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Critique and the Black Horizon: questioning the move ‘beyond’ the human/nature divide in international relations 批判与黑地平线:质疑在国际关系中“超越”人与自然的界限
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2231090
Farai Chipato, D. Chandler
In the contemporary moment of the Anthropocene there appears to be a growing consensus on the need to move beyond the key modernist binary, the Human/Nature divide. We draw out a shared understanding at work in International Relations across critical approaches in Science and Technology Studies (STS), new materialist, and material feminist fields, as well as critical Indigenous, decolonial and pluriversal thought. This is an understanding that seeks to go beyond the limits of modern epistemological and ontological assumptions of human exceptionalism. These approaches seek to rework both sides of the Human/Nature divide: to reconstitute the Human as a knowing, responsive and relational subject, no longer tainted by hierarchies of race and coloniality; while, redistributing agential capacities of responsivity, care and relation beyond the Human. Drawing from work across the broad field of critical Black studies, we flag up the limitations of these entangled, relational posthuman and more-than-human imaginaries, which can easily reproduce hierarchies of subordination and control. We suggest that another approach to the Human/Nature divide is possible, a critical perspective we call the Black Horizon, focused upon the task of deconstruction: an approach which emphasises difference rather than identity, negation rather than addition, critique rather than affirmation.
在人类世的当代时刻,人们似乎越来越一致地认为有必要超越现代主义的关键二元对立,即人与自然的鸿沟。我们在国际关系领域的工作中,对科学技术研究(STS)、新唯物主义和物质女权主义领域的批判性方法,以及批判性土著、非殖民化和多方面思想达成了共同的理解。这是一种试图超越人类例外论的现代认识论和本体论假设的理解。这些方法试图重新塑造人与自然之间的鸿沟:将人重新构建为一个了解、反应和关系的主体,不再被种族和殖民主义的等级制度所玷污;同时,在人之外重新分配主体的责任、关怀和关系能力。从黑人批判性研究这一广泛领域的工作中,我们指出了这些纠缠不休、关系密切的后人类想象和超越人类的想象的局限性,它们可以很容易地再现从属和控制的等级制度。我们认为,另一种解决人与自然鸿沟的方法是可能的,一种我们称之为“黑地平线”的批判视角,专注于解构的任务:一种强调差异而非同一性、否定而非加法、批判而非肯定的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Human rights and British foreign policy: case studies in middle power diplomacy 人权与英国外交政策:中等大国外交的个案研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2228077
David Grealy, J. Gaskarth
This Special Issue brings the broader history of ‘ethical’ foreign policymaking in the UK into conversation with more contemporary case studies. In doing so, it highlights key issues that have shaped, and will continue to impact, Britain’s ability to play a leading role in the advancement of human rights norms and institutions as a ‘middle power’ within a shifting global order (Cooper and Dal, 2016; Efstathopoulos 2018; Murray and Brianson 2019). For some time, scholarly engagement with the ethics of British foreign policy and human rights promotion was dominated by discussion of New Labour’s foreign policy outlook as articulated in Robin Cook’s ‘mission statement’ for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in May 1997. British foreign affairs, Cook asserted, must have an ‘ethical dimension’ and the Labour government would therefore put human rights ‘at the heart’ of its foreign policy – a line that morphed in the media into ‘ethical foreign policy’ (Guardian, 1997). While New Labour has been credited for breaking new ground in terms of British engagement with the international human rights regime, this Special Issue looks to examine periods either side of the Cook era, to gain a wider historical picture of how human rights have been incorporated into British foreign policy (Wheeler and Dunne 1998; Gaskarth 2006; Gilmore 2015). Thus, we have three articles dedicated to the 1970s, a key moment in the integration of human rights into foreign policy thinking. This decade saw the rapid proliferation of non-governmental organisations and transnational activist networks, the embedding of human rights discourse within the East-West dialogue through the Helsinki Process, and the rights-based approach to US foreign policy advanced by the administration of Jimmy Carter. In their wake, the UK duly amplified its international human rights commitments, albeit with mixed results and limited influence (Snyder 2011; Tulli 2021; Grealy 2023a). Although this is recognised as a ‘breakthrough’ moment by human rights historians, it was also a period of missed opportunity as far as British policymaking was concerned (Eckel and Moyn 2014). In this section, David Grealy examines David Owen’s tenure as Foreign Secretary (1977–79) and his foreign policy towards Iran during the twilight of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s autocratic rule. Thomas Lowman investigates the role of human rights discourse in reframing diplomatic relations between the UK and Uganda during Idi Amin’s dictatorship (1971–79). Then, Mark
本期特刊将英国“道德”外交政策制定的更广泛历史与更现代的案例研究相结合。在这样做的过程中,它强调了一些关键问题,这些问题已经并将继续影响英国作为不断变化的全球秩序中的“中间大国”在推进人权规范和机构方面发挥主导作用的能力(Cooper和Dal,2016;Efstathopoulos 2018;Murray和Brianson 2019)。一段时间以来,学术界对英国外交政策和人权促进伦理的参与主要是对新工党外交政策前景的讨论,正如罗宾·库克1997年5月为外交和联邦事务部(FCO)发表的“使命声明”所阐述的那样。库克断言,英国外交事务必须具有“道德层面”,因此工党政府将把人权置于其外交政策的“核心”——这一路线在媒体上演变为“道德外交政策”(《卫报》,1997年)。虽然新工党被认为在英国参与国际人权制度方面开辟了新的领域,但本期特刊旨在审视库克时代的各个时期,以更广泛地了解人权是如何被纳入英国外交政策的(Wheeler和Dunne,1998年;加斯卡思,2006年;吉尔摩,2015年)。因此,我们有三篇文章专门讨论1970年代,这是将人权纳入外交政策思想的关键时刻。在这十年里,非政府组织和跨国活动家网络迅速扩散,通过赫尔辛基进程将人权话语纳入东西方对话,以及吉米·卡特政府提出的基于权利的美国外交政策。在他们之后,英国适时地扩大了其国际人权承诺,尽管结果喜忧参半,影响有限(Snyder 2011;Tulli 2021;Grealy 2023a)。尽管人权历史学家认为这是一个“突破性”时刻,但就英国政策制定而言,这也是一个错失机会的时期(Eckel和Moyn,2014年)。在本节中,David Grealy考察了David Owen的外交大臣任期(1977–79年)以及他在Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi独裁统治末期对伊朗的外交政策。托马斯·洛曼调查了在伊迪·阿明独裁统治期间(1971–79年),人权话语在重建英国和乌干达外交关系中的作用。然后,Mark
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the limits of localisation through the UK’s contestation of R2P’s peaceful measures in Syria 通过英国对R2P在叙利亚的和平措施的争论,探索本地化的局限性
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2231104
C. Gilgan
Abstract This article explores how the UK’s selective neglect in linking the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to its peaceful responses to Syria reinforces the claim that R2P is predominantly understood as military humanitarian intervention, which is deleterious for building international consensus for atrocity prevention and response. It does this through an empirical case study of the UK’s responses to Syria during 2014-2016 when the UK’s peaceful responses expanded, providing rich data for examining their underlying motivations. The article provides a case study of the UK’s contestation of R2P’s peaceful measures that builds upon existing work around the limits of contestation and norm degeneration due to how it feeds back to the international level. The article also explores the intersection between contestation and localisation and how the UK’s particular localisation of R2P feeds into claims and fears of western imperialism, which obstructs effective atrocity prevention and response.
摘要本文探讨了英国在将保护责任与对叙利亚的和平回应联系起来时的选择性忽视,如何强化了保护责任主要被理解为军事人道主义干预的说法,这对建立预防和应对暴行的国际共识是有害的。它通过对2014-2016年期间英国对叙利亚的反应进行实证案例研究来做到这一点,当时英国的和平反应扩大了,为研究其潜在动机提供了丰富的数据。这篇文章提供了一个英国对R2P和平措施的质疑的案例研究,该研究建立在现有工作的基础上,围绕争议的局限性和规范的退化,因为它是如何反馈到国际层面的。文章还探讨了争论和本地化之间的交叉点,以及英国对R2P的特殊本地化如何助长西方帝国主义的主张和恐惧,从而阻碍了有效的暴行预防和应对。
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引用次数: 0
Henry Sanderson, Volt Rush: The Winners and Losers in the Race to Go Green 亨利·桑德森,Volt Rush:绿色竞赛中的赢家和输家
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2228177
Lily McElwee
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引用次数: 3
Luke Patey, How China loses: the pushback against Chinese global ambitions Luke Patey,中国是如何失败的:对中国全球野心的抵制
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2228178
Andrew A. Latham, Shweta Shankar
Dr. Lily McElwee serves as a fellow in the Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). She is also a CSIS-USC U.S.-Korea NextGen scholar and formerly a DZ bank fellow in transatlantic business and finance with the American Council on Germany. Her research interests include Chinese foreign policy, U.S.-EU-China relations, and global governance. Email: lmcelwee@csis.org
Lily McElwee博士是战略与国际研究中心弗里曼中国研究主席。她还是CSIS-USC美韩NextGen学者,曾是美国德国理事会跨大西洋商业和金融方面的DZ银行研究员。她的研究方向包括中国外交政策、美中关系和全球治理。电子邮件:lmcelwee@csis.org
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引用次数: 0
Trans-atlantic (mis)trust in perspective: asymmetry, abandonment and alliance cohesion 跨大西洋(错误)信任:不对称、放弃和联盟凝聚力
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2225650
Matti Pesu, Ville Sinkkonen
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引用次数: 0
Eduardo Moncada, Resisting Extortion: Victims, Criminals, and States in Latin America Eduardo Moncada,《抵制勒索:拉丁美洲的受害者、罪犯和国家》
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2228179
Kevin Varghese
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引用次数: 0
An opportunistic Russia in the Middle East, a view from China 从中国的角度看俄罗斯在中东的机会主义
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2207814
A. Ghiselli
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the editors 编辑来信
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2205677
Martin Kirsch, Anni Roth Hjermann
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引用次数: 0
Sharing Responsibility: The History and Future of Protection from Atrocities 分担责任:防止暴行的历史和未来
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2205679
Lucas Ribeiro de Belmont Fonseca
Known for his work researching topics related to international protection against atrocities, refugee protection and international responsibilities, including co-editing the journal ‘Global Responsibility to Protect’, Luke Glanville’s book ‘Sharing Responsibility: The History and Future of Protection from Atrocities’ examines the idea that states share responsibilities for protecting people beyond borders from atrocities. His analysis investigates the areas of international thought, practice, ethics, law and politics surrounding the duty to protect throughout the centuries. The book departs from the premise that the idea of international responsibilities to protect is hardly new, refuting a conventionally held claim in the mainstream literature on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The author backs his argument by affirming that, when justifying or calling for action to protect people beyond borders, states have frequently used the language of responsibility to defend the interests of humanity. This take enriches the debate in the R2P literature and calls for more thorough analysis of the actual novelty and relevance of R2P in the twenty-first century, with the potential to rebalance the parameters of understanding this concept. Five questions seem to guide Glanville’s intellectual enterprise in this book:
他以研究与国际保护免受暴行、难民保护和国际责任有关的主题而闻名,包括共同编辑《全球保护责任》杂志,卢克·格兰维尔(Luke Glanville)的《分担责任:保护人民免受暴行的历史和未来》(Sharing Responsibility:The History and Future of Protection from Atrocities)一书探讨了国家分担责任保护境外人民免受暴行之害的观点。他的分析调查了几个世纪以来围绕保护义务的国际思想、实践、伦理、法律和政治领域。这本书偏离了国际保护责任这一概念并不新鲜的前提,驳斥了主流文献中关于保护责任的传统主张。提交人支持他的论点,确认在为保护境外人民辩护或呼吁采取行动时,各国经常使用责任语言来捍卫人类利益。这一观点丰富了保护责任文献中的辩论,并呼吁对21世纪保护责任的实际新颖性和相关性进行更彻底的分析,有可能重新平衡理解这一概念的参数。在这本书中,格兰维尔的智力事业似乎有五个问题:
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Cambridge Review of International Affairs
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