This study examines several Nigerians’ resistance to the two major political parties and their presidential candidates using positive discourse analysis. Additionally, the study critically investigates Nigerians’ support for the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) during the build-up to the 2023 Nigeria’s general elections. Data for the study comprise 1000 tweets with the hashtags #Obidients, #Atikulated, #Tinubu and tweets that mentioned Peter Obi, Atiku, Atikulated, Jagaban, Tinubu, Emilokan, PDP, APC and LP between June and October 2022. The analysis reveals that tweeps construct resistance via three discursive strategies: critiquing and resisting the APC and PDP, portraying Peter Obi of the Labour Party as a political saviour, and positioning Nigerians as politically wiser. This study provides a fresh perspective on analysing Nigeria’s electoral rhetoric by identifying social media as sites for atypical resistance, social change, and revolution.
{"title":"“The youths are wiser now”","authors":"C. J. Ikechukwu-Ibe, Sopuruchi Christian Aboh","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23104.ike","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23104.ike","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study examines several Nigerians’ resistance to the two major political parties and their presidential\u0000 candidates using positive discourse analysis. Additionally, the study critically investigates Nigerians’ support for the\u0000 presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) during the build-up to the 2023 Nigeria’s general elections. Data for the study\u0000 comprise 1000 tweets with the hashtags #Obidients, #Atikulated, #Tinubu and tweets that mentioned Peter Obi, Atiku, Atikulated,\u0000 Jagaban, Tinubu, Emilokan, PDP, APC and LP between June and October 2022. The analysis reveals that tweeps construct resistance\u0000 via three discursive strategies: critiquing and resisting the APC and PDP, portraying Peter Obi of the Labour Party as a political\u0000 saviour, and positioning Nigerians as politically wiser. This study provides a fresh perspective on analysing Nigeria’s electoral\u0000 rhetoric by identifying social media as sites for atypical resistance, social change, and revolution.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140239618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deconstructs the parliamentary discourses regarding two migratory incidents in Ceuta, May 2021, and Melilla, June 2022, when hundreds of people attempted to cross the fences that separate Morocco from Spain. Most of them were immediately deported, many injured, and several died. This analysis compares the density of populist, anti-populist, re-bordering, and de-bordering references in forty-five speeches at the Spanish Congress regarding both tragic events. Vox speakers articulate a distinct discourse that instrumentalises these incidents to convey a sense of existential crisis and to (re)define a populist right-wing political identity based on moral hierarchies, a homogenising conception of society and the exclusion of a dangerous “other.” Meanwhile some parties applied a populist logic to promote de-bordering views and others combined re-bordering and de-bordering claims without imposing a populist frame. This was an opportunity to exhibit a progressive sense of place in borderlands contrasting with Vox’s reactionary one.
{"title":"A fence of opportunity","authors":"José Javier Olivas Osuna","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23083.oli","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23083.oli","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article deconstructs the parliamentary discourses regarding two migratory incidents in Ceuta, May 2021, and Melilla, June 2022, when hundreds of people attempted to cross the fences that separate Morocco from Spain. Most of them were immediately deported, many injured, and several died. This analysis compares the density of populist, anti-populist, re-bordering, and de-bordering references in forty-five speeches at the Spanish Congress regarding both tragic events. Vox speakers articulate a distinct discourse that instrumentalises these incidents to convey a sense of existential crisis and to (re)define a populist right-wing political identity based on moral hierarchies, a homogenising conception of society and the exclusion of a dangerous “other.” Meanwhile some parties applied a populist logic to promote de-bordering views and others combined re-bordering and de-bordering claims without imposing a populist frame. This was an opportunity to exhibit a progressive sense of place in borderlands contrasting with Vox’s reactionary one.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140260174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Johanna Isosävi, Heike Baldauf-Quilliatre, Christophe Gagne, Eero Voutilainen
This paper analyses unauthorised turns – namely, interruptions – in parliamentary debates, by focusing on their lesser-studied interactional characteristics, that is, reactions. Drawing upon cross-cultural pragmatics, we compare reactions in Finnish (Eduskunta of Finland), French (Assemblée nationale of France) and German (Bundestag of Germany) parliamentary debates. In doing so, we applied conversation analysis in the sequential analysis of reactions to interruptions while considering restrictions related to written transcriptions. While most interruptions passed without reaction in all three languages, the reactions came from different sources: from unauthorised speakers in French, from authorised speakers in German and from both in Finnish. Our study demonstrates that interruptions serve as resources for micro-interactions within official speaking turns in parliamentary debates, revealing cross-cultural differences in speech styles.
{"title":"Reactions to interruptions in Finnish, French and German parliamentary debates","authors":"Johanna Isosävi, Heike Baldauf-Quilliatre, Christophe Gagne, Eero Voutilainen","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23053.iso","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23053.iso","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper analyses unauthorised turns – namely, interruptions – in parliamentary debates, by focusing on their lesser-studied interactional characteristics, that is, reactions. Drawing upon cross-cultural pragmatics, we compare reactions in Finnish (Eduskunta of Finland), French (Assemblée nationale of France) and German (Bundestag of Germany) parliamentary debates. In doing so, we applied conversation analysis in the sequential analysis of reactions to interruptions while considering restrictions related to written transcriptions. While most interruptions passed without reaction in all three languages, the reactions came from different sources: from unauthorised speakers in French, from authorised speakers in German and from both in Finnish. Our study demonstrates that interruptions serve as resources for micro-interactions within official speaking turns in parliamentary debates, revealing cross-cultural differences in speech styles.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140264167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the ideological controversies around Spanish liberalism through the story of the Citizens party – from its rise in 2006 through 2023, after a sequence of electoral defeats that almost certified its demise. Born as a regional party in Catalonia with an anti-nationalist platform focused on linguistic policies, in national politics it fostered a liberal agenda. The article examines Citizens’ politics of language hiding the party’s liberal identity because of its association to right-wing outlooks. At its founding documents there was an amalgam of liberal and social democratic constitutional values inspiring the party’s political approach. No earnest question was made of their difficult accommodation, given their disparity at the policy level. In 2017 an internal debate arouse, and from 2019 a number of electoral setbacks accelerated it. By then the liberal language legitimizing its passage from regional into a national party had lost its civic appeal.
{"title":"The awkward rhetoric of Spanish liberalism","authors":"José María Rosales","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22182.ros","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22182.ros","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article explores the ideological controversies around Spanish liberalism through the story of the Citizens\u0000 party – from its rise in 2006 through 2023, after a sequence of electoral defeats that almost certified its demise. Born as a\u0000 regional party in Catalonia with an anti-nationalist platform focused on linguistic policies, in national politics it fostered a\u0000 liberal agenda. The article examines Citizens’ politics of language hiding the party’s liberal identity because of its association\u0000 to right-wing outlooks. At its founding documents there was an amalgam of liberal and social democratic constitutional values\u0000 inspiring the party’s political approach. No earnest question was made of their difficult accommodation, given their disparity at\u0000 the policy level. In 2017 an internal debate arouse, and from 2019 a number of electoral setbacks accelerated it. By then the\u0000 liberal language legitimizing its passage from regional into a national party had lost its civic appeal.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140079153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What explains the convergence and divergence of states’ interests related to global human rights? This study examines the dyadic similarity of the language used in the multilateral dialogue focusing on the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). The joint activities of NGOs influence states, and human rights norms are transmitted through IGOs. Using text analysis methods, the similarity between state recommendations during the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is systematically quantified. Analyses suggest that a pair of states are more likely to use similar language in UPR recommendations as the number of joint activities of NGOs, shared memberships in IGOs, and shared experience in the UNHRC increases. The effects are robust even after controlling for different types of political relationships between states.
{"title":"Interests convergence in global human rights politics","authors":"Yooneui Kim","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23016.kim","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23016.kim","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 What explains the convergence and divergence of states’ interests related to global human rights? This study\u0000 examines the dyadic similarity of the language used in the multilateral dialogue focusing on the role of non-governmental\u0000 organizations (NGOs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). The joint activities of NGOs influence states, and human rights\u0000 norms are transmitted through IGOs. Using text analysis methods, the similarity between state recommendations during the Universal\u0000 Periodic Review (UPR) process at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is systematically quantified. Analyses suggest\u0000 that a pair of states are more likely to use similar language in UPR recommendations as the number of joint activities of NGOs,\u0000 shared memberships in IGOs, and shared experience in the UNHRC increases. The effects are robust even after controlling for\u0000 different types of political relationships between states.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140430135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article expands on previous research on news trans-editing by examining the relationship between ideology and language. Using a conceptual framework that combines critical discourse analysis with narrative analysis, the study analyses a corpus of trans-edited news articles on the 2014 Hong Kong protests. These articles were collected from Reference News, along with their source texts from various English-language international media. Narrative analysis was conducted using NVivo computer-assisted tools, including cluster analysis, word frequency and matrix coding. The findings reveal significant shifts in the narratives between the original and trans-edited versions, indicating that the trans-editors recontextualised the news narratives by determining the narrators, retroversions and frequency of the narrative texts. These results suggest that news trans-editing is not a neutral process, but is rather influenced by the ideological stance of the news outlet.
{"title":"Unveiling ideological shifts in news trans‑editing","authors":"Yuan Ping, Kefei Wang","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22114.pin","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22114.pin","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article expands on previous research on news trans-editing by examining the relationship between ideology and\u0000 language. Using a conceptual framework that combines critical discourse analysis with narrative analysis, the study analyses a\u0000 corpus of trans-edited news articles on the 2014 Hong Kong protests. These articles were collected from Reference\u0000 News, along with their source texts from various English-language international media. Narrative analysis was\u0000 conducted using NVivo computer-assisted tools, including cluster analysis, word frequency and matrix coding. The findings reveal\u0000 significant shifts in the narratives between the original and trans-edited versions, indicating that the trans-editors\u0000 recontextualised the news narratives by determining the narrators, retroversions and frequency of the narrative texts. These\u0000 results suggest that news trans-editing is not a neutral process, but is rather influenced by the ideological stance of the news\u0000 outlet.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140429706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Asad Sayeed, Ellen Breitholtz, Robin Cooper, Eveliina Lindgren, Gregor Rettenegger, Björn Rönnerstrand
The term dogwhistle refers to an expression conveying a message to a subset of an audience which is not perceived by the rest of the group, in addition to a primary meaning directed at the group at large. We follow up on previous work in linguistics and political communication on defining dogwhistles, taking into account how they likely function in real-life political contexts. We consider the utility of dogwhistles in terms of their sensitivity and their specificity, which allows us to consider dogwhistles in terms of an idealized “life cycle”, whose phases we describe in terms of a multi-dimensional utility tradeoff, described in terms of dogwhistle users, the benefit they expect to receive from dogwhistling, and the deniability of controversial dogwhistle meanings. We propose an approach for the longitudinal study of dogwhistles, and describe the first stages of an experiment to characterize dogwhistles in terms of their lexical properties.
{"title":"The utility of (political) dogwhistles – a life cycle perspective","authors":"Asad Sayeed, Ellen Breitholtz, Robin Cooper, Eveliina Lindgren, Gregor Rettenegger, Björn Rönnerstrand","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23047.say","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23047.say","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The term dogwhistle refers to an expression conveying a message to a subset of an audience which is not perceived by the rest of the group, in addition to a primary meaning directed at the group at large. We follow up on previous work in linguistics and political communication on defining dogwhistles, taking into account how they likely function in real-life political contexts. We consider the utility of dogwhistles in terms of their sensitivity and their specificity, which allows us to consider dogwhistles in terms of an idealized “life cycle”, whose phases we describe in terms of a multi-dimensional utility tradeoff, described in terms of dogwhistle users, the benefit they expect to receive from dogwhistling, and the deniability of controversial dogwhistle meanings. We propose an approach for the longitudinal study of dogwhistles, and describe the first stages of an experiment to characterize dogwhistles in terms of their lexical properties.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140429188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The perception of leaders as charismatic personalities has been linked to the level of (positive) emotion in their messages. The present paper reports a cross-modal perception study on the relationship between perceived charisma and positive as well as negative emotions. One hundred forty-nine participants listened or read Brexit speeches by four British politicians (David Cameron, Nicola Sturgeon, Nigel Farage, Theresa May) and rated their charisma using a 7-point Likert scale. Emotions in speeches were quantified on three dimensions (valence, arousal, dominance) and supplemented by analyses of person deixis (I vs. we). Results revealed that effects of emotions on perceived charisma are moderated by the modality of speeches. Emotionally positive words as well as inclusive person deixis increased charisma ratings in written messages, but the effect was reduced or not present in auditory versions of these messages. Implications arise for studies of political discourse that tend to focus on scripted speeches.
{"title":"Perception of charisma in text and speech","authors":"Judit Vari, Tamara Rathcke, A. Cichocka","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23029.var","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23029.var","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The perception of leaders as charismatic personalities has been linked to the level of (positive) emotion in their\u0000 messages. The present paper reports a cross-modal perception study on the relationship between perceived charisma and positive as\u0000 well as negative emotions. One hundred forty-nine participants listened or read Brexit speeches by four British politicians (David\u0000 Cameron, Nicola Sturgeon, Nigel Farage, Theresa May) and rated their charisma using a 7-point Likert scale. Emotions in speeches\u0000 were quantified on three dimensions (valence, arousal, dominance) and supplemented by analyses of person deixis\u0000 (I vs. we). Results revealed that effects of emotions on perceived charisma are moderated by\u0000 the modality of speeches. Emotionally positive words as well as inclusive person deixis increased charisma ratings in written\u0000 messages, but the effect was reduced or not present in auditory versions of these messages. Implications arise for studies of\u0000 political discourse that tend to focus on scripted speeches.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139854282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The perception of leaders as charismatic personalities has been linked to the level of (positive) emotion in their messages. The present paper reports a cross-modal perception study on the relationship between perceived charisma and positive as well as negative emotions. One hundred forty-nine participants listened or read Brexit speeches by four British politicians (David Cameron, Nicola Sturgeon, Nigel Farage, Theresa May) and rated their charisma using a 7-point Likert scale. Emotions in speeches were quantified on three dimensions (valence, arousal, dominance) and supplemented by analyses of person deixis (I vs. we). Results revealed that effects of emotions on perceived charisma are moderated by the modality of speeches. Emotionally positive words as well as inclusive person deixis increased charisma ratings in written messages, but the effect was reduced or not present in auditory versions of these messages. Implications arise for studies of political discourse that tend to focus on scripted speeches.
{"title":"Perception of charisma in text and speech","authors":"Judit Vari, Tamara Rathcke, A. Cichocka","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23029.var","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23029.var","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The perception of leaders as charismatic personalities has been linked to the level of (positive) emotion in their\u0000 messages. The present paper reports a cross-modal perception study on the relationship between perceived charisma and positive as\u0000 well as negative emotions. One hundred forty-nine participants listened or read Brexit speeches by four British politicians (David\u0000 Cameron, Nicola Sturgeon, Nigel Farage, Theresa May) and rated their charisma using a 7-point Likert scale. Emotions in speeches\u0000 were quantified on three dimensions (valence, arousal, dominance) and supplemented by analyses of person deixis\u0000 (I vs. we). Results revealed that effects of emotions on perceived charisma are moderated by\u0000 the modality of speeches. Emotionally positive words as well as inclusive person deixis increased charisma ratings in written\u0000 messages, but the effect was reduced or not present in auditory versions of these messages. Implications arise for studies of\u0000 political discourse that tend to focus on scripted speeches.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139794441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The field of the linguistic landscape has been examined as an arena of negotiation, struggle, and contestation, where individuals and communities play roles in the symbolic construction of the public sphere. Transitory linguistic landscapes show the power struggle between different communities or how individuals claim their rights in the public sphere. Specifically, political demonstrations can influence public opinion and change policies and law. The mass protest analyzed in the present study aimed to inform public opinion about a public healthcare problem and to push the regional government to take action to resolve the issue. Following the frameworks of geosemiotics, interpellation, and dialogism, the focus of the present study is to examine qualitatively how the political and social action of a mass demonstration is mediated and created through multimodal resources.
{"title":"Linguistic landscapes of activism","authors":"Alba Arias Álvarez","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23040.ari","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23040.ari","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The field of the linguistic landscape has been examined as an arena of negotiation, struggle, and contestation, where individuals and communities play roles in the symbolic construction of the public sphere. Transitory linguistic landscapes show the power struggle between different communities or how individuals claim their rights in the public sphere. Specifically, political demonstrations can influence public opinion and change policies and law. The mass protest analyzed in the present study aimed to inform public opinion about a public healthcare problem and to push the regional government to take action to resolve the issue. Following the frameworks of geosemiotics, interpellation, and dialogism, the focus of the present study is to examine qualitatively how the political and social action of a mass demonstration is mediated and created through multimodal resources.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139688145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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