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Review of Matthiessen, Wang, Ma & Mwinlaaru (2022): Systemic Functional Insights on Language and Linguistics 评论 Matthiessen、Wang、Ma 和 Mwinlaaru (2022):对语言和语言学的系统功能性见解
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-17 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.23138.che
Shengnan Chen, Haijuan Yan
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引用次数: 0
Border-making as illiberal politics 作为非自由政治的边界制造
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.23089.sco
J. W. Scott
Radical Right-wing populism frequently involves ‘divide and rule’ strategies as a means to attain and consolidate political power. In the cases of Viktor Orban’s political regime in Hungary and Donald Trump’s four-year presidency (and its aftermath), we find a pronounced attempt to create narrative hegemony of a sense of nation built upon Christian civilization and foundationalist understandings of national identity. Moreover, both cases reveal processes of social border-making that are reflected in norming and the creation of distinctions based on degrees of national authenticity. Applying an ontological security and critical borders studies approach, this paper will specifically focus on the different ways in which border-making processes, or bordering, are implicated in the exercise of illiberal political power in the Hungarian and US cases. Despite many similarities, the actual mobilization of popular support reflects local conditions and has resulted in rather different political outcomes.
激进的右翼民粹主义经常采取 "分而治之 "的策略,以此作为获得和巩固政治权力的手段。在维克多-欧尔班(Viktor Orban)的匈牙利政权和唐纳德-特朗普(Donald Trump)的四年总统任期(及其后)中,我们发现了一种明显的企图,即建立在基督教文明和对国家认同的基础主义理解之上的国家意识的叙事霸权。此外,这两个案例都揭示了社会边界的形成过程,这种过程反映在规范化和基于国家真实性程度的区分上。本文将运用本体论安全和批判性边界研究的方法,特别关注匈牙利和美国案例中边界形成过程或边界与行使非自由政治权力的不同牵连方式。尽管有许多相似之处,但实际动员民众支持的情况反映了当地的条件,并导致了相当不同的政治结果。
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引用次数: 0
Review of Fotiadou (2022): The Language of Employability: A Corpus-Based Analysis of UK University Websites 回顾 Fotiadou (2022):就业语言:基于语料库的英国大学网站分析
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-25 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.24065.val
Jeremy Valentine
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引用次数: 0
‘They will not survive here’ 他们无法在这里生存
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.23085.pie
Sonja Pietiläinen
To justify the hardening of borders the populist radical right sometimes uses environmental rhetoric to frame migrants as a threat. The radical right’s environmental politics has been analysed through a focus on state borders, but less attention has been paid to the (re)production of bordering within and beyond the nation-state and to the racialising effects of such rhetoric, in other words how racial differences and hierarchies are (re)produced and justified through language on nature. Drawing on geographical literature on bordering and nationalism and postcolonial theory, this article investigates the semantic structures that convey the racist messaging. The article argues that the ‘racialized Other’ is bordered from the ’green’ homeland and Western space by utilising determinist conceptions of nature, through animalistic and environmental disaster metaphors, and by mobilising an idea of the environmentally conscious Finn as the opposite of the littering migrant.
民粹主义激进右翼有时会利用环境修辞将移民视为威胁,从而为强化边界辩护。激进右翼的环境政治一直以国家边界为重点进行分析,但较少关注民族国家内外边界的(再)生成以及此类修辞的种族化效应,换言之,种族差异和等级制度是如何通过有关自然的语言进行(再)生成和辩解的。本文借鉴有关边界和民族主义的地理文献以及后殖民理论,研究了传递种族主义信息的语义结构。文章认为,"种族化的他者 "与 "绿色 "家园和西方空间接壤的方式是利用自然的决定论概念,通过动物性和环境灾难的隐喻,以及将具有环保意识的芬兰人与乱扔垃圾的移民对立起来。
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引用次数: 0
Review of Augé (2023): Metaphor and Argumentation in Climate Crisis Discourse 评论 Augé(2023 年):气候危机话语中的隐喻与论证
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.24056.zou
Jie Zou, Xiyun Zhong
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引用次数: 0
Bordering and crisis narratives to illiberal ends 以边界和危机叙事达到不自由的目的
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.23086.sza
A. Szalai
This paper draws lessons from security and populism studies to theorize how radical right-wing populism (RRWP) utilizes borders as a symbolic resource in crisis narratives to clearly frame an “Us” and a threatening “Them”. By analyzing the Hungarian Orbán regime’s evolving rhetoric on borders, the paper illustrates how populists employ crisis narratives not to mitigate, but exacerbate ontological insecurities, and thereby facilitate de-democratization by (re)shaping voter attitudes (cf. Homolar & Scholz 2019; Steele & Homolar 2019). The paper suggests that populists-in-power rely on crisis and bordering narratives beyond voter mobilization: such narratives are in fact designed to legitimize and affirm illiberal practices that undermine liberal democracy itself, and contribute to regime building. Border crises, and crisis politics, hence become a template for the manipulation of individuals’ security-of-being, and thereby a tool in the politics of reassurance and control at the broader, societal level.
本文从安全和民粹主义研究中汲取经验教训,从理论上探讨激进右翼民粹主义(RRWP)如何在危机叙事中利用边界这一象征性资源来明确界定 "我们 "和具有威胁性的 "他们"。通过分析匈牙利欧尔班政权不断演变的边界言论,本文说明了民粹主义者如何利用危机叙事来缓解而非加剧本体论上的不安全感,从而通过(重新)塑造选民态度来促进去民主化(参见 Homolar & Scholz 2019;Steele & Homolar 2019)。本文认为,民粹主义当权者除了动员选民之外,还依赖于危机和边界叙事:这类叙事实际上旨在使破坏自由民主本身的非自由主义做法合法化并得到肯定,从而促进政权建设。因此,边境危机和危机政治成为操纵个人安全感的模板,进而成为在更广泛的社会层面进行保证和控制的政治工具。
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引用次数: 0
From war to crime rhetoric 从战争到犯罪言论
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.23155.dot
Silvana D’Ottone, M. Varela, Diego Castro, Héctor Carvacho
In October 2019, Chile witnessed an unprecedented social uprising, with millions of citizens rising against social inequalities and injustice. The government employed various strategies to end demonstrations, including the speeches delivered by President Piñera. This study aims to explore the representation of protests and their actors in the presidential discourse and how it evolved over the course of events. Our analysis of themes, discursive actions, and attitudinal appraisals, coupled with a temporal framework, reveals that the initial framing of the uprising as a war shifted to crime rhetoric, possibly in response to negative reactions from the audience. Despite the President adopting a seemingly softer rhetoric later on, our study suggests that violence and division remained prominent themes in his speeches. Examining discourse shifts and fluctuations throughout the timeline of the social upheaval provides a comprehensive understanding of how political discourse is shaped in the midst of an unparalleled social uprising
2019 年 10 月,智利发生了一场史无前例的社会起义,数百万公民奋起反抗社会不平等和不公正。政府采取了各种策略来结束示威活动,包括皮涅拉总统的讲话。本研究旨在探讨抗议活动及其参与者在总统演讲中的表现形式,以及抗议活动是如何随着事件的发展而演变的。我们对主题、话语行动和态度评价的分析,再加上时间框架,揭示了最初将起义定性为战争的言论,可能是为了回应听众的负面反应,而转变为犯罪言论。尽管总统后来采用了看似温和的修辞,但我们的研究表明,暴力和分裂仍然是他演讲中的突出主题。在社会动荡的整个时间轴上研究话语的转变和波动,可以全面了解政治话语是如何在一场空前的社会起义中形成的。
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引用次数: 0
Of infiltrators and wild beasts 渗透者和野兽
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.23084.dem
Massimiliano Demata
This paper addresses Benjamin Netanyahu’s border discourse in the context of radical right-wing populism. It discusses how, in the speeches and statements appearing in his official government website, Netanyahu construes groups located spatially outside Israel’s borders, mainly terrorists and migrants (the “wild beasts” and the “infiltrators”), as existential threats to Israel. The aim is to prove that, in legitimizing the militarization of borders through “security fences”, so that the “other” can be excluded from the nation, Netanyahu uses the same power geometries and discursive strategies, i.e. Proximization (Cap 2013) and dehumanizing metaphors (Santa Ana 1999, Musolff 2015, Taylor 2021), typically used by right-wing populist parties and leaders. By appealing to both populism and certain interpretations of Zionism, his ethnonationalist view of borders is based on the normalization of the discourse of delegitimation and exclusion of those groups considered as a threat to the nation.
本文探讨了本雅明-内塔尼亚胡在激进右翼民粹主义背景下的边境言论。文章讨论了内塔尼亚胡如何在其政府官方网站的演讲和声明中,将位于以色列边界之外的群体,主要是恐怖分子和移民("野兽 "和 "渗透者"),解释为对以色列存在的威胁。本文旨在证明,内塔尼亚胡在通过 "安全栅栏 "使边界军事化合法化,从而将 "他者 "排除在国家之外时,使用了与右翼民粹主义政党和领导人通常使用的相同的权力几何和话语策略,即接近化(Cap,2013 年)和非人化隐喻(Santa Ana,1999 年;Musolff,2015 年;Taylor,2021 年)。通过诉诸民粹主义和对犹太复国主义的某些解释,他的民族主义边界观建立在去合法化话语正常化的基础上,并排斥那些被视为对国家构成威胁的群体。
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引用次数: 0
“Almost a mother tongue” "几乎是母语"
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.22200.mil
W. F. Miles
Passage of Israel’s Jewish nationality law in 2018 shined more than usual light on the Druze citizens of Israel. It put into painful question their integration into Israeli society. Key to that integration is Druze mastery of the Jewish State’s official language; hence the question, “How do Israeli Druze learn Hebrew?” The answer is multivariable: pedagogy, gender, bilingualism, technology, religion, conscription, and socialization are all factors. Druze mastery of Hebrew through the IDF is being replaced by formal language education. This is reinforced through growing participation of Druze females in Israeli institutions. Arabic being the maternal tongue of Druze, unlike among the nation’s Jewish majority Hebrew surpasses English as their second language. Increasing use of social/digital media in Hebrew, particularly among the young, reinforces the bilingual identity of Israeli Druze. So do Hebrew language textbooks, which “Israelize” Druze by teaching about Judaism and emphasizing similarities between Jewish and Druze traditions.
2018 年以色列犹太国籍法的通过让以色列的德鲁兹公民受到了比往常更多的关注。这让他们融入以色列社会的问题变得令人痛苦。这种融合的关键在于德鲁兹人掌握犹太国的官方语言;因此就有了 "以色列德鲁兹人如何学习希伯来语?"的问题。答案是多方面的:教学法、性别、双语、技术、宗教、征兵和社会化都是因素。德鲁兹人通过以色列国防军掌握的希伯来语正在被正规语言教育所取代。德鲁兹女性越来越多地进入以色列的机构,从而加强了这一点。阿拉伯语是德鲁兹人的母语,但在以犹太人居多的国家,希伯来语超过英语成为他们的第二语言。使用希伯来语的社交/数字媒体越来越多,尤其是在年轻人当中,这强化了以色列德鲁兹人的双语身份。希伯来语教科书也是如此,通过讲授犹太教和强调犹太教与德鲁兹传统之间的相似之处,使德鲁兹人 "以色列化"。
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引用次数: 0
France’s “drôle de guerre” 法国的 "假战争
IF 1.3 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1075/jlp.22047.aug
Anaïs Augé
This paper sheds light on the sociopolitical polarisation reflected in the responses to a political metaphor, in French public discourse about covid-19. The aim is to uncover how polarisation may influence metaphorical representation of a political issue. The study focuses on the French President’s metaphor “we are at war”, in his announcement of the national lockdown. Responses to this “war” metaphor in public discourse are analysed following a combination of metaphor theories and argumentation theories. Results show that such responses transformed the ”war” metaphor into the “phoney war” metaphor for covid-19. This yielded four main arguments which 1.established causals links between covid-19 and policies, 2.partially endorsed the metaphor, 3.focused on the President’s discursive pattern, and 4.focused on the President’s status. It is argued that more research is needed into public reception to political discourse, in view of the arguments derived from resistance to metaphor.
本文揭示了法国公众在讨论 "科维-19 "时,对一个政治隐喻的反应所反映出的社会政治两极分化。目的是揭示两极分化如何影响政治问题的隐喻表述。研究的重点是法国总统在宣布全国封锁时使用的隐喻 "我们处于战争状态"。结合隐喻理论和论证理论,分析了公共话语中对这一 "战争 "隐喻的反应。结果表明,这些回应将 "战争 "隐喻转化为 covid-19 的 "虚假战争 "隐喻。这产生了四个主要论点:1.建立了 covid-19 与政策之间的因果联系;2.部分认可了隐喻;3.侧重于总统的话语模式;4.侧重于总统的地位。鉴于从抵制隐喻中得出的论点,本文认为需要对公众对政治话语的接受程度进行更多研究。
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Journal of Language and Politics
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