应
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271984
Gisela Hirschmann
How do international organisations (IOs) respond to existential challenges such as membership withdrawals or budget cuts? Some IOs manage to ignore the challenge or adapt to the demands of the challenging state whereas others build institutional capacities to resist the pressure. Yet, we know little about the internal dynamics that shape IOs’ responses to such challenges. This article investigates to what extent IOs’ threat perception determines the intensity and direction of their responses to crises. Using the League of Nations’ responses to early crises as an explorative historical case study, the analysis shows that a timely and homogenous perception of a crisis leads to a more assertive and substantial response. Two broader conclusions can be drawn from the analysis for IO research. First, the role of international bureaucrats should not be underestimated in shaping an IO’s response to crises. Second, the findings indicate that a more nuanced perspective on the League’s crisis management can help overcome the failure narrative that dominates the current understanding of the League in International Relations research.
国际组织(IOs)如何应对成员退出或预算削减等存在性挑战?有些IOs会设法忽略挑战或适应挑战状态的要求,而有些则会建立抵御压力的机构能力。然而,我们对影响IOs应对这些挑战的内部动力知之甚少。本文调查了IOs的威胁感知在多大程度上决定了他们对危机的反应强度和方向。该分析以国际联盟对早期危机的应对作为探索性历史案例研究,表明对危机的及时和一致的认识会导致更自信和实质性的应对。从IO研究的分析中可以得出两个更广泛的结论。首先,国际官僚在塑造国际组织对危机的反应方面的作用不应被低估。其次,研究结果表明,对联盟危机管理的更细致入微的看法有助于克服目前在国际关系研究中对联盟的理解中占主导地位的失败叙事。
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引用次数: 0
A haunting past: British defence, historical narratives, and the politics of presentism 令人难以忘怀的过去:英国国防、历史叙事和现代主义政治
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273375
David Morgan-Owen, Aimée Fox, Huw Bennett
This article examines historical fictions as social processes by which ideas about conflict and warfare are constructed and narrated within society. Focusing on Britain, it explores ‘truth telling’ about the past in an applied context, examining efforts to construct and sustain narratives about Britain’s military past and their role in upholding forms of political and societal consensus that underpin the development and use of military power. We offer a typology of the ways in which Western liberal states shape and mobilise historical fictions within their distinctive forms of militarism and civil-military relations: ‘Telling Stories’—curating and sustaining social understandings of military power through public displays, museums, and ceremonies; ‘Hiding Pasts’—using state power to shape academic research and to occlude aspects of the military past; and ‘Knowing War’—legitimating the state and armed forces’ claims to a monopoly of authoritative knowledge about war and security.
这篇文章考察了历史小说作为社会过程,其中关于冲突和战争的思想是在社会中构建和叙述的。聚焦于英国,它探讨了在一个应用的背景下“讲述真相”的过去,研究努力构建和维持对英国军事过去的叙述,以及他们在维护支撑军事力量发展和使用的政治和社会共识形式中的作用。我们提供了西方自由主义国家在其独特的军国主义和军民关系中塑造和动员历史小说的方式的类型学:“讲故事”——通过公开展示、博物馆和仪式策划和维持对军事力量的社会理解;“隐藏过去”——利用国家权力来塑造学术研究,并掩盖军事历史的各个方面;以及“了解战争”——使国家和武装部队声称垄断有关战争和安全的权威知识合法化。
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引用次数: 0
Sources of empire: Negotiating history and fiction in the writing of historical IR 帝国的来源:历史IR写作中的谈判历史与虚构
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271998
Julia Costa Lopez
In framing themselves as myth-busters, historical IR scholars have inscribed the distinction between history and fiction into how they speak to the discipline. And yet, engagement with what this might mean for the status of historical knowledge has mostly focused on broad metatheoretical distinctions and debates. Against this, I argue that questions about historical knowledge and its status are best understood as contingent settlements in the research practice of writing history, pursuing specific questions and writing specific answers. Through an exploration of the early stages in the creation of the Iberian Empires in the fifteenth century and the chronicles that provide an account of it, the article seeks to make visible the negotiations and settlements involved in writing history along four aspects of the distinction between history and fiction: facticity, emplotment, genre and the situated politics of history.
在将自己定位为神话破坏者的过程中,历史IR学者将历史与虚构之间的区别写入了他们对这门学科的讲话方式中。然而,这对历史知识地位的影响主要集中在广义的元理论区别和争论上。与此相反,我认为,关于历史知识及其地位的问题最好被理解为写作历史的研究实践中的偶然解决方案,追求特定的问题并写下特定的答案。通过对15世纪伊比利亚帝国创建的早期阶段的探索,以及对其进行记述的编年史,本文试图让人们看到历史写作中涉及的谈判和和解,以及历史与小说之间区别的四个方面:真实性、就业、体裁和历史的情境政治。
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the editors 编辑来信
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2248439
Elizabeth Paradis, Anni Roth Hjermann
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引用次数: 0
Patrick James, Realism and international relations: a graphic turn toward scientific progress 帕特里克·詹姆斯,现实主义与国际关系:向科学进步的图形化转变
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2248441
Nicholas Lees
Patrick James occupies a somewhat unique position among contemporary realist international relations scholars. First, unlike most realists, James is actively involved in quantitative research on war and conflict, acting as one of the current co-directors of the International Crisis Behavior project. Second, James takes the criticisms of the realist paradigm seriously. A previous theoretical treatise, International Relations and Scientific Progress (James 2002) offered a carefully considered response to the arguments of Vasquez (1997) that the realist research programme on the balance of power is degenerative, unable to account for the failure of balances to form among states without endless ad hoc emendation, producing numerous incompatible variants of realism. Offering a very detailed interrogation of the core axioms of the theory, James argued that structural realism is worth the effort to reconstruct and elaborate. Twenty years later, James continues this project in Realism and International Relations: A Graphic Turn Towards Scientific Progress, restating the argument that it would be unwise for the international relations discipline to jettison realism, due to the power of the core intuitions underpinning the paradigm and the long history of realist theorising. Acknowledging that the international relations discipline is overwhelmed with alternative theories—claims about the death of IR theory notwithstanding—James avers that a detailed, systematic comparison of realist theories is overdue (113, 150). The aim is to clarify the causal mechanisms proposed by alternative realist theories to meet the challenge of critics such as Vasquez. This is accomplished through a careful reconstruction and defense of the realist paradigm, engaging with the past two decades of debates about philosophy of social science in international relations, as well as through a ‘systemist’ method of representing theories graphically. In terms of the philosophy of social science, James draws on analytical eclecticism, which calls for breaking down paradigmatic barriers in building theoretical explanations. His project shares its concern with mechanisms, middle-range explanations and bridge-building across theoretical traditions. Yet although analytical eclecticism can be ‘part of the way forward’ (91), James wishes to retain elements of paradigmatic research, integrating mechanisms into coherent causal explanations. The framework for this integrative project is the philosopher Mario Bunge’s ‘systemism’, which examines social processes in terms of a set of causal connections: macro-macro, macro-micro, micro-macro, micro-micro, from the environment and to the environment. A fully elaborated theory of international relations would specify each of these connections. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 2023
帕特里克·詹姆斯在当代现实主义国际关系学者中占有独特的地位。首先,与大多数现实主义者不同,詹姆斯积极参与战争和冲突的定量研究,担任国际危机行为项目的现任联合主任之一。其次,詹姆斯认真对待了对现实主义范式的批评。之前的一篇理论论文《国际关系与科学进步》(James 2002)对Vasquez(1997)的观点进行了仔细考虑,Vasquez认为,现实主义的权力平衡研究计划正在退化,无法解释在没有无休止的特别修正的情况下国家之间形成平衡的失败,产生了许多不相容的现实主义变体。詹姆斯对该理论的核心公理进行了非常详细的质疑,他认为结构现实主义值得我们努力去重建和阐述。二十年后,詹姆斯在《现实主义与国际关系:向科学进步的图形转向》一书中继续了这一项目,重申了国际关系学科抛弃现实主义是不明智的,因为支撑范式的核心直觉的力量和现实主义理论化的悠久历史。詹姆斯承认,国际关系学科被各种替代理论所淹没——尽管有人声称国际关系理论已死——他断言,对现实主义理论进行详细、系统的比较是应该的(113,150)。其目的是澄清由另类现实主义理论提出的因果机制,以应对诸如瓦斯奎兹等批评家的挑战。这是通过对现实主义范式的仔细重建和辩护,参与过去二十年关于国际关系中社会科学哲学的辩论,以及通过一种“系统主义”方法来图解理论来实现的。在社会科学哲学方面,詹姆斯借鉴了分析折衷主义,它要求在建立理论解释时打破范式障碍。他的项目同样关注机制、中间解释和跨越理论传统的桥梁建设。然而,尽管分析折衷主义可以成为“前进道路的一部分”(91),詹姆斯希望保留范式研究的元素,将机制整合到连贯的因果解释中。这个综合项目的框架是哲学家马里奥·邦格的“系统主义”,它从一系列因果关系的角度来审视社会过程:宏观-宏观,宏观-微观,微观-宏观,微观-微观,从环境到环境。一个充分阐述的国际关系理论将具体说明这些联系中的每一个。剑桥国际事务评论,2023年
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引用次数: 1
Mathias Thaler, No other planet: Utopian visions for a climate-changed world 马赛厄斯·塞勒,《别无他法:气候变化世界的乌托邦愿景》
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2248442
C. Death
James, Patrick. 2002. International Relations and Scientific Progress: Structural Realism Reconsidered. Columbus: Ohio State University. Lukes, Steven. 2005. Power: A Radical View. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Vasquez, John A. 1997. “The Realist Paradigm and Degenerative versus Progressive Research Programs: An Appraisal of Neotraditional Research on Waltz’s Balancing Proposition.” American Political Science Review 91 (4): 899–912. https://doi.org/10. 2307/2952172
詹姆斯,帕特里克。2002年,《国际关系与科学进步:结构现实主义的反思》。哥伦布:俄亥俄州立大学。卢克,史蒂文。2005年,《权力:激进观点》。贝辛斯托克:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦。Vasquez,John A.1997。“现实主义范式与退化与进步研究计划:对沃尔兹平衡命题新传统研究的评价”,《美国政治学评论》91(4):899–912。https://doi.org/10.2307/2952172
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引用次数: 0
Shyam Saran, How China Sees India and the World: The Authoritative Account of the India-China Relationship 希亚姆·萨兰:《中国如何看待印度和世界:对印中关系的权威描述
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2248444
J. Alam
Marcelle Trote Martins is a Research Associate at the University of Manchester and a Visiting Research Fellow at Liverpool John Moores University. She has a PhD from the University of Manchester and master’s and undergraduate degrees in International Relations from the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio). She teaches at the University of Manchester and the University of Liverpool. Areas of interest: International Conflicts, Memory and Trauma, Visual Politics, Body Politics, Emotions Studies and Timor-Leste. Email: mtrotem@gmail.com
马塞勒·特洛特·马丁斯是曼彻斯特大学的研究助理,也是利物浦约翰摩尔斯大学的访问研究员。她在曼彻斯特大学获得博士学位,在里约热内卢教皇天主教大学获得国际关系硕士和本科学位。她在曼彻斯特大学和利物浦大学任教。主要研究领域:国际冲突、记忆与创伤、视觉政治、身体政治、情感研究和东帝汶。电子邮件:mtrotem@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
Adam B. Lerner, From the ashes of history: collective trauma and the making of international politics 亚当·b·勒纳:《历史的灰烬:集体创伤与国际政治的形成》
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2248443
Marcelle Trote Martins
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Cambridge Review of International Affairs
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