Pub Date : 2020-10-29DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1839040
Basile Boulay, Rumman Khan, O. Morrissey
ABSTRACT Indigenous crops are often neglected in development research, largely because they are grown in particular localities and only account for modest shares of agricultural production at a national level. This article aims to rectify this neglect with respect to the Bambara groundnut using a mixed methods study of farmers in Mtwara, Tanzania. The interest is in determining the importance of the crop in local production patterns and livelihoods, as well as potential levers for improved utilisation. Using the Sustainable Rural Livelihoods framework, we show that the crop is popular and recognised for its agronomic and nutritional properties. It is grown as an additional (or marginal) rather than main crop, with most growers reporting meeting consumption and food security needs as their primary motivation. The absence of markets constitutes a strong barrier towards sales of Bambara, and many farmers report being deterred from growing it for that reason.
{"title":"Under-utilised crops and rural livelihoods: Bambara groundnut in Tanzania","authors":"Basile Boulay, Rumman Khan, O. Morrissey","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1839040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1839040","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Indigenous crops are often neglected in development research, largely because they are grown in particular localities and only account for modest shares of agricultural production at a national level. This article aims to rectify this neglect with respect to the Bambara groundnut using a mixed methods study of farmers in Mtwara, Tanzania. The interest is in determining the importance of the crop in local production patterns and livelihoods, as well as potential levers for improved utilisation. Using the Sustainable Rural Livelihoods framework, we show that the crop is popular and recognised for its agronomic and nutritional properties. It is grown as an additional (or marginal) rather than main crop, with most growers reporting meeting consumption and food security needs as their primary motivation. The absence of markets constitutes a strong barrier towards sales of Bambara, and many farmers report being deterred from growing it for that reason.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"88 - 103"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1839040","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43836152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1828325
L. Enria
ABSTRACT Calls to localise humanitarian practice and to engage communities in emergency responses have gained prominence in recent years. Using the case study of the response to the 2014–16 Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone, this article probes into the assumptions underlying efforts to mobilise ‘community stakeholders’ to legitimise emergency measures, revealing how they envision authority within communities as static and independent of experiences of humanitarian intervention. Drawing inspiration from Raufu Mustapha’s intellectual legacy, it shows the limitations of these assumptions by paying attention to structural factors, historical legacies, and the empirical workings of power. Through an ethnographic account of how the Ebola response was experienced and remembered in a remote border town, the article proposes instead the concept of unsettled authority. Stories from these borderlands show how the legitimacy of local authority was dynamically negotiated, made and unmade, through encounters with humanitarian interventions as these became intertwined with longer-term contestations of power with unpredictable consequences.
{"title":"Unsettled authority and humanitarian practice: reflections on local Iegitimacy from Sierra Leone’s borderlands","authors":"L. Enria","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1828325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1828325","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Calls to localise humanitarian practice and to engage communities in emergency responses have gained prominence in recent years. Using the case study of the response to the 2014–16 Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone, this article probes into the assumptions underlying efforts to mobilise ‘community stakeholders’ to legitimise emergency measures, revealing how they envision authority within communities as static and independent of experiences of humanitarian intervention. Drawing inspiration from Raufu Mustapha’s intellectual legacy, it shows the limitations of these assumptions by paying attention to structural factors, historical legacies, and the empirical workings of power. Through an ethnographic account of how the Ebola response was experienced and remembered in a remote border town, the article proposes instead the concept of unsettled authority. Stories from these borderlands show how the legitimacy of local authority was dynamically negotiated, made and unmade, through encounters with humanitarian interventions as these became intertwined with longer-term contestations of power with unpredictable consequences.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"387 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1828325","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49387208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1826418
Ini Dele-Adedeji
ABSTRACT In recent years, academic researchers and commentators have devoted a great deal of attention to the question of why some sections of the Muslim population in northern Nigeria sympathise with the Boko Haram sect. This article elaborates on original accounts of imprisoned Boko Haram members, former members of the sect, their relatives, and other categories of informants to draw out the dynamics which foregrounded the relative success of the Boko Haram sect in attracting members before July 2009. More specifically, I analyse the dynamics of the relationship between the Muslim public in northern Nigeria and the Nigerian state, in order to contextualise Boko Haram’s emergence and appeal as existing on that spectrum. I focus on both the healthcare sector and police force as case studies, to demonstrate how the perceived failure of successive Nigerian administrations in both areas has engendered gaps which alternative providers of social services have attempted to fill. The sect’s ability to provide social services helped in adding to Boko Haram’s appeal and local legitimacy. In doing so, it becomes clear that before July 2009 the Boko Haram sect took advantage of failures in governance, particularly at the local level, to attract a section of the Muslim public in northern Nigeria.
{"title":"Rationalising the appeal of the Boko Haram sect in Northern Nigeria before July 2009","authors":"Ini Dele-Adedeji","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1826418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1826418","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years, academic researchers and commentators have devoted a great deal of attention to the question of why some sections of the Muslim population in northern Nigeria sympathise with the Boko Haram sect. This article elaborates on original accounts of imprisoned Boko Haram members, former members of the sect, their relatives, and other categories of informants to draw out the dynamics which foregrounded the relative success of the Boko Haram sect in attracting members before July 2009. More specifically, I analyse the dynamics of the relationship between the Muslim public in northern Nigeria and the Nigerian state, in order to contextualise Boko Haram’s emergence and appeal as existing on that spectrum. I focus on both the healthcare sector and police force as case studies, to demonstrate how the perceived failure of successive Nigerian administrations in both areas has engendered gaps which alternative providers of social services have attempted to fill. The sect’s ability to provide social services helped in adding to Boko Haram’s appeal and local legitimacy. In doing so, it becomes clear that before July 2009 the Boko Haram sect took advantage of failures in governance, particularly at the local level, to attract a section of the Muslim public in northern Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"345 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1826418","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45131110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1844879
N. Oppong
ABSTRACT From the vested interests that have held back the promulgation of Nigeria’s petroleum industry for more than 17 years, to the sporadic stoppages that often frustrate attempts by the Kenyan government and Tullow Oil to truck oil from the Turkana region; grand schemes for petroleum resources often get entangled in a complex web of contentious politics. Nonetheless, the basic instinct of the predominant literature on oil governance has been to confine these contentious processes to the ‘black box’ of elite consolidation. Based on an in-depth account of the distinctive political economy drivers of reform in Ghana’s oil industry and the complement of Abdul Raufu Mustapha’s interpretation of the ‘multiple publics’ governing Africa’s public sphere, this article offers a pushback against this dominant narrative. It argues that the constitutive processes that drive institutional and policy reform reflect the impulses of contentious politics, instead of elite reflexes.
{"title":"Between elite reflexes and deliberative impulses: oil and the landscape of contentious politics in Ghana","authors":"N. Oppong","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1844879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1844879","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT From the vested interests that have held back the promulgation of Nigeria’s petroleum industry for more than 17 years, to the sporadic stoppages that often frustrate attempts by the Kenyan government and Tullow Oil to truck oil from the Turkana region; grand schemes for petroleum resources often get entangled in a complex web of contentious politics. Nonetheless, the basic instinct of the predominant literature on oil governance has been to confine these contentious processes to the ‘black box’ of elite consolidation. Based on an in-depth account of the distinctive political economy drivers of reform in Ghana’s oil industry and the complement of Abdul Raufu Mustapha’s interpretation of the ‘multiple publics’ governing Africa’s public sphere, this article offers a pushback against this dominant narrative. It argues that the constitutive processes that drive institutional and policy reform reflect the impulses of contentious politics, instead of elite reflexes.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"329 - 344"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1844879","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42696372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1837093
Daniel E. Agbiboa
ABSTRACT Building on the broader literature on vigilantism, communal war and conflict, this paper examines why and how the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) in northeastern Nigeria mobilized into a pro-government militia with the aim of extirpating Boko Haram insurgents, sponsors and supporters from their communities. It provides a rich and diverse empirical evidence and analysis of why and how local youths joined the CJTF, its modus operandi, and the nature of its relationship to the military and local populations. The participation of people from a variety of religious and ethno-linguistic groups in the CJTF’s counterinsurgent vigilantism point to a collective sense of duty that transcends popular narratives of ethnicity and religion as central to the politics of protection in contemporary Nigeria.
{"title":"Vigilante youths and counterinsurgency in Northeastern Nigeria: the civilian joint task force","authors":"Daniel E. Agbiboa","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1837093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1837093","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Building on the broader literature on vigilantism, communal war and conflict, this paper examines why and how the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) in northeastern Nigeria mobilized into a pro-government militia with the aim of extirpating Boko Haram insurgents, sponsors and supporters from their communities. It provides a rich and diverse empirical evidence and analysis of why and how local youths joined the CJTF, its modus operandi, and the nature of its relationship to the military and local populations. The participation of people from a variety of religious and ethno-linguistic groups in the CJTF’s counterinsurgent vigilantism point to a collective sense of duty that transcends popular narratives of ethnicity and religion as central to the politics of protection in contemporary Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"360 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1837093","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41576169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1825660
David Ehrhardt, Ami V. Shah
ABSTRACT This special issue is dedicated to celebrating the intellectual life and legacy of Abdul Raufu Mustapha (1954-2017). In this introduction, we highlight three themes that permeate his work on social divisions within the African state: the everyday experiences of identity and difference; the dynamics of conflict and violence; and ‘whole-of-society’ governance and statecraft. Notable within Mustapha’s work on these themes, and within the papers that comprise this Special Issue, are interdisciplinary connections and deep, historically-informed empirical work. Using this empirical work, Mustapha frequently challenged theoretical framings of African states that pathologized them; instead, he forced us to understand African states on African terms, and argued that we could learn much from them. In this way, his legacy contains invaluable lessons about governance in complex and divided societies, on the African continent and elsewhere; and it demonstrates a practical method for the decolonisation of scholarship on Africa.
{"title":"Introduction: Abdul Raufu Mustapha and the study of difference and power in African states","authors":"David Ehrhardt, Ami V. Shah","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1825660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1825660","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This special issue is dedicated to celebrating the intellectual life and legacy of Abdul Raufu Mustapha (1954-2017). In this introduction, we highlight three themes that permeate his work on social divisions within the African state: the everyday experiences of identity and difference; the dynamics of conflict and violence; and ‘whole-of-society’ governance and statecraft. Notable within Mustapha’s work on these themes, and within the papers that comprise this Special Issue, are interdisciplinary connections and deep, historically-informed empirical work. Using this empirical work, Mustapha frequently challenged theoretical framings of African states that pathologized them; instead, he forced us to understand African states on African terms, and argued that we could learn much from them. In this way, his legacy contains invaluable lessons about governance in complex and divided societies, on the African continent and elsewhere; and it demonstrates a practical method for the decolonisation of scholarship on Africa.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"307 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1825660","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42536781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1818714
V. Slavchevska, C. Doss, A. P. de la O Campos, Chiara Brunelli
ABSTRACT Advancing women’s land rights is a priority for the international development agenda. Little consensus exists, however, on which rights should be monitored and reported, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa where individual property rights and customary tenure regimes coexist and where much agricultural land remains unregistered. In such contexts, land ownership statistics may provide only a limited picture of women’s and men’s land rights. While some surveys collect information on women’s land ownership, others collect information on women’s management of land or control over the output produced. Using recent waves of the Living Standards Measurement Study-Integrated Surveys on Agriculture (LSMS-ISA) for six African countries, we examine who holds the different rights on each plot of agricultural land and the extent to which these rights are held by the same person. We focus on (a) reported ownership, (b) who decides and manages the agricultural activities, and (c) who controls the output of land. We find that these rights over land do not always overlap, indicating that concepts of ownership, management and economic rights should not be used interchangeably. Consistent measures of women’s and men’s land rights are fundamental for the development of policies to empower rural women and to contribute to poverty reduction.
{"title":"Beyond ownership: women’s and men’s land rights in Sub-Saharan Africa","authors":"V. Slavchevska, C. Doss, A. P. de la O Campos, Chiara Brunelli","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1818714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1818714","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Advancing women’s land rights is a priority for the international development agenda. Little consensus exists, however, on which rights should be monitored and reported, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa where individual property rights and customary tenure regimes coexist and where much agricultural land remains unregistered. In such contexts, land ownership statistics may provide only a limited picture of women’s and men’s land rights. While some surveys collect information on women’s land ownership, others collect information on women’s management of land or control over the output produced. Using recent waves of the Living Standards Measurement Study-Integrated Surveys on Agriculture (LSMS-ISA) for six African countries, we examine who holds the different rights on each plot of agricultural land and the extent to which these rights are held by the same person. We focus on (a) reported ownership, (b) who decides and manages the agricultural activities, and (c) who controls the output of land. We find that these rights over land do not always overlap, indicating that concepts of ownership, management and economic rights should not be used interchangeably. Consistent measures of women’s and men’s land rights are fundamental for the development of policies to empower rural women and to contribute to poverty reduction.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"2 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1818714","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42829392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1787367
P. Clough
ABSTRACT This essay explores a model for inequality in Nigerian rural Hausaland based on fieldwork carried out from 1977 to 1979, with follow-up visits in 1996 and from 1997 to 1998. In the model, rural differentiation in areas of high population density and intensive market networks is theorized as resulting from a trajectory of non-capitalist accumulation. Capital accumulation in such areas is limited by ‘polygynous accumulation’ and ‘cliental accumulation’. Three accumulative forms are integrated by a culturally specific Islamic morality of hidima (social responsibility for others). This morality prevents the emergence of capitalist class differences. Case studies of accumulators from the summers of 2017 and 2018 show that rural accumulators continue to build polygynous households of extraordinary size. At the same time, economic growth in the national capital, Abuja, and to a lesser extent in other northern cities, has maintained high real labour rates. Rural accumulators continue to follow the trajectory of non-capitalist accumulation.
{"title":"The moral economy of rural Hausaland: a perspective from long-term field research","authors":"P. Clough","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1787367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1787367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay explores a model for inequality in Nigerian rural Hausaland based on fieldwork carried out from 1977 to 1979, with follow-up visits in 1996 and from 1997 to 1998. In the model, rural differentiation in areas of high population density and intensive market networks is theorized as resulting from a trajectory of non-capitalist accumulation. Capital accumulation in such areas is limited by ‘polygynous accumulation’ and ‘cliental accumulation’. Three accumulative forms are integrated by a culturally specific Islamic morality of hidima (social responsibility for others). This morality prevents the emergence of capitalist class differences. Case studies of accumulators from the summers of 2017 and 2018 show that rural accumulators continue to build polygynous households of extraordinary size. At the same time, economic growth in the national capital, Abuja, and to a lesser extent in other northern cities, has maintained high real labour rates. Rural accumulators continue to follow the trajectory of non-capitalist accumulation.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"400 - 412"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1787367","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49041411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1808603
N. Owoo, M. Lambon-Quayefio, J. Dávalos, Samuel B. Manu
ABSTRACT Effective access to mandatory non-wage benefits is key to workers achieving decent working conditions. This paper investigates the effects of union presence on workers’ access to non-wage benefits in the Ghanaian labor market. The study draws its data from the 2012–2013 Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS 6) and specifies a multivariate model that simultaneously controls for endogeneity and potential sample-selection biases. We find that unions have a significant effect on facilitation among workers by improving awareness of and access to work benefits. Other factors that affect benefit entitlements in Ghana include the gender of a worker, urbanization, firm size, sector formality, public v.s. private sector jobs, type of occupation, and the presence of work contracts amongst others. Results presented here indicate that workers from formal-sector firms with union presence are more likely to have access to non-wage benefits. It is also found that despite the statutory nature of these non-wage benefits, non-compliance was common, predominantly in the informal sector but also in the formal sector. This is particularly the case with respect to maternity leave benefits and indicates a need for greater enforcement of these laws.
{"title":"Union ‘facilitation effect’ and access to non-wage benefits in the Ghanaian labour market","authors":"N. Owoo, M. Lambon-Quayefio, J. Dávalos, Samuel B. Manu","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1808603","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1808603","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Effective access to mandatory non-wage benefits is key to workers achieving decent working conditions. This paper investigates the effects of union presence on workers’ access to non-wage benefits in the Ghanaian labor market. The study draws its data from the 2012–2013 Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS 6) and specifies a multivariate model that simultaneously controls for endogeneity and potential sample-selection biases. We find that unions have a significant effect on facilitation among workers by improving awareness of and access to work benefits. Other factors that affect benefit entitlements in Ghana include the gender of a worker, urbanization, firm size, sector formality, public v.s. private sector jobs, type of occupation, and the presence of work contracts amongst others. Results presented here indicate that workers from formal-sector firms with union presence are more likely to have access to non-wage benefits. It is also found that despite the statutory nature of these non-wage benefits, non-compliance was common, predominantly in the informal sector but also in the formal sector. This is particularly the case with respect to maternity leave benefits and indicates a need for greater enforcement of these laws.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"240 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1808603","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46677575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/13600818.2020.1792431
Phanwin Yokying, M. Floro
ABSTRACT This study provides a better understanding of children’s engagement in economic work and housework by examining its relationship with parents’ labour force participation. It also explores how parents’ employment type is associated with children’s involvement in work activities. Using Thailand’s Labour Force and Time Use Surveys, our multivariate probit regression results show that girls actively participate in economic activities when their mothers are employed, while boys’ involvement in such work is positively correlated to both parents’ employment. Girls’ housework participation is also positively associated with parents’ employment, suggesting that their assistance in household chores enable their parents to stay in the labour market. These positive relationships are prevalent particularly among children with either mothers or fathers working informally. Hence, the findings suggest that anti-poverty or expansionary policies aimed at increasing labour force participation without attention to job quality, social protection and care needs can adversely affect children by increasing their need to work.
{"title":"Parents’ labour force participation and children’s involvement in work activities: evidence from Thailand","authors":"Phanwin Yokying, M. Floro","doi":"10.1080/13600818.2020.1792431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1792431","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study provides a better understanding of children’s engagement in economic work and housework by examining its relationship with parents’ labour force participation. It also explores how parents’ employment type is associated with children’s involvement in work activities. Using Thailand’s Labour Force and Time Use Surveys, our multivariate probit regression results show that girls actively participate in economic activities when their mothers are employed, while boys’ involvement in such work is positively correlated to both parents’ employment. Girls’ housework participation is also positively associated with parents’ employment, suggesting that their assistance in household chores enable their parents to stay in the labour market. These positive relationships are prevalent particularly among children with either mothers or fathers working informally. Hence, the findings suggest that anti-poverty or expansionary policies aimed at increasing labour force participation without attention to job quality, social protection and care needs can adversely affect children by increasing their need to work.","PeriodicalId":51612,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Development Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"287 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13600818.2020.1792431","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49405787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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