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To better understand ourselves, the Francesco Guicciardini prize forum 1 为了更好地了解我们自己,Francesco Guicciardini奖论坛1
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274733
Halvard Leira
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引用次数: 0
‘The rise and Fall of Eurasian world orders’, the Francesco Guicciardini prize forum “欧亚世界秩序的兴衰”,Francesco Guicciardini奖论坛
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274734
Victoria Tin-bor Hui
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsVictoria Tin-bor HuiVictoria Tin-bor Hui is Associate Professor in Political Science at the University of Notre Dame. She received her Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University and her B.SSc. in Journalism from the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Hui studies the centrality of violence in the formation and transformation of “China” in history along with repression and resistance in Hong Kong. Email: thui@nd.edu
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。更多信息投稿人备注victoria Tin-bor Hui是圣母大学政治学副教授。她获得哥伦比亚大学政治学博士学位和理学学士学位。香港中文大学新闻学硕士。Hui研究了暴力在历史上“中国”的形成和转变以及香港的镇压和抵抗中的中心地位。电子邮件:thui@nd.edu
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引用次数: 0
Face-to-face with a madman 和一个疯子面对面
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273383
Seanon S. Wong
AbstractWhat is it like to negotiate with a ‘madman’? What are the behavioural traits typical of him? How might being ‘mad’ enable him to take advantage of his counterpart? Conversely, what harm can it do to him? How might such negotiation style impact international politics? I advance four arguments, derived primarily from insights in microsociology and from a close study of Hitler, Khrushchev, Saddam, Gaddafi and Milošević. First, face-to-face interactions are sui generis as a channel of communication because interlocutors are subject to the imperatives of time (to act and react swiftly), space (on the spot) and competence. Second, the ‘madman’ is ‘mad’ because he exploits these imperatives to dominate others. He manipulates and even disrupts the ‘rhythm’ of an interaction, through constant and unexpected swings in mood, pace and level of courteousness. Third, contrary to the image of him in popular perception, the ‘mad’ leader is for the most part rather composed and clear-headed, if not calculating, even when expressing anger. Finally, being ‘mad’ can backfire in the long run. Whether it is advisable to be ‘mad’ from a utilitarian perspective may depend on how long a leader expects his tenure to last. I thank Roseanne McManus, Zachary Jacobson and Rose McDermott for their comments on an earlier draft of this article at the 2021 Annual Meeting of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations. I am grateful to the editors and the anonymous reviewers for their detailed feedback and constructive criticism. I am also much indebted to Aimee Wong for her superb research support.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I use masculine pronouns because most world leaders, past and present, have been male. More pertinently, leaders perceived as ‘mad’ have invariably been male. Diplomacy is heavily gendered, with men occupying not only most high offices, but also important diplomatic posts (Aggestam and Towns Citation2018; Towns and Niklasson 2017). In the fourth section of this article, in which I discuss how a reputation for madness may backfire, I hypothesise how that might especially be true for female leaders.2 The empirical focus of this article is on world leaders. But the claims made may equally apply to other high-level diplomats (the US Secretary of State, foreign ministers, special envoys, etc.) tasked with managing, formulating, and conducting their country’s foreign policy.3 The cases of Hitler, Khrushchev, Saddam, and Gaddafi are selected after McManus (2019, 989). According to her, these leaders most evoke the image of a ‘madman’ in popular perception because they evinced the associated traits discussed earlier. I add to them a fifth and relatively contemporary candidate, Milošević. The Serbian leader developed a comparable reputation. For instance, US President Bill Clinton once called him ‘another Hitler’, a ‘madman’ (The Guardian, “Refugees feeling NATO bombs, says Milosevic,” A
与“疯子”谈判是什么感觉?他的典型行为特征是什么?“疯了”如何能让他利用对方呢?反过来说,这对他有什么坏处呢?这种谈判方式将如何影响国际政治?我提出了四个论点,它们主要来自微观社会学的见解,以及对希特勒、赫鲁晓夫、萨达姆、卡扎菲和Milošević的深入研究。首先,面对面的交流是一种独特的沟通渠道,因为对话者受制于时间(迅速行动和反应)、空间(现场)和能力的要求。其次,“疯子”之所以“疯”,是因为他利用这些命令来支配他人。他操纵甚至破坏互动的“节奏”,通过不断和意想不到的情绪波动,速度和礼貌水平。第三,与大众对他的印象相反,这位“疯狂”的领导人即使在表达愤怒的时候,即使不精于算计,在很大程度上也相当冷静、头脑清醒。最后,从长远来看,“生气”可能会适得其反。从功利主义的角度来看,“抓狂”是否明智,可能取决于一位领导人预计自己的任期会持续多久。我要感谢罗珊·麦克马纳斯、扎卡里·雅各布森和罗斯·麦克德莫特在美国外交关系历史学家协会2021年年会上对本文初稿的评论。我非常感谢编辑和匿名审稿人提供的详细反馈和建设性的批评。我也非常感谢Aimee Wong对我的出色研究支持。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。我之所以使用阳性代词,是因为过去和现在的大多数世界领导人都是男性。更确切地说,被视为“疯狂”的领导人无一例外都是男性。外交是严重性别化的,男性不仅占据了大多数高级职位,而且占据了重要的外交职位(Aggestam and Towns Citation2018;Towns and niklason 2017)。在这篇文章的第四部分中,我讨论了疯狂的名声是如何适得其反的,我假设这对女性领导者来说尤其如此本文的实证重点是世界各国领导人。但这种说法同样适用于其他负责管理、制定和实施本国外交政策的高级外交官(美国国务卿、外交部长、特使等)希特勒、赫鲁晓夫、萨达姆、卡扎菲的案例是在麦克马纳斯之后选出的(1919,989)。根据她的说法,这些领导人最容易让人联想到“疯子”的形象,因为他们表现出了前面讨论过的相关特征。我再加上第五个相对现代的候选人Milošević。这位塞尔维亚领导人的名声也不相上下。例如,美国总统克林顿曾称他为“另一个希特勒”、“疯子”(英国《卫报》1999年4月23日,《米洛舍维奇说,难民感受到了北约的炸弹》)。与米洛舍维奇亲自谈判的美国大使詹姆斯·w·帕杜(2018,7)也是如此。法国记者弗洛伦斯·哈特曼(Florence Hartmann)写了一本名为《米洛舍维奇,对角线》(la diagonale du fou)的书,也提出了类似的前提(Hartmann Citation2002)例如,普鲁伊特和卡尼瓦莱的开创性文本(Citation1993),或者流行的教科书,如乐维基、巴里和桑德斯的Citation2020.5肖特、威廉姆斯和克里斯蒂的Citation1976。有关评论,请参阅哦,拜伦森和韦尔奇引文2018.6 Daft和兰格尔引文1984。有关评论,请参阅Ishii, Lyons和Carr Citation2019.7。然而,他们也会持怀疑态度。如果没有机会亲自认识这些领导人,他们不仅会质疑这种调查的可靠性,还会质疑其道德。作为众所周知的“戈德华特规则”的一部分,美国精神病学协会的《医学伦理原则》(2013)第7.3节指出,“精神科医生提供专业意见是不道德的,除非他或她(亲自)对个人进行了检查,并获得了发表此类声明的适当授权。”正如英国资深外交官卡恩•罗斯(Carne Ross)所写的那样,这位大使的举止友好而严肃,他称之为“外交家的典范”。他的表情表明他是一个值得认真对待的人:他心事重重。他可能皱眉,但绝不会做鬼脸。他可能会提高嗓门,但他永远不会大喊大叫。衡量是他的风度。这位大使已经学会了控制自己的情绪,准确而有效地表达自己要说的话。除了需要很多话的时候,很少有话是浪费的……这幅肖像是我所认识的大使的集合”(Ross citation2007,130,233)在美国政治背景下,热衷于利用这种咄咄逼人的风格来控制和支配他人的领导人的一个类似例子是林登·b·约翰逊(Lyndon B. Johnson)。 作为参议院多数党领袖,约翰逊会“包围”他的目标,一位参议员同僚,并给他所谓的“约翰逊治疗”。正如埃文斯和诺瓦克所描述的那样,他的语气“可能是恳求、指责、哄骗、兴奋、轻蔑、眼泪、抱怨和威胁的暗示。”所有这些都在一起。它包含了人类所有的情感。它的速度是惊人的,而且都是一个方向。来自目标的感叹词很少。约翰逊在他们说话之前就预料到了。他靠近了,脸离目标只有一毫米远,眼睛睁得又睁得又窄,眉毛忽上忽下。臭名昭著的“治疗”是“一种近乎催眠的经历,使目标变得震惊和无助”(Evans and Novak citation1966,115)约翰莫伯利。这样的人Gwenda Scarlett采访。2002年10月23日。丘吉尔档案中心。GBR/0014/DOHP 96.11“斯洛博丹·米洛舍维奇与通往代顿的道路”和“代顿和平协定的谈判”。2014。鲁道夫·佩里纳在2006年12月对查尔斯·斯图尔特·肯尼迪的采访。外交研究与培训协会,2008年9月6日,美国国务院档案馆,“CNN记者Zain Verjee访谈”。这一观察结果可能特别适用于女性领导者。国际政治的性别二分法意味着,与男子相比,妇女- -包括领导人和外交官在内- -更有可能被归入非理性的领域(Tickner Citation1992)。简单地说,如果一位女性领导人在外交场合表现出上述“疯子”的特征,其他人可能会很快将其归因于她的性格,而不是将她的行为视为理性的、深思熟虑的关切、兴趣和意图的表达,从而对她不屑一顾。最近的研究表明,由于这种二分法,女性领导者在危机谈判中往往会通过过度补偿自己的行为来对抗性别刻板印象(Schwartz和Blair Citation2020;Bashevkin Citation2018;邮电学报2020;Schramm and Stark引文2020)。这可以解释为什么尽管近几十年来女性领导人越来越多,但(据我所知)还没有一个人赢得了“疯女人”的绰号。相反,许多女性领导人已经获得了一种与之相反的名声——也许是她们故意培养的。就像她的(刻板印象和理想化的)男性同行一样,她坚定、坚忍、头脑冷静。例如,玛格丽特·撒切尔、安格拉·默克尔、戈尔达·梅厄和马德琳·奥尔布赖特(这四位都在不同程度上被称为本国的“铁娘子”)。其他资料资助本研究得到香港研究资助局青年事业计划(项目编号:24602217)及一般研究基金(项目编号:14619721)的部分资助。作者简介黄世勋,香港中文大学政府及公共行政学系副教授,香港亚太研究所国际事务研究中心主任。他的学术兴趣包括国际关系理论、安全研究、外交、政治心理学、身份认同与群体间冲突、东亚(特别是中国)国际关系。他曾获得安东尼·德奥斯青年学者奖(2022年)和国际研究协会外交研究部的文章奖(2017年)。电子邮件:seanwong@cuhk.edu.hk
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引用次数: 0
China’s search for the future to answer the past: Liu Cixin, (science-)fiction and Chinese developmentalism 中国寻找未来回答过去:刘慈欣、(科幻)小说与中国发展主义
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273010
Aleš Karmazin
AbstractThis paper analyses Remembrance of Earth’s Past, also known as The Three-Body Trilogy, by Liu Cixin and its connections to Chinese politics and Historical IR. I examine how the Trilogy as a contemporary pop-cultural artefact and a fictional narrative sustains, recrafts and critically deals with the historical, conceived here as constructions of history, historical trajectories and the key historic challenges. I respond to the call of this special issue to consider new dimensions of how storytelling and Historical IR can be disruptive. On the theoretical level, I distinguish the notions of external and internal disruptions (critiques) with the help of pragmatism and post-colonialism. On the empirical level, I argue that the Trilogy offers an internal critique of China’s long-term obsession with developmentalist modernisation by expressing ironies and uncertainties of it. It reveals limits (‘selvedges’) of development(alism) by showing that it is ultimately unachievable, unnecessary and uncontrollable. In other words, the internal disruption stems from exposing the final frontiers of the given tradition where its internal logic starts to crumble. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis paper results from Metropolitan University Prague research project no. 100-4 ‘Center for Security Studies’ (2023) based on a grant from the Institutional Fund for the Long-term Strategic Development of Research Organizations.Notes on contributorsAleš KarmazinAleš Karmazin is an assistant professor at the Department of Asian Studies and the Center for Security Studies at the Metropolitan University Prague. He has been interested in analysing political order from different perspectives. He mainly focuses on China, India and global order. His works have been published by Politics, Journal of Chinese Political Science, Europe Asia Studies, Asia Europe Journal and others.
摘要本文分析了刘慈欣的《三体三部曲:追忆地球的过去》及其与中国政治和历史IR的关系。我研究了三部曲作为当代流行文化的艺术品和虚构的叙事是如何维持、制作和批判性地处理历史的,在这里被认为是历史的构建、历史轨迹和关键的历史挑战。我响应本期特刊的号召,考虑讲故事和历史IR如何具有破坏性的新维度。在理论层面上,我在实用主义和后殖民主义的帮助下区分了外部和内部破坏(批评)的概念。在经验层面上,我认为三部曲通过表达对发展主义现代化的讽刺和不确定性,对中国长期以来对发展主义现代化的痴迷进行了内部批判。它揭示了发展(主义)的局限性(“边缘”),表明它最终是无法实现的,不必要的和不可控的。换句话说,内部的破坏源于暴露给定传统的最后边界,在那里它的内部逻辑开始崩溃。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。本文来自布拉格城市大学研究项目编号:100-4“安全研究中心”(2023),基于研究机构长期战略发展机构基金的资助。作者简介:本文作者是布拉格城市大学亚洲研究系和安全研究中心的助理教授。他一直对从不同角度分析政治秩序很感兴趣。他主要关注中国、印度和全球秩序。曾在《政治学》、《中国政治学杂志》、《欧亚研究》、《亚欧杂志》等刊物发表文章。
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引用次数: 0
Power vacuums in international politics: a conceptual framework 国际政治中的权力真空:一个概念框架
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2272272
Moritz S. Graefrath
AbstractPolicymakers and academics alike frequently invoke power vacuums as important phenomena in international politics, referring to them in a diverse array of contexts ranging from civil war to the decline and retrenchment of great powers. However, students of international relations (IR) have largely neglected to seriously engage ‘power vacuum’ as a social scientific concept. This renders it virtually impossible to undergird current policy debates on power vacuums with social scientific analysis, and more generally raises doubts about the concept’s analytic utility. In this piece, I argue that ‘power vacuum’ is not merely a popular buzzword but a concept with considerable theoretical promise. I develop a conceptualisation of power vacuums as spaces that experience authority collapse. Since, in the context of international politics, organisations can claim authority on several political levels, I posit the existence of several types of power vacuums of which two appear particularly relevant to the study of IR: national and international vacuums. My conceptualisation is able to reflect the diverse ways in which the term is currently utilised, paves the way for novel research on a subject of great concern to policymakers, and uncovers the potential for closer collaboration across traditionally rigid thematic boundaries within IR. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplemental data and research materialsSupplemental data for this article can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2272272Notes1 On this point, but applied to the concept of ‘grand strategy,’ see Silove Citation2018, 29.2 This is the most adequate, albeit imperfect, translation of the German original, that is, ‘legitime Herrschaft.’ For similar definitions of authority, see, for instance, Deudney Citation1995, 198; Solnick Citation1998, 13; Lake Citation2016, 24; Kustermans and Horemans Citation2022, 206. As will become clear below, what I am talking about here is de facto authority, that is, authority in a descriptive, non-normative sense. On the difference between normative and descriptive conceptualisations of authority and the debate about whether it is a meaningful distinction, see Simmons Citation2016, 16.3 Emphasis removed. ‘Will to comply’ is the closest translation of the original German ‘Gehorchen wollen.’4 I thank one of the anonymous reviewers for suggesting this framing and use of the Russian doll analogy to help clarify my argument.5 As Waltz (Citation1979, 81, 88) famously posits, relations of authority are absent between the most powerful states in the system. The main reason for this is that the successful establishment of authority vis-à-vis another entity is essentially impossible without a pronounced advantage in terms of material capability. However, between particularly strong states and other, weaker political entities this precondition for authority is fulfilled, especially if the power different
政策制定者和学者都经常将权力真空视为国际政治中的重要现象,并在从内战到大国衰落和收缩的各种背景下提及它们。然而,国际关系(IR)的学生在很大程度上忽视了将“权力真空”作为一个社会科学概念来认真对待。这使得用社会科学分析来支持当前关于权力真空的政策辩论几乎是不可能的,而且更普遍地对这一概念的分析效用提出了质疑。在这篇文章中,我认为“权力真空”不仅仅是一个流行的流行语,而且是一个具有相当理论前景的概念。我提出了权力真空的概念,即经历权威崩溃的空间。由于在国际政治的背景下,组织可以在几个政治层面上宣称权威,我假设存在几种类型的权力真空,其中两种似乎与国际关系的研究特别相关:国家真空和国际真空。我的概念能够反映该术语目前使用的多种方式,为决策者非常关注的主题的新研究铺平了道路,并揭示了在IR中跨越传统上严格的主题边界进行更密切合作的潜力。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。补充数据和研究材料本文的补充数据可以在https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2272272Notes1上访问。在这一点上,但适用于“大战略”的概念,参见Silove Citation2018, 29.2。这是对德语原文(即“legitime Herrschaft”)的最充分(尽管不完美)的翻译。关于权威的类似定义,参见Deudney citation 1995,198;索尔尼克引文,1998,13;湖泊学报,2016,24;库斯特曼和霍尔曼引文,2022,206。下面我们会清楚地看到,我在这里谈论的是事实上的权威,即描述性、非规范性意义上的权威。关于权威的规范性和描述性概念化之间的区别,以及关于它是否是一个有意义的区别的争论,见Simmons Citation2016, 16.3重点删除。“Will to comply”是对德语原文“Gehorchen wollen”最接近的翻译。我感谢其中一位匿名评论者,他提出了这个框架,并使用了俄罗斯娃娃的比喻来帮助澄清我的论点正如华尔兹(citation1979,81,88)著名的假设,在系统中最强大的国家之间不存在权力关系。其主要原因是,如果在物质能力方面没有明显的优势,基本上不可能成功地建立对-à-vis另一个实体的权威。然而,在特别强大的国家和其他较弱的政治实体之间,特别是在它们之间的权力差异特别明显的情况下,这种权威的先决条件得到了满足请注意,我在这里并没有对大国的存在做出规范的假设——更不用说帝国和势力范围的建立了——作为一种自然或可取的东西。毕竟,这些国家通常通过战争和其他形式的暴力来积累优势能力,它们的帝国和势力范围同样基于规范上有问题的过程。相反,我的论点建立在以下观察的基础上:从历史上看,某些国家已经成为权力中心,它们利用自己的权力在国际上扩展自己的权威,这对整个国际体系产生了重要影响对于“帝国”、“领土控制”和“霸权”之间的概念关系,学者之间存在着实质性的分歧。值得注意的是,历史学家和政治学家似乎以截然不同的方式来理解这些概念之间的关系。虽然许多历史学家传统上将帝国与领土控制联系在一起(最近的一个例子,参见Immerwahr Citation2019),但今天许多政治科学家认为殖民主义只是几种可能的帝国形式之一。正如阿什福德(Citation2019)所解释的那样,“今天,大多数研究帝国的政治学家都不关注领土。相反,他们用政治影响或等级制度来定义它”(也见Doyle Citation1986, 19-21)。为了避免不必要的概念混淆,在这篇文章中,我区分了需要领土控制的正式帝国和不需要领土控制的非正式帝国。然而,这两者都是霸权的例子,即一个大国在空间上行使广泛的国际权威与上述学者一样,我也将这两个概念理解为在没有正式领土控制的情况下行使空间上广泛的国际权威,并将它们视为同义词。 但是,请注意,其他人提出了确定势力范围的替代方法,根据这些方法,两者将涉及不同的政治现象。例如,参见Resnick Citation2022, 566.9在Kustermans和Horemans的术语中(Citation2022, 209),我在这里将国际权威视为“作为契约的权威”。(参见Lake Citation2009a, 17-44.10)在一个大国自己的家园的特殊情况下,国家和国际权威的层次坍塌为一个。这个大国不仅作为中央国家权力机构统治着所有地方实体,而且由于其令人印象深刻的权力,其他地方的任何外部政治组织都无法指望统治它。因此,在这种情况下,大国同时掌握着国家和国际权威像社会科学中的任何其他理论框架一样,我在本节中发展的基础是基于一系列基本假设和本体论承诺(Hall Citation2003;Monteiro and Ruby Citation2009;Lohse Citation2017)。例如,它从民族国家的威斯特伐利亚世界的前提出发,对导致某些国家有资格成为大国的原因采用了一种完全物质的理解,假设大国与其他国家之间的区别是一种信息上的区别,在赋予物质能力和合法性特权的过程中,低估了其他可能的权威来源的重要性。随后关于权力真空的概念性讨论的合理性取决于对这些理论承诺的接受程度,这意味着它可能不会吸引那些对国际政治有着根本不同看法的学者。然而,我的希望是,即使是这些学者也会发现接下来的讨论是有价值的。作者简介moritz S. Graefrath是欧洲大学研究所政治与社会科学系的马克斯·韦伯博士后研究员。他的研究成果发表在《国际理论》(International Theory)杂志上,涉及国际关系理论与国际安全的交叉领域,重点关注大国政治、大战略和概念创新。电子邮件:Moritz.Graefrath@eui.eu
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引用次数: 0
Non-Western engagement in peace processes and the rise of ‘hedging’ by elites in conflict-affected states 非西方国家参与和平进程以及受冲突影响国家精英“对冲”的兴起
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271996
Monalisa Adhikari
Analysing the peace processes of Nepal and Myanmar, this article argues that the changing landscape of peacebuilding support to conflict-affected states(CAS) marked by multiple international actors is increasing the bargaining leverage of elites in CAS to shape post-conflict institutions in their favour. It highlights that multiple and competing forms of international engagement allow elites in CAS not only to ‘co-opt’ international support as widely discussed in peace studies but also undertake multiple strategies categorised cumulatively as ‘hedging’- to harness distinct benefits from varied international actors, exploit the differences between multiple international institutional prescripts, and offset dependency on one by aligning with another. These strategies enhance the agency of elites to resist Western pressures to adapt liberal reforms and instead shape post-conflict institutional outcomes in their favour. Such resistance fosters ‘illiberal’ institutions where elites renege on critical pledges of the peace process on inclusion and security sector reform to protect their interests.
本文分析了尼泊尔和缅甸的和平进程,认为以多个国际行动者为标志的对受冲突影响国家(CAS)建设和平支持的不断变化的格局正在增加CAS精英的议价杠杆,以塑造对他们有利的冲突后机构。它强调,多种和竞争形式的国际参与使CAS的精英们不仅可以“拉拢”国际支持,正如和平研究中广泛讨论的那样,而且还可以采取多种策略,累积归类为“对冲”——利用不同国际行动者的独特利益,利用多种国际制度规定之间的差异,并通过与另一个保持一致来抵消对一个的依赖。这些战略增强了精英们的力量,使他们能够抵制西方要求他们适应自由改革的压力,并塑造对他们有利的冲突后制度结果。这种抵制助长了“不自由”的体制,精英们违背了和平进程中关于包容和安全部门改革以保护他们利益的关键承诺。
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引用次数: 0
Sylvia Wynter in the Arctic: early modern expeditionary narratives and the construction of ‘Man’ 西尔维娅·温特在北极:早期现代探险叙事与“人”的建构
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273371
Alister Wedderburn
This article locates Martin Frobisher’s voyages to the North American Arctic in 1576, 1577 and 1578 in relation to the thought of Jamaican critic and theorist Sylvia Wynter. For Wynter, the post-Columbian settlement and colonisation of the Americas functioned as both a crucible and proving ground for a new, racialised understanding of the human, which she calls ‘Man’. Focusing on expeditionary narratives written by sailors on Frobisher’s three voyages to Baffin Island, the article treats these narratives as examples of travel writing, a genre occupying the mobile, labile threshold between history and fiction which has often mediated the comprehension of difference, hierarchy and (international) order. Focusing on these texts’ treatments of race and otherness, the article argues that the Arctic was a key site where the terms of relationality governing English interaction with the so-called ‘New World’ and its people were hesitatingly, clumsily and often violently worked out.
本文将马丁·弗罗比舍(Martin Frobisher)在1576年、1577年和1578年的北美北极航行与牙买加评论家和理论家西尔维亚·温特(Sylvia Wynter)的思想联系起来。对温特来说,后哥伦布时代的美洲定居和殖民既是一个熔炉,也是一个试验场,让她对人类有了新的、种族化的理解,她称之为“人”。本文以Frobisher三次航行到巴芬岛的水手们所写的远征叙事为重点,将这些叙事作为旅行写作的例子,这种类型占据了历史与小说之间流动、不稳定的门槛,经常中介对差异、等级和(国际)秩序的理解。这篇文章关注这些文本对种族和他者的处理,认为北极是一个关键的地点,在那里,英国人与所谓的“新世界”及其人民的互动关系的条款是犹豫、笨拙和经常暴力地制定出来的。
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引用次数: 0
Crisis management in international organisations: the League of Nations’ response to early challenges 国际组织的危机管理:国际联盟对早期挑战的回应
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271984
Gisela Hirschmann
How do international organisations (IOs) respond to existential challenges such as membership withdrawals or budget cuts? Some IOs manage to ignore the challenge or adapt to the demands of the challenging state whereas others build institutional capacities to resist the pressure. Yet, we know little about the internal dynamics that shape IOs’ responses to such challenges. This article investigates to what extent IOs’ threat perception determines the intensity and direction of their responses to crises. Using the League of Nations’ responses to early crises as an explorative historical case study, the analysis shows that a timely and homogenous perception of a crisis leads to a more assertive and substantial response. Two broader conclusions can be drawn from the analysis for IO research. First, the role of international bureaucrats should not be underestimated in shaping an IO’s response to crises. Second, the findings indicate that a more nuanced perspective on the League’s crisis management can help overcome the failure narrative that dominates the current understanding of the League in International Relations research.
国际组织(IOs)如何应对成员退出或预算削减等存在性挑战?有些IOs会设法忽略挑战或适应挑战状态的要求,而有些则会建立抵御压力的机构能力。然而,我们对影响IOs应对这些挑战的内部动力知之甚少。本文调查了IOs的威胁感知在多大程度上决定了他们对危机的反应强度和方向。该分析以国际联盟对早期危机的应对作为探索性历史案例研究,表明对危机的及时和一致的认识会导致更自信和实质性的应对。从IO研究的分析中可以得出两个更广泛的结论。首先,国际官僚在塑造国际组织对危机的反应方面的作用不应被低估。其次,研究结果表明,对联盟危机管理的更细致入微的看法有助于克服目前在国际关系研究中对联盟的理解中占主导地位的失败叙事。
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引用次数: 0
A haunting past: British defence, historical narratives, and the politics of presentism 令人难以忘怀的过去:英国国防、历史叙事和现代主义政治
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273375
David Morgan-Owen, Aimée Fox, Huw Bennett
This article examines historical fictions as social processes by which ideas about conflict and warfare are constructed and narrated within society. Focusing on Britain, it explores ‘truth telling’ about the past in an applied context, examining efforts to construct and sustain narratives about Britain’s military past and their role in upholding forms of political and societal consensus that underpin the development and use of military power. We offer a typology of the ways in which Western liberal states shape and mobilise historical fictions within their distinctive forms of militarism and civil-military relations: ‘Telling Stories’—curating and sustaining social understandings of military power through public displays, museums, and ceremonies; ‘Hiding Pasts’—using state power to shape academic research and to occlude aspects of the military past; and ‘Knowing War’—legitimating the state and armed forces’ claims to a monopoly of authoritative knowledge about war and security.
这篇文章考察了历史小说作为社会过程,其中关于冲突和战争的思想是在社会中构建和叙述的。聚焦于英国,它探讨了在一个应用的背景下“讲述真相”的过去,研究努力构建和维持对英国军事过去的叙述,以及他们在维护支撑军事力量发展和使用的政治和社会共识形式中的作用。我们提供了西方自由主义国家在其独特的军国主义和军民关系中塑造和动员历史小说的方式的类型学:“讲故事”——通过公开展示、博物馆和仪式策划和维持对军事力量的社会理解;“隐藏过去”——利用国家权力来塑造学术研究,并掩盖军事历史的各个方面;以及“了解战争”——使国家和武装部队声称垄断有关战争和安全的权威知识合法化。
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引用次数: 0
Sources of empire: Negotiating history and fiction in the writing of historical IR 帝国的来源:历史IR写作中的谈判历史与虚构
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271998
Julia Costa Lopez
In framing themselves as myth-busters, historical IR scholars have inscribed the distinction between history and fiction into how they speak to the discipline. And yet, engagement with what this might mean for the status of historical knowledge has mostly focused on broad metatheoretical distinctions and debates. Against this, I argue that questions about historical knowledge and its status are best understood as contingent settlements in the research practice of writing history, pursuing specific questions and writing specific answers. Through an exploration of the early stages in the creation of the Iberian Empires in the fifteenth century and the chronicles that provide an account of it, the article seeks to make visible the negotiations and settlements involved in writing history along four aspects of the distinction between history and fiction: facticity, emplotment, genre and the situated politics of history.
在将自己定位为神话破坏者的过程中,历史IR学者将历史与虚构之间的区别写入了他们对这门学科的讲话方式中。然而,这对历史知识地位的影响主要集中在广义的元理论区别和争论上。与此相反,我认为,关于历史知识及其地位的问题最好被理解为写作历史的研究实践中的偶然解决方案,追求特定的问题并写下特定的答案。通过对15世纪伊比利亚帝国创建的早期阶段的探索,以及对其进行记述的编年史,本文试图让人们看到历史写作中涉及的谈判和和解,以及历史与小说之间区别的四个方面:真实性、就业、体裁和历史的情境政治。
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引用次数: 0
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Cambridge Review of International Affairs
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