Pub Date : 2023-07-06DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-55-82
Yue Yu, Shide Feng
In the context of the major changes in the international order with the trade friction between China and the United States and the Russian special military operation, the global economic landscape is being reorganized, and the moves of China and Russia, as major countries along the Belt and Road, are going to affct the whole region and the world. The article analyzes the sanctions imposed on China and Russia, using ESI and RCA indices to analyze the complementarity and competitiveness of Sino-Russian trade, and concludes that the two countries have different comparative advantages and complementary economic and trade structures. At the same time, it discusses the cooperation between China and Russia in the Belt and Road Initiative, and employs the arima model to forecast the economic and trade volume between China and Russia, which predicts that the volume of Sino-Russian trade will continue to grow. Finally it deals with the changes in the global order which inflence China and Russia, the Belt and Road cooperation, as well as emergence of new global thinking.
{"title":"International Trade Cooperation between Russia and China under the Belt and Road Initiative in the New Global Order","authors":"Yue Yu, Shide Feng","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-55-82","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-55-82","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of the major changes in the international order with the trade friction between China and the United States and the Russian special military operation, the global economic landscape is being reorganized, and the moves of China and Russia, as major countries along the Belt and Road, are going to affct the whole region and the world. The article analyzes the sanctions imposed on China and Russia, using ESI and RCA indices to analyze the complementarity and competitiveness of Sino-Russian trade, and concludes that the two countries have different comparative advantages and complementary economic and trade structures. At the same time, it discusses the cooperation between China and Russia in the Belt and Road Initiative, and employs the arima model to forecast the economic and trade volume between China and Russia, which predicts that the volume of Sino-Russian trade will continue to grow. Finally it deals with the changes in the global order which inflence China and Russia, the Belt and Road cooperation, as well as emergence of new global thinking.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74089095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-06DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-27-54
P. K. Kravchenko, V. E. Snapkovskij
The publication is a selection of documents and materials from the correspondence of the Minister of foreign affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus P.K. Kravchenko from his personal archive. They characterize the fist steps of the new Belarusian diplomacy, which took roots in the election of P. Kravchenko as the Minister of foreign affirs of the BSSR in July 1990. The presented documents cover a little more than a year of his activity as a Minister: from November 1990 to December 1991. These are 10 documents from correspondence minister with statesmen, diplomats, entrepreneurs from the USSR and foreign countries (Czechoslovakia, the USA and Canada). The published materials (letters, telegrams, reports) reflct various aspects of the activities of the Ministry of foreign affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus and the Minister of foreign affirs himself. They reflct the strengthening sovereignty of the Republic within the USSR and expanding its foreign policy authority, national revival and the beginning of reforms in the economy, the creation and activities of the Council of foreign ministers of the USSR and the Union Republics, and the mobilization of the international community to assist in minimizing the consequences of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant
{"title":"The First Steps of the New Belarusian Diplomacy: Correspondence of Minister of Foreign Affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus P.K. Kravchanko (1990-1991)","authors":"P. K. Kravchenko, V. E. Snapkovskij","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-27-54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-27-54","url":null,"abstract":"The publication is a selection of documents and materials from the correspondence of the Minister of foreign affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus P.K. Kravchenko from his personal archive. They characterize the fist steps of the new Belarusian diplomacy, which took roots in the election of P. Kravchenko as the Minister of foreign affirs of the BSSR in July 1990. The presented documents cover a little more than a year of his activity as a Minister: from November 1990 to December 1991. These are 10 documents from correspondence minister with statesmen, diplomats, entrepreneurs from the USSR and foreign countries (Czechoslovakia, the USA and Canada). The published materials (letters, telegrams, reports) reflct various aspects of the activities of the Ministry of foreign affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus and the Minister of foreign affirs himself. They reflct the strengthening sovereignty of the Republic within the USSR and expanding its foreign policy authority, national revival and the beginning of reforms in the economy, the creation and activities of the Council of foreign ministers of the USSR and the Union Republics, and the mobilization of the international community to assist in minimizing the consequences of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88443443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-06DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-8-26
A. Volkov, I. F. Grigoryeva
The article analyzes the impact of modern livestock farming and established humanfood preferences on human health and the environment. The prerequisites for the manufacturing of plant-based products and its development prospects in Russia, including the formation of an industry regulatory framework, are outlined. he issue is considered in the context of achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals, primarily Goal 2 (Zero hunger, ensure food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture) and Goal 12 (Ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns).
{"title":"The Global Trend towards Plant-Based Production as a Tool for Achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals","authors":"A. Volkov, I. F. Grigoryeva","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-8-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-8-26","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the impact of modern livestock farming and established humanfood preferences on human health and the environment. The prerequisites for the manufacturing of plant-based products and its development prospects in Russia, including the formation of an industry regulatory framework, are outlined. he issue is considered in the context of achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals, primarily Goal 2 (Zero hunger, ensure food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture) and Goal 12 (Ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns).","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":"22 5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82767578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This thematic issue on the causes and modes of European disintegration seeks to answer two main questions: What are the causes of (potential) European disintegration across countries? And what are the actual and potential modes of European disintegration? The articles on the causes of EU disintegration go beyond the immediate causes of Brexit, to date the prime example of European disintegration. They address, for instance, the impact of ignoring the results of referendums on EU treaty changes. The articles demonstrate that the extensively studied proximate causes of Brexit may be different from more long-term drivers of potential disintegration in the UK and other member states. The second question raises a point that has been largely overlooked. Going beyond the growing literature on Brexit, differentiated integration, and non-compliance, the articles on the modes of European disintegration address issues such as (temporary) opt-outs from the Schengen agreement. The thematic issue is innovative not only due to the questions it raises but also by deploying a multi-disciplinary social science perspective. Contributions are quantitative, qualitative, and theoretical from a wide array of social science disciplines. Taken together, the contributions to this thematic issue advance scholarly understanding of European (dis)integration.
{"title":"The Causes and Modes of European Disintegration","authors":"Martijn Huysmans, Sven Van Kerckhoven","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.7163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.7163","url":null,"abstract":"This thematic issue on the causes and modes of European disintegration seeks to answer two main questions: What are the causes of (potential) European disintegration across countries? And what are the actual and potential modes of European disintegration? The articles on the causes of EU disintegration go beyond the immediate causes of Brexit, to date the prime example of European disintegration. They address, for instance, the impact of ignoring the results of referendums on EU treaty changes. The articles demonstrate that the extensively studied proximate causes of Brexit may be different from more long-term drivers of potential disintegration in the UK and other member states. The second question raises a point that has been largely overlooked. Going beyond the growing literature on Brexit, differentiated integration, and non-compliance, the articles on the modes of European disintegration address issues such as (temporary) opt-outs from the Schengen agreement. The thematic issue is innovative not only due to the questions it raises but also by deploying a multi-disciplinary social science perspective. Contributions are quantitative, qualitative, and theoretical from a wide array of social science disciplines. Taken together, the contributions to this thematic issue advance scholarly understanding of European (dis)integration.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41873860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, we advance the literature on publics in international politics by exploring the nexus between publicness and big tech companies. This nexus finds a significant expression in the increasing impact of big tech companies to mediate disputes over societal problems, deliver social goods and rearticulate public-private relationships. We develop an analytical framework by combining recent scholarship on assemblage theory and publics, allowing us to understand publicness as enacted in practices which revolve around issues and rearticulate relations of authority and legitimacy. To demonstrate the value of the framework, we show how Microsoft is involved in assembling publicness around cybersecurity. Microsoft does so by problematising and countering state-led cybersecurity activities, questioning the state as a protector of its citizens and proposing governance measures to establish the tech sector as authoritative, and legitimate “first responders.” With this rearticulating of public-private relations, we see the emergence of a political subject for whom security is not solely the right of a citizen secured by the state but also a customer service provided as per a service agreement. The study hence offers important insights into the connection between publicness and cybersecurity, state and big tech relations, and the formation of authority and legitimacy in international politics.
{"title":"Assembling Publics: Microsoft, Cybersecurity and Public‐Private Relations","authors":"Tobias Liebetrau, L. Monsees","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.6771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.6771","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we advance the literature on publics in international politics by exploring the nexus between publicness and big tech companies. This nexus finds a significant expression in the increasing impact of big tech companies to mediate disputes over societal problems, deliver social goods and rearticulate public-private relationships. We develop an analytical framework by combining recent scholarship on assemblage theory and publics, allowing us to understand publicness as enacted in practices which revolve around issues and rearticulate relations of authority and legitimacy. To demonstrate the value of the framework, we show how Microsoft is involved in assembling publicness around cybersecurity. Microsoft does so by problematising and countering state-led cybersecurity activities, questioning the state as a protector of its citizens and proposing governance measures to establish the tech sector as authoritative, and legitimate “first responders.” With this rearticulating of public-private relations, we see the emergence of a political subject for whom security is not solely the right of a citizen secured by the state but also a customer service provided as per a service agreement. The study hence offers important insights into the connection between publicness and cybersecurity, state and big tech relations, and the formation of authority and legitimacy in international politics.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45435153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Differentiated integration has become ubiquitous in the European Union today. However, the evaluation of differentiated integration by the academic community is much contested: While some see it as a remedy to political gridlock, others think of it as the beginning of the end of the EU (i.e., disintegration). Our article sheds light on the relationship between differentiated integration and disintegration from the viewpoint of subnational members of Parliament. Assuming that at least some scenarios of differentiated integration are related to disintegration, we report on data from a survey of seven EU member states about subnational members of Parliament’s preferences regarding future scenarios for the EU. Our results find that a preference for a Europe with a singular focus on “nothing but the single market” is related to a functionalist approach towards European integration and the perceived disintegration of the EU. This preference is especially prevalent among subnational MPs in the Czech Republic and Poland, both known for having opt-out solutions. While the Czech Republic constantly shows high levels of Euroscepticism in public surveys, the reverse is true in Poland. Obviously, a general commitment to the EU should not be equated with a shared common goal of further European integration. If such differences become permanent, European integration may genuinely be endangered.
{"title":"The Debate on the European Union’s Future From the Perspective of Regional Members of Parliament","authors":"Elisabeth Donat, Simon Lenhart","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.6746","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.6746","url":null,"abstract":"Differentiated integration has become ubiquitous in the European Union today. However, the evaluation of differentiated integration by the academic community is much contested: While some see it as a remedy to political gridlock, others think of it as the beginning of the end of the EU (i.e., disintegration). Our article sheds light on the relationship between differentiated integration and disintegration from the viewpoint of subnational members of Parliament. Assuming that at least some scenarios of differentiated integration are related to disintegration, we report on data from a survey of seven EU member states about subnational members of Parliament’s preferences regarding future scenarios for the EU. Our results find that a preference for a Europe with a singular focus on “nothing but the single market” is related to a functionalist approach towards European integration and the perceived disintegration of the EU. This preference is especially prevalent among subnational MPs in the Czech Republic and Poland, both known for having opt-out solutions. While the Czech Republic constantly shows high levels of Euroscepticism in public surveys, the reverse is true in Poland. Obviously, a general commitment to the EU should not be equated with a shared common goal of further European integration. If such differences become permanent, European integration may genuinely be endangered.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48756624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of constitutional abeyances, originally proposed by Foley (1989), describes aspects of a political system that are left deliberately ambiguous. Foley suggests that the maintenance and management of such areas of “settled unsettlement” are indispensable to prevent and resolve conflict about a polity’s constitutional order. The concept of constitutional abeyances has been used productively to analyze constitutional development in Canada, especially the country’s constitutional crises in the 1980s and 1990s. However, with very few exceptions, it has not been applied to analyze the EU and its treaty development. This article leverages the comparison to Canada to argue that a focus on constitutional abeyances, and their successful or unsuccessful institutional reproduction, provides fresh perspectives for analyzing European integration, including insights into the emergence of the EU’s current crises and principles that might guide a political response.
{"title":"Constitutional Abeyances: Reflecting on EU Treaty Development in Light of the Canadian Experience","authors":"Achim Hurrelmann","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.6835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.6835","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of constitutional abeyances, originally proposed by Foley (1989), describes aspects of a political system that are left deliberately ambiguous. Foley suggests that the maintenance and management of such areas of “settled unsettlement” are indispensable to prevent and resolve conflict about a polity’s constitutional order. The concept of constitutional abeyances has been used productively to analyze constitutional development in Canada, especially the country’s constitutional crises in the 1980s and 1990s. However, with very few exceptions, it has not been applied to analyze the EU and its treaty development. This article leverages the comparison to Canada to argue that a focus on constitutional abeyances, and their successful or unsuccessful institutional reproduction, provides fresh perspectives for analyzing European integration, including insights into the emergence of the EU’s current crises and principles that might guide a political response.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46299988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Publics in global politics are highly dynamic, considering the multitude of actors involved and the issues addressed. When examining Christian churches and the Ukraine War, it emerges that religions not only react to global politics but also contribute to identifying issues and measures of how to tackle them. The interplay of religious publics, therefore, appears particularly dynamic, warranting a distinct conceptualization. This article thus aims to introduce the concept of religious public(s) in global politics by building upon literature on how publics emerge and which manifestations they can assume. First, four manifestations of publics are examined by conducting a case study on Christianity and the Ukraine War. Employing the case study as a plausibility probe, the findings are re-examined in a second step to develop a typology of religious publics. The article concludes by identifying other areas in which studying religious publics and global politics would prove rewarding.
{"title":"Christian Churches and the Ukraine War: Introducing Religious Publics in Global Politics","authors":"K. McLarren","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.6762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.6762","url":null,"abstract":"Publics in global politics are highly dynamic, considering the multitude of actors involved and the issues addressed. When examining Christian churches and the Ukraine War, it emerges that religions not only react to global politics but also contribute to identifying issues and measures of how to tackle them. The interplay of religious publics, therefore, appears particularly dynamic, warranting a distinct conceptualization. This article thus aims to introduce the concept of religious public(s) in global politics by building upon literature on how publics emerge and which manifestations they can assume. First, four manifestations of publics are examined by conducting a case study on Christianity and the Ukraine War. Employing the case study as a plausibility probe, the findings are re-examined in a second step to develop a typology of religious publics. The article concludes by identifying other areas in which studying religious publics and global politics would prove rewarding.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46995249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do multilevel health care systems evolve? Do they develop in a similar manner, or are their respective paths of evolution more sui generis? The aim of this article is to compare the way in which Canada and the European Union have attempted to coordinate health policy between their component multilevel jurisdictions over time. This article argues that the EU—despite its limited authority over health care—has been better able than Canada to develop a greater capacity for addressing health policy at a supranational level, notwithstanding Canada’s greater federal involvement in financing health care. While the experience of the EU supports the theoretical premises of neofunctionalism (that a certain level of integration will induce even greater integration in other areas, especially in response to crisis), the experience of Canadian health care federalism does not fit that theoretical paradigm. This suggests a limited applicability for neofunctionalist theory across multilevel systems more widely.
{"title":"Health Care in Federal Systems","authors":"K. Fierlbeck","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.6706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.6706","url":null,"abstract":"How do multilevel health care systems evolve? Do they develop in a similar manner, or are their respective paths of evolution more sui generis? The aim of this article is to compare the way in which Canada and the European Union have attempted to coordinate health policy between their component multilevel jurisdictions over time. This article argues that the EU—despite its limited authority over health care—has been better able than Canada to develop a greater capacity for addressing health policy at a supranational level, notwithstanding Canada’s greater federal involvement in financing health care. While the experience of the EU supports the theoretical premises of neofunctionalism (that a certain level of integration will induce even greater integration in other areas, especially in response to crisis), the experience of Canadian health care federalism does not fit that theoretical paradigm. This suggests a limited applicability for neofunctionalist theory across multilevel systems more widely.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47827135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 triggered a major displacement crisis. In an unprecedented move, the European Union activated the 2001 Temporary Protection Directive to give those fleeing the conflict temporary protection, marking the first use of the directive in 20 years. Meanwhile, Canada announced its readiness to accept an unlimited number of Ukrainians and launched the Canada–Ukraine Authorization of Emergency Travel to fast-track their arrival. This article compares the policy responses of the EU and Canada to the crisis in Ukraine, focusing on the two temporary protection schemes and differentiating between their overarching goals, policy instruments, and settings. While the policies may seem similar at first, we show that a closer examination reveals underlying disparities, contradictions, and complexities, particularly when analyzing the precise policy instruments and settings. Considering that contemporary policy trajectories are informed by the past, we suggest that while the two programs build on the respective regions’ historical and political contexts, crises also create opportunities for change, raising questions about the future direction of immigration policy in both regions.
{"title":"Temporary Protection in Times of Crisis: The European Union, Canada, and the Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Catherine Xhardez, Dagmar Soennecken","doi":"10.17645/pag.v11i3.6817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i3.6817","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 triggered a major displacement crisis. In an unprecedented move, the European Union activated the 2001 Temporary Protection Directive to give those fleeing the conflict temporary protection, marking the first use of the directive in 20 years. Meanwhile, Canada announced its readiness to accept an unlimited number of Ukrainians and launched the Canada–Ukraine Authorization of Emergency Travel to fast-track their arrival. This article compares the policy responses of the EU and Canada to the crisis in Ukraine, focusing on the two temporary protection schemes and differentiating between their overarching goals, policy instruments, and settings. While the policies may seem similar at first, we show that a closer examination reveals underlying disparities, contradictions, and complexities, particularly when analyzing the precise policy instruments and settings. Considering that contemporary policy trajectories are informed by the past, we suggest that while the two programs build on the respective regions’ historical and political contexts, crises also create opportunities for change, raising questions about the future direction of immigration policy in both regions.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44811830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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