This article addresses the socio-cognitive conceptualizations of the notion of ‘citizenship’ within the space of smart cities. It discusses how smart cities expos are endowed with ideological bearings that mark a shift in these conceptualizations. This ideological shift is explored in the policy releases of Barcelona expo media centre 2019/2020 as retrieved from the Smart City Expo World Congress website. The framework accounts for the socio-cognitive aspects that are brought to the smart expos’ discussions, reframing it within the paradigms of Posthumanism and neoliberal urbanism. It is found that citizenship within smart city discourse is characterized by series of subjugating conflations between biovalues and biometrics, the body, technology, and the city and the citizen. These subjugations are discovered by contesting the metaphors of CITIZEN-FOCUSED URBANISM, VULNERABLE CITIZENS, and TECHNOLOGICAL SOLUTIONISM with their reframed counterparts of BIOMETRIC CITIZEN, INFRASTRUCTURE CITIZENSHIP, and TECHNOLOGICAL PATERNALISM.
{"title":"BIOMETRIC CITIZENS in smart cities","authors":"R. Fawzy","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22097.faw","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22097.faw","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the socio-cognitive conceptualizations of the notion of ‘citizenship’ within the space of smart cities. It discusses how smart cities expos are endowed with ideological bearings that mark a shift in these conceptualizations. This ideological shift is explored in the policy releases of Barcelona expo media centre 2019/2020 as retrieved from the Smart City Expo World Congress website. The framework accounts for the socio-cognitive aspects that are brought to the smart expos’ discussions, reframing it within the paradigms of Posthumanism and neoliberal urbanism. It is found that citizenship within smart city discourse is characterized by series of subjugating conflations between biovalues and biometrics, the body, technology, and the city and the citizen. These subjugations are discovered by contesting the metaphors of CITIZEN-FOCUSED URBANISM, VULNERABLE CITIZENS, and TECHNOLOGICAL SOLUTIONISM with their reframed counterparts of BIOMETRIC CITIZEN, INFRASTRUCTURE CITIZENSHIP, and TECHNOLOGICAL PATERNALISM.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139226261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper critically examines the recent presidential memorandum that replaced the Anglicized exonymic version “Turkey” with the endonym “Türkiye” as a conscious, performative and public relations campaign at both national and international levels. On the surface, this change addresses populist sociolinguistic hypersensitivities surrounding the connotations of the term “turkey” while simultaneously harnessing the commodification and marketization of the Turkey brand through selective references culled from collective memory (i.e., past) and branding aimed at economic gains (i.e., future). However, at the deeper level, this transformation serves as a discursive political instrument and a top-down nation branding effort powered by substantial resources from the state and its institutions with an ultimate motivation to consolidate President Erdoğan’s political power and authority, elevate his status to that of a national leader and institutionalize his populist/nationalist yerli ve millî rhetoric from a de facto to de jure within Yeni Türkiye as a competitive authoritarian regime.
最近的总统备忘录将英式外来语 "土耳其 "替换为内来语 "Türkiye"，这在国家和国际层面都是一场有意识的、表演性的公关活动，本文对此进行了批判性研究。从表面上看，这一改变解决了民粹主义社会语言学对 "土耳其 "一词内涵的过度敏感，同时通过从集体记忆（即过去）和经济收益（即未来）中选择性引用，实现了土耳其品牌的商品化和市场化。然而，在更深层次上，这种转变充当了一种话语政治工具，是一种自上而下的国家品牌塑造努力，由来自国家及其机构的大量资源提供动力，其最终动机是巩固埃尔多安总统的政治权力和权威，将其地位提升为国家领导人，并将其民粹主义/民族主义的 "yerli ve millî "言论制度化，从事实上转变为 "土耳其 "内部法律上的竞争性独裁政权。
{"title":"“Türkiye,” not “Turkey”","authors":"Ali Fuad Selvi","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22104.sel","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22104.sel","url":null,"abstract":"This paper critically examines the recent presidential memorandum that replaced the Anglicized exonymic version “Turkey” with the endonym “Türkiye” as a conscious, performative and public relations campaign at both national and international levels. On the surface, this change addresses populist sociolinguistic hypersensitivities surrounding the connotations of the term “turkey” while simultaneously harnessing the commodification and marketization of the Turkey brand through selective references culled from collective memory (i.e., past) and branding aimed at economic gains (i.e., future). However, at the deeper level, this transformation serves as a discursive political instrument and a top-down nation branding effort powered by substantial resources from the state and its institutions with an ultimate motivation to consolidate President Erdoğan’s political power and authority, elevate his status to that of a national leader and institutionalize his populist/nationalist yerli ve millî rhetoric from a de facto to de jure within Yeni Türkiye as a competitive authoritarian regime.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139226675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyzes debut interviews of female Israeli politicians, in which the interviewees are faced with questions or statements that imply that their gender, ethnicity or background prevent them from fulfilling their function as politicians successfully, in accordance with the “Gendered mediation thesis” (GoodYear-Grant 2013). We focus on the interviewees’ responses to these questions, and particularly on how grammatically negative utterances are deployed in the service of coping with the presuppositions directed at them. The analysis indicates that the negative utterances do not carry the full weight of rejection of implied presuppositions. Moreover, in some cases negative utterances are used by the speakers as part of a hedging strategy. By describing the role of negation in debut interviews of female Israeli politicians, the paper aims to advance a more comprehensive understanding of linguistic patterns used by women, and other silenced groups, to cope with biased representation.
{"title":"“Does being pretty help?”","authors":"Miri Cohen-Achdut, Leon Shor","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22093.coh","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22093.coh","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes debut interviews of female Israeli politicians, in which the interviewees are faced with questions or statements that imply that their gender, ethnicity or background prevent them from fulfilling their function as politicians successfully, in accordance with the “Gendered mediation thesis” (GoodYear-Grant 2013). We focus on the interviewees’ responses to these questions, and particularly on how grammatically negative utterances are deployed in the service of coping with the presuppositions directed at them. The analysis indicates that the negative utterances do not carry the full weight of rejection of implied presuppositions. Moreover, in some cases negative utterances are used by the speakers as part of a hedging strategy. By describing the role of negation in debut interviews of female Israeli politicians, the paper aims to advance a more comprehensive understanding of linguistic patterns used by women, and other silenced groups, to cope with biased representation.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139231230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
European Union (EU) institutions are highly multilingual environments where international communication is very goal-oriented, as they produce and define policies and regulations applied to all member states. This paper aims at exploring how disagreements and conflicting opinions are conveyed in such contexts through the qualitative analysis of debates in recorded meetings of the European Parliament Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety. Two meetings from two different parliamentary terms (2014–2019 and 2019–2024) will be analyzed. The study will adopt a pragma-rhetorical approach, drawing on studies on politeness and conversation analysis techniques and focusing especially on the management of Face Threatening Acts in English turns. Attention will also be paid to language choice, codeswitching, and to the international use of English. Results show that conflict and overt disagreements in the data are very rare, with speakers displaying instead careful mitigation of the language used, especially when English is employed.
{"title":"Disalignment in the EU","authors":"Valeria Franceschi","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22031.fra","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22031.fra","url":null,"abstract":"European Union (EU) institutions are highly multilingual environments where international communication is very goal-oriented, as they produce and define policies and regulations applied to all member states. This paper aims at exploring how disagreements and conflicting opinions are conveyed in such contexts through the qualitative analysis of debates in recorded meetings of the European Parliament Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety. Two meetings from two different parliamentary terms (2014–2019 and 2019–2024) will be analyzed. The study will adopt a pragma-rhetorical approach, drawing on studies on politeness and conversation analysis techniques and focusing especially on the management of Face Threatening Acts in English turns. Attention will also be paid to language choice, codeswitching, and to the international use of English. Results show that conflict and overt disagreements in the data are very rare, with speakers displaying instead careful mitigation of the language used, especially when English is employed.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"277 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139229194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article analyzes the speeches of Turkish female parliamentarians during the headscarf debate. We examine how deputies with different political and ideological predilections discursively construct women’s rights and employ legitimation strategies to validate their policy position. The findings reveal that on the one hand, the female deputies use different legitimation strategies to justify arguments for or against the use of headscarves in the public sector. On the other hand, they embed the headscarf debate into the broader political goals they pursue in a polarized political setting. They deploy legitimation strategies around the headscarf debate to rationalize future policy on issues ranging from the expansion of human rights and democracy to the change of the type of political regime.
{"title":"Constitutive representation of womanhood","authors":"Meral Ugur-Cinar, Fatma Yol","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22147.ugu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22147.ugu","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyzes the speeches of Turkish female parliamentarians during the headscarf debate. We examine how deputies with different political and ideological predilections discursively construct women’s rights and employ legitimation strategies to validate their policy position. The findings reveal that on the one hand, the female deputies use different legitimation strategies to justify arguments for or against the use of headscarves in the public sector. On the other hand, they embed the headscarf debate into the broader political goals they pursue in a polarized political setting. They deploy legitimation strategies around the headscarf debate to rationalize future policy on issues ranging from the expansion of human rights and democracy to the change of the type of political regime.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"116 35","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135136484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kwabena Sarfo Sarfo-Kantankah, Richmond Sadick Ngula, Mark Nartey
Abstract Research on issues of women has largely focused attention on, among others, power asymmetries and gender stereotypes, with less emphasis on positive linguistic mechanisms of women. Drawing on a critical discourse analytical approach and using Ghanaian parliamentary debates as data, this paper examines how female members of parliament (MPs) construct solidarity. The paper finds that, first, Ghanaian female MPs construct solidarity by positioning themselves as agents and the voice of (Ghanaian) women by using the inclusive- we and our/us . Second, the MPs engage in solidarity formation for (Ghanaian) women empowerment by championing the cause of women and calling for female empowerment. Third, the MPs demonstrate solidarity through congratulatory messages that highlight the achievements of (Ghanaian) women. Finally, the MPs resist discourses that discriminate against (Ghanaian) women. This paper highlights the need for marginalized voices to be centred in CDA research and contributes to the burgeoning scholarship on reparative critical practices.
{"title":"The discursive construction of solidarity by Ghanaian female parliamentarians","authors":"Kwabena Sarfo Sarfo-Kantankah, Richmond Sadick Ngula, Mark Nartey","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22146.sar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22146.sar","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Research on issues of women has largely focused attention on, among others, power asymmetries and gender stereotypes, with less emphasis on positive linguistic mechanisms of women. Drawing on a critical discourse analytical approach and using Ghanaian parliamentary debates as data, this paper examines how female members of parliament (MPs) construct solidarity. The paper finds that, first, Ghanaian female MPs construct solidarity by positioning themselves as agents and the voice of (Ghanaian) women by using the inclusive- we and our/us . Second, the MPs engage in solidarity formation for (Ghanaian) women empowerment by championing the cause of women and calling for female empowerment. Third, the MPs demonstrate solidarity through congratulatory messages that highlight the achievements of (Ghanaian) women. Finally, the MPs resist discourses that discriminate against (Ghanaian) women. This paper highlights the need for marginalized voices to be centred in CDA research and contributes to the burgeoning scholarship on reparative critical practices.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135285848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Whoever intends to answer the question about how collective identities are articulated today in capitalist societies cannot ignore the task of conceptually and empirically articulating two differentiated issues: on the one hand, the anomic situations of disintegration, in which the individualizing logic of neoliberal ideology takes center stage; on the other, the emergence of new phenomena of social authoritarianism in different strata where the psycho-affective dynamics of community identifications become especially relevant. In this article I will analyze the mechanisms of communitarian subjectivation deployed by neoliberalism in the time of its crisis. For this purpose, I examine some oral narratives extracted from a qualitative study of Argentine society, in which the interlocutors thread hypotheses about issues of public significance such as social inequality, the role of the State in our crisis context and the rights of immigrants.
{"title":"Mass identifications and mythical violence","authors":"Agustín Lucas Prestifilippo","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22029.pre","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22029.pre","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Whoever intends to answer the question about how collective identities are articulated today in capitalist societies cannot ignore the task of conceptually and empirically articulating two differentiated issues: on the one hand, the anomic situations of disintegration, in which the individualizing logic of neoliberal ideology takes center stage; on the other, the emergence of new phenomena of social authoritarianism in different strata where the psycho-affective dynamics of community identifications become especially relevant. In this article I will analyze the mechanisms of communitarian subjectivation deployed by neoliberalism in the time of its crisis. For this purpose, I examine some oral narratives extracted from a qualitative study of Argentine society, in which the interlocutors thread hypotheses about issues of public significance such as social inequality, the role of the State in our crisis context and the rights of immigrants.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"27 17","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135973701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines how Nigerian female political leaders (NFPLs) exploit self-presentation strategies to formulate and promote social justice. Using insights from critical discourse analysis and Jones and Pittman’s (1982) self-presentation strategies, and with a data set from the verified Facebook and Twitter accounts of two female ministers and three female senators, the study investigates how NFPLs systematically utilize discursive strategies such as self-promotion, ingratiation, exemplification, intimidation and supplication to present themselves as a powerful voice for the voiceless and as active alternative leaders. The study argues that the strategies help the leaders to amplify their authority by showcasing personal presence and past accomplishments, appealing to the concerns of the masses and soliciting their support in future elections. The study demonstrates that these strategies project female leaders as dynamic participants in political and public decision-making processes and positively evaluate their contributions to social change.
{"title":"Self-promotion, ideology and power in the social media posts of Nigerian Female Political Leaders","authors":"Ebuka Elias Igwebuike, Lily Chimuanya","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22148.igw","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22148.igw","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines how Nigerian female political leaders (NFPLs) exploit self-presentation strategies to formulate and promote social justice. Using insights from critical discourse analysis and Jones and Pittman’s (1982) self-presentation strategies, and with a data set from the verified Facebook and Twitter accounts of two female ministers and three female senators, the study investigates how NFPLs systematically utilize discursive strategies such as self-promotion, ingratiation, exemplification, intimidation and supplication to present themselves as a powerful voice for the voiceless and as active alternative leaders. The study argues that the strategies help the leaders to amplify their authority by showcasing personal presence and past accomplishments, appealing to the concerns of the masses and soliciting their support in future elections. The study demonstrates that these strategies project female leaders as dynamic participants in political and public decision-making processes and positively evaluate their contributions to social change.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135934955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Informed by a critical discourse analytical approach to agency, this paper examines the construction of agency in the speeches of Mia Mottley, the prime minister of Barbados. The analysis reveals that she enacts her agency in three main ways: (1) constructing strong and decisive leadership, (2) sculpting a ‘prophetess’ image and (3) issuing a clarion call to action. These processes enable her to project her voice, foreground the issues that are relevant to her and establish her legitimacy and authority. The study finds that Mia Mottley’s construction of agency is expressed via referential terms, personal pronouns, modal verbs and the representation of social actors. This paper extends existing work on discursive agency and illustrates the role of language and Global South leaders in the decolonization of political processes. It also affirms the view that research that foregrounds female agency is important in dismantling repressive patriarchal structures and building inclusive communities.
{"title":"The construction of agency in the discourse of Barbados’ prime minister Mia Mottley","authors":"Mark Nartey","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22145.nar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22145.nar","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Informed by a critical discourse analytical approach to agency, this paper examines the construction of agency in the speeches of Mia Mottley, the prime minister of Barbados. The analysis reveals that she enacts her agency in three main ways: (1) constructing strong and decisive leadership, (2) sculpting a ‘prophetess’ image and (3) issuing a clarion call to action. These processes enable her to project her voice, foreground the issues that are relevant to her and establish her legitimacy and authority. The study finds that Mia Mottley’s construction of agency is expressed via referential terms, personal pronouns, modal verbs and the representation of social actors. This paper extends existing work on discursive agency and illustrates the role of language and Global South leaders in the decolonization of political processes. It also affirms the view that research that foregrounds female agency is important in dismantling repressive patriarchal structures and building inclusive communities.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"6 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135933680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carolina Pérez-Arredondo, Camila Cárdenas-Neira, Luis Cárcamo-Ulloa
Abstract This study analyzed the multimodal discursive strategies Elisa Loncón, a Mapuche linguist and renowned academic, used on Instagram to position herself as a sociopolitical leader during her tenure as president of the Chilean Constitutional Convention. 811 Instagram posts from her account were downloaded from 15 January 2021 until 15 January 2022. From this, 81 of the most interacted posts were selected and used to examine her multimodal discursive strategies while drawing on the Discourse-Historical Approach ( Reisigl and Wodak 2001 , 2016 ). The results revealed three main themes: (1) the construction of an alternative leadership, (2) visibilization of female leadership decision-making, and (3) a vindication of linguistic rights. Referential and intensification strategies were particularly salient, and they were used to legitimize her role and foreground her Mapuche ancestry. These findings highlight how female political leaders (and their intersecting identities) strategically deploy their communication practices to resist sexism and racism.
{"title":"The construction and legitimation of Elisa Loncón as a Mapuche female political leader on Instagram","authors":"Carolina Pérez-Arredondo, Camila Cárdenas-Neira, Luis Cárcamo-Ulloa","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22144.per","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22144.per","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study analyzed the multimodal discursive strategies Elisa Loncón, a Mapuche linguist and renowned academic, used on Instagram to position herself as a sociopolitical leader during her tenure as president of the Chilean Constitutional Convention. 811 Instagram posts from her account were downloaded from 15 January 2021 until 15 January 2022. From this, 81 of the most interacted posts were selected and used to examine her multimodal discursive strategies while drawing on the Discourse-Historical Approach ( Reisigl and Wodak 2001 , 2016 ). The results revealed three main themes: (1) the construction of an alternative leadership, (2) visibilization of female leadership decision-making, and (3) a vindication of linguistic rights. Referential and intensification strategies were particularly salient, and they were used to legitimize her role and foreground her Mapuche ancestry. These findings highlight how female political leaders (and their intersecting identities) strategically deploy their communication practices to resist sexism and racism.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"9 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135934954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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