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The utility of ethnography for understanding (the Russo-Ukrainian) war 民族志对理解(俄乌)战争的效用
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/723015
Ilmari Käihkö
The Russo-Ukrainian war raises the question about the utility of ethnography in understanding interstate war. As anthropology and sociology have historically punched below their weight when it comes to understanding interstate war and warfare, much of the academic study of war has been occupied by political science. In this article I discuss why this is unfortunate, yet not inevitable. I also discuss three strengths of ethnography in studying war. First, ethnography helps us to restore ambiguity into polarized understandings of war. Second, ethnography can assist us in understanding strategy because of its focus on people and the societies we constitute. Third, ethnography helps with the ethical responsibility of giving war a human face. I conclude by arguing that war is too important to be left to generals and political scientists, but that this is inevitable if ethnographers continue to distance themselves from the study of war.
俄乌战争提出了关于民族志在理解国家间战争中的效用的问题。在理解国家间的战争和战争方面,人类学和社会学在历史上都没有发挥出应有的作用,因此很多关于战争的学术研究都被政治学占据了。在本文中,我将讨论为什么这是不幸的,但不是不可避免的。我还讨论了民族志在研究战争中的三个优势。首先,民族志帮助我们恢复对战争的两极化理解的模糊性。其次,民族志可以帮助我们理解战略,因为它关注的是人和我们所构成的社会。第三,民族志有助于承担赋予战争人性的伦理责任。我的结论是,战争太重要了,不能留给将军和政治学家,但如果民族学家继续与战争研究保持距离,这是不可避免的。
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引用次数: 1
From reasons of state to individual interest 从国家原因到个人利益
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/723224
J. Robbins
This article argues that political anthropology has never had a version of the substantivist/formalist debate that shaped economic anthropology. Instead, political anthropology tends to rely rather unselfconsciously on Western notions of power and individual interests in formulating its most influential theoretical programs (e.g., practice theory, various forms of marxist thinking, and studies of resistance). In the Western tradition from which these theories draw, morality and politics are often construed as opposed social domains. After tracing the genealogy of this split, I consider some of the key political concepts at the heart of Melanesian traditions of big-manship, suggesting they link morality and politics in ways that escape the reach of much of political anthropology. I illustrate this point with material from my fieldwork with the Urapmin of Papua New Guinea. By making this argument, I aim to contribute to this collection’s goal of establishing a wide-ranging comparative anthropology of politics.
本文认为,政治人类学从未有过塑造经济人类学的实体主义/形式主义之争。相反,政治人类学倾向于相当不自觉地依赖西方的权力和个人利益概念来制定其最具影响力的理论计划(例如,实践理论、各种形式的马克思主义思想和抵抗研究)。在这些理论所借鉴的西方传统中,道德和政治通常被视为对立的社会领域。在追溯了这种分裂的谱系之后,我考虑了美拉尼西亚传统中一些关键的政治概念,认为它们以一种逃避政治人类学研究的方式将道德和政治联系起来。我用我在巴布亚新几内亚乌拉普明人的实地考察所得的材料来说明这一点。通过提出这一论点,我的目的是为这本合集的目标做出贡献,即建立一个广泛的政治比较人类学。
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引用次数: 0
From parasitic feudalism to responsible hierarchy 从寄生封建主义到负责任的等级制度
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/723788
P. Vitebsky
The Sora language reveals a sharp division between the vocabulary of command and rule, with no terms of indigenous origin for such positions or procedures, and an indigenous vocabulary of intimate negotiation among horizontal equals to regulate daily life. Historically, vertical relations with distant rajas passed through predatory local agents with little redress, using terms derived from outside languages. Christianity introduced literacy and created a new administrative and moral terminology derived from Sora roots, but also offered a model of patronage which likened Jesus to a benevolent classic Hindu king. This redistributive reciprocal relationship with authority figures had never before been experienced by the Sora; but as they move from a parasitic to a hierarchical experience of verticality, it is now readily transferred to political leaders as young Sora participate in the modern electoral state and incorporate non-Sora terms into their lives as agents, rather than victims, of their political situation.
Sora语言揭示了命令和规则词汇之间的尖锐分歧,这些职位或程序没有土著起源的术语,以及水平平等之间亲密协商的土著词汇来调节日常生活。从历史上看,与遥远的王公的垂直关系是通过掠夺性的当地代理人进行的,几乎没有补救措施,使用的术语来自外部语言。基督教引入了读写能力,并创造了一种新的行政和道德术语,这些术语源于Sora的根源,但也提供了一种庇护模式,将耶稣比作一个仁慈的经典印度教国王。这种与权威人物的再分配互惠关系在苍井空以前从未经历过;但是当他们从寄生到垂直的等级体验时,它现在很容易转移到政治领导人身上,因为年轻的苍井空参与了现代选举国家,并将非苍井空术语纳入他们的生活中,成为他们政治局势的代理人,而不是受害者。
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引用次数: 1
Living in a world of others 生活在别人的世界里
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/723030
A. Chirițoiu
The phrase “Roma politics” has come to designate several topics, such as the movement for Roma rights, relations between Roma and non-Roma, or the maintenance of social order in a given group, but these have rarely been addressed together. This is what the present article sets out to do, through the case study of a Roma politician from a southern Romanian town who finds himself in a liminal position between local non-Roma party politics, transnational Romani activism, and the values of his community. He and his fellow Rom negotiate their social relations through an ideology of “help” and “charity,” which I compare to Pitt-Rivers’s notion of “grace,” showing that the decidedly hierarchical political imaginary that suffuses the real-life politics of the Rom is far removed from the abstract apolitical egalitarianism through which transnational institutions and activists frame “Roma politics.”
“罗姆人政治”一词指代了几个主题,比如罗姆人权利运动、罗姆人和非罗姆人之间的关系,或者维持特定群体的社会秩序,但这些很少被放在一起讨论。这就是本文所要做的,通过一个来自罗马尼亚南部城镇的罗姆政治家的案例研究,他发现自己处于当地非罗姆政党政治,跨国罗姆人激进主义和他的社区价值观之间的界限位置。他和他的罗姆同胞通过“帮助”和“慈善”的意识形态来协商他们的社会关系,我将其与皮特-里弗斯的“恩典”概念进行比较,表明弥漫在罗姆人现实政治中的明显的等级政治想象与抽象的非政治平等主义相距甚远,跨国机构和活动家通过这种平等主义来构建“罗姆政治”。
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引用次数: 0
Dó ăyèi! Dó ăyèi! Reclaiming political agency in Burma’s democracy era
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/722591
W. Keeler
People marching in the streets in Burma in 1988, infuriated by twenty-six years of military dictatorship, demanded the return of democracy. What they meant by the term reflected a hierarchical understanding of politics: elections would enable them to replace a hated and rapacious superordinate, General Ne Win, with a morally admirable one, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Rather than envision the messy business of conflict and compromise pursued in the name of a common good, democracy’s proponents, including Aung San Suu Kyi herself, spoke only of the need for Buddhist ethical clarity and indomitable unity. Thus they appeared to instantiate efforts to reclaim agency, as observers impressed by Foucault’s take on power would expect, while demonstrating a desire to subordinate themselves to a charismatic leader, ceding that very agency at the same time.
1988年,对26年的军事独裁感到愤怒的缅甸民众走上街头游行,要求恢复民主。他们用这个词的意思反映了一种对政治的等级理解:选举将使他们能够用道德上令人钦佩的昂山素季取代令人憎恨和贪婪的上级奈温将军。民主的支持者,包括昂山素季本人,并没有设想以共同利益的名义追求冲突和妥协的混乱局面,而是只谈到了佛教道德清晰和不屈不挠的团结的必要性。因此,正如福柯对权力的看法所打动的观察者所期望的那样,他们似乎是重新获得代理权的努力的实例,同时表现出从属于一个有魅力的领导者的愿望,同时放弃了代理权。
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引用次数: 1
Surreal events, “TV zombies,” and social media in postsocialist Kazakhstan 超现实事件,“电视僵尸”,以及后社会主义哈萨克斯坦的社交媒体
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/722633
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which came on the heels of violent domestic protests in January 2022, elicited powerful reactions in postsocialist Kazakhstan. For the past thirty years Kazakhstan has been a close economic and political ally of Russia but in the aftermath of the invasion, the relations between the two countries are fragile. Kazakhstanis are split over the war in Ukraine along ethnic and generational lines. The pro-Russia camp is anxious about Kazakhstan moving away from Russia while Ukraine supporters are concerned about Kazakhstan’s territorial integrity and their future in Russia’s “sphere of influence.” While outside observers have focused on Russian TV broadcasting as the main means of Kremlin propaganda in Kazakhstan, ethnographic data suggests that it is but one of many tools of information warfare. Social media emerged as a powerful means for pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian supporters to exchange information, communicate with like-minded people, and filter out opposing views.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰是在2022年1月国内发生暴力抗议活动之后,在后社会主义时代的哈萨克斯坦引发了强烈反应。在过去的30年里,哈萨克斯坦一直是俄罗斯在经济和政治上的亲密盟友,但在入侵之后,两国之间的关系变得脆弱。哈萨克斯坦人在乌克兰战争问题上存在种族和代际分歧。亲俄阵营担心哈萨克斯坦脱离俄罗斯,而乌克兰支持者则担心哈萨克斯坦的领土完整及其在俄罗斯“势力范围”中的未来。虽然外界观察人士一直把俄罗斯电视广播视为克里姆林宫在哈萨克斯坦的主要宣传手段,但人种学数据表明,这只是信息战的众多工具之一。社交媒体成为亲乌克兰和亲俄支持者交换信息、与志同道合的人交流、过滤对立观点的有力手段。
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引用次数: 1
Imperialist ideology or depoliticization? Why Russian citizens support the invasion of Ukraine 帝国主义意识形态还是去政治化?为什么俄罗斯公民支持入侵乌克兰
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1086/723802
Volodymyr Ishchenko, O. Zhuravlev
What explains the wide support for the invasion of Ukraine in Russia in the first months after it started? Many alleged that this support reflects an imperialist ideology permeating Russian society and culture. Based on a large set of in-depth interviews with supporters of the invasion among the regular Russian citizens, we argue that it is not a commitment to an imperialist ideology that is the most typical factor in support for the invasion but rather precisely the opposite—the deep depoliticization of Russian citizens, on which the support for Putin’s regime has always been based. We explicate how the dynamics of depoliticization manifest themselves in the alienation of Russian citizens from articulating their own political positions, in the reproduction of the gap between the world of politics and of everyday life, and in the social construction of Ukrainians as a threat.
如何解释在入侵乌克兰开始后的头几个月里,俄罗斯对它的广泛支持?许多人声称,这种支持反映了一种渗透到俄罗斯社会和文化中的帝国主义意识形态。基于对支持入侵的俄罗斯普通公民的大量深入访谈,我们认为,支持入侵的最典型因素不是对帝国主义意识形态的承诺,而恰恰相反——俄罗斯公民的深度去政治化,这是支持普京政权的基础。我们解释了去政治化的动态如何体现在俄罗斯公民从表达自己的政治立场的异化中,在政治世界和日常生活之间的差距的再生产中,以及在乌克兰人作为威胁的社会建设中。
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引用次数: 1
Goddess in disguise 伪装的女神
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/721685
Neringa Klumbytė
Rosie used to say that there was nobody else like her. Her idiosyncratic way of living was an aesthetic recreation of the social that was partly informed by normative sociality while transgressing many aspects of it. She was an eccentric street fashion artist of Vilnius whose world and home were populated by animals and beautiful things. She spent a lot of time on the road. I introduce the concept of transsociality to analyze an idiosyncratic way of living that extended beyond normalized and institutionalized sociality. Discussion of transsociality allows us to revisit theories on sociality and reflect on the boundaries of the social. This article also makes a methodological contribution by illustrating how the interlocutor’s “voice” emerged in a material aesthetic—her fashion style—rather than through narrative stories. Strolling Vilnius for over forty years, Rosie was an icon across generations. Some people thought she was a goddess in disguise.
罗茜曾经说过没有人像她一样。她独特的生活方式是对社会的一种审美再创造,部分受到规范性社会的影响,同时又违反了规范性社会的许多方面。她是维尔纽斯一位古怪的街头时尚艺术家,她的世界和家里都挤满了动物和美丽的东西。她花了很多时间在路上。我引入了跨社会性的概念来分析一种超越常态化和制度化社会的特殊生活方式。对跨社会性的讨论使我们能够重新审视社会性的理论,反思社会性的边界。这篇文章还通过说明对话者的“声音”是如何以一种物质美学——她的时尚风格——而不是通过叙事故事出现的,在方法论上做出了贡献。罗西在维尔纽斯漫步了四十多年,是几代人的偶像。有些人认为她是乔装打扮的女神。
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引用次数: 0
Chinese social media sources leave no room for denial 中国社交媒体上的消息来源不容否认
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/721745
Timothy A. Grose
This article draws almost exclusively from Chinese-language social media sites with connections to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to present the grim reality faced by Uyghurs and Kazakhs. Applying a “research search” approach to digital ethnography, this essay presents a comprehensive picture of state violence in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region that is not filtered by Western media, taken hostage by geopolitics, or simply dismissed as fabrication by the Chinese party-state. Focusing on mass incarcerations and their devasting impacts on the region’s Turkic communities, I demonstrate how county-level social media accounts and cadre blogs describe how the party-state detained Uyghurs and Kazakhs without due process, held them in inhumane conditions, separated scores of children from their parents, and imposed policies to destroy ethno-religious identities. These sources present irrefutable evidence of gross human rights violations in Xinjiang.
这篇文章几乎完全从与中国共产党有联系的中文社交媒体网站上取材,来展示维吾尔族和哈萨克族面临的严峻现实。本文采用数字民族志的“研究搜索”方法,呈现了新疆维吾尔自治区国家暴力的全面图景,这些暴力没有被西方媒体过滤,没有被地缘政治绑架,也没有被中国党国政府简单地视为捏造。我关注大规模监禁及其对该地区突厥社区的破坏性影响,展示了县级社交媒体账户和干部博客如何描述党国如何在没有正当程序的情况下拘留维吾尔人和哈萨克人,将他们关押在不人道的条件下,将数十名儿童与父母分开,并实施破坏民族宗教身份的政策。这些消息来源提供了新疆严重侵犯人权的无可辩驳的证据。
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引用次数: 0
Mask and ancestral figure 面具和祖先形象
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/721578
F. Krause
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Hau-Journal of Ethnographic Theory
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