Although the populist radical right (PRR) has become a global phenomenon, research about it focuses much more on Europe than on other regions. To counter this imbalance, this special issue provides comparative evidence on the discourse elaborated by the PRR on six non-European countries: Australia, Brazil, Chile, India, Turkey, and the United States. As we will show, non-European PRR forces articulate authoritarian, nativist, and populist ideas in different ways than their European brethren and they employ specific ideological elements (e.g., neoliberalism and religion) to advance discourses that resonate with the social grievances that are preponderant in the context wherein they operate. This reveals that part of the success of the PRR is related to its discursive flexibility and capacity to adapt itself with the aim of constructing frames that connect with the anxieties experimented by segments of the voting public across different national and regional settings.
{"title":"The populist radical right beyond Europe","authors":"Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Lisa Zanotti","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22136.rov","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22136.rov","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Although the populist radical right (PRR) has become a global phenomenon, research about it focuses much more on\u0000 Europe than on other regions. To counter this imbalance, this special issue provides comparative evidence on the discourse\u0000 elaborated by the PRR on six non-European countries: Australia, Brazil, Chile, India, Turkey, and the United States. As we will\u0000 show, non-European PRR forces articulate authoritarian, nativist, and populist ideas in different ways than their European\u0000 brethren and they employ specific ideological elements (e.g., neoliberalism and religion) to advance discourses that resonate with\u0000 the social grievances that are preponderant in the context wherein they operate. This reveals that part of the success of the PRR\u0000 is related to its discursive flexibility and capacity to adapt itself with the aim of constructing frames that connect with the\u0000 anxieties experimented by segments of the voting public across different national and regional settings.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48617280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
C. Díaz, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Lisa Zanotti
Despite the increasing influence of populist radical right (PRR) forces at the global level, they have been absent in Chile until very recently. Today, however, the conditions seem to be ripe for the consolidation of the PRR in the country. As we show in this contribution, José Antonio Kast and the Partido Republicano advance a programmatic agenda that emphasizes authoritarian, nativist, and populist ideas. We also demonstrate certain peculiarities of this political project, which differentiates it from its European brethren. In fact, the party has adopted very clear neoliberal positions and puts much more emphasis on outgroup distinctions within rather than outside the nation. Moreover, given that José Antonio Kast and the Partido Republicano maintain a very fluid relationship with the mainstream right, collaboration between the two seems much simpler and more feasible than in most European cases.
{"title":"The arrival of the populist radical right in Chile","authors":"C. Díaz, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Lisa Zanotti","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22131.dia","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22131.dia","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Despite the increasing influence of populist radical right (PRR) forces at the global level, they have been absent in Chile until very recently. Today, however, the conditions seem to be ripe for the consolidation of the PRR in the country. As we show in this contribution, José Antonio Kast and the Partido Republicano advance a programmatic agenda that emphasizes authoritarian, nativist, and populist ideas. We also demonstrate certain peculiarities of this political project, which differentiates it from its European brethren. In fact, the party has adopted very clear neoliberal positions and puts much more emphasis on outgroup distinctions within rather than outside the nation. Moreover, given that José Antonio Kast and the Partido Republicano maintain a very fluid relationship with the mainstream right, collaboration between the two seems much simpler and more feasible than in most European cases.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47643520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the shifting boundaries in populist discourses in China, with a focus on how the political leader’s discourse socially constructs the people. By combining critical and post-structuralist discourse analysis, we argue firstly that prevalent Western-centric approaches to the study of populism only partially capture the notion of the people in contemporary China, the study of which requires a mixture of elements from these approaches. Secondly, that the image of a Chinese people embracing the Chinese Dream and the promise for a New China, is narrated in a context where the Chinese Communist Party infuses all levels of society with messages of development, prosperity, peace and freedom. And thirdly, that while previous leaders would normally address the people in a formal and detached way, the distance between leadership and the people has been reduced in the Xi Jinping era.
{"title":"The leader and the people","authors":"E. Fanoulis, Alessandra Cappelletti","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22032.fan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22032.fan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the shifting boundaries in populist discourses in China, with a focus on how the political\u0000 leader’s discourse socially constructs the people. By combining critical and post-structuralist discourse analysis, we argue\u0000 firstly that prevalent Western-centric approaches to the study of populism only partially capture the notion of the people in\u0000 contemporary China, the study of which requires a mixture of elements from these approaches. Secondly, that the image of a Chinese\u0000 people embracing the Chinese Dream and the promise for a New China, is narrated in a context where the Chinese Communist Party\u0000 infuses all levels of society with messages of development, prosperity, peace and freedom. And thirdly, that while previous\u0000 leaders would normally address the people in a formal and detached way, the distance between leadership and the people has been\u0000 reduced in the Xi Jinping era.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44588042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines one of the longest-standing populist radical right parties outside of Europe: Pauline Hanson’s One Nation. The article outlines the party’s development and position in the Australian political landscape, before explaining how it articulates the ideological features of the PRR (nativism, authoritarianism and populism); how these interact; and in what ways this differs from European PRR parties. It shows that the party has steadfastly remained focused on targeting outgroups – immigrants, asylum seekers, Asians, Muslims, and First Nations Peoples, amongst others – rather than clearly defining its ingroup – ‘ordinary Australians’ – and considers the role of Australia’s settler-colonial history and geographical context in this. It then analyses how the party has broadened its platform in recent years by engaging with gender identity, vaccine mandates, climate change scepticism and sovereign-citizen issues; before explaining the factors that have prevented it from achieving the success of many European PRR parties.
{"title":"The populist radical right in Australia","authors":"B. Moffitt, Kurt Sengul","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22132.mof","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22132.mof","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines one of the longest-standing populist radical right parties outside of Europe: Pauline\u0000 Hanson’s One Nation. The article outlines the party’s development and position in the Australian political landscape, before\u0000 explaining how it articulates the ideological features of the PRR (nativism, authoritarianism and populism); how these interact;\u0000 and in what ways this differs from European PRR parties. It shows that the party has steadfastly remained focused on targeting\u0000 outgroups – immigrants, asylum seekers, Asians, Muslims, and First Nations Peoples, amongst others – rather than clearly defining\u0000 its ingroup – ‘ordinary Australians’ – and considers the role of Australia’s settler-colonial history and geographical context in\u0000 this. It then analyses how the party has broadened its platform in recent years by engaging with gender identity, vaccine\u0000 mandates, climate change scepticism and sovereign-citizen issues; before explaining the factors that have prevented it from\u0000 achieving the success of many European PRR parties.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46469967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article situates the largest political party in the world, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, within the literature on the populist radical right. After providing a brief overview of Hindutva ideology and organizations, with a particular focus on the BJP, it analyzes how nativism, populism, and authoritarianism are key defining elements in both theory and practice for the BJP. It further examines two important ideological tenets that go beyond these three defining attributes of the (European) populist radical right – anti-colonialism and neoliberalism – which lend towards the success of the BJP. Since holding a majority in national government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP has been able to implement its vision of creating a Hindustan, or Hindu ethnostate. Like other populist radical right parties in power, the BJP is more radical in deeds than in words, but the future of the party without Modi’s leadership is uncertain.
{"title":"Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)","authors":"E. Leidig, C. Mudde","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22134.lei","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22134.lei","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article situates the largest political party in the world, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, within\u0000 the literature on the populist radical right. After providing a brief overview of Hindutva ideology and organizations, with a\u0000 particular focus on the BJP, it analyzes how nativism, populism, and authoritarianism are key defining elements in both\u0000 theory and practice for the BJP. It further examines two important ideological tenets that\u0000 go beyond these three defining attributes of the (European) populist radical right – anti-colonialism and neoliberalism – which\u0000 lend towards the success of the BJP. Since holding a majority in national government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP\u0000 has been able to implement its vision of creating a Hindustan, or Hindu ethnostate. Like other populist radical right parties in\u0000 power, the BJP is more radical in deeds than in words, but the future of the party without Modi’s leadership is uncertain.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45949686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates how the Populist Radical Right (PRR) in the United States has, under the leadership of Donald Trump, reshaped the Republican party and American Politics more broadly. With a platform built on anti-immigrant nativism (“Build the wall”), anti-elite populism (“Drain the swamp”) and authoritarian rhetoric (“The election was stolen”), “Trumpism” neatly matches the definition of the PRR, observed in Europe. Based on evidence gathered from survey data and over a dozen elite interviews with American political and civil society leaders, this article explores common features between Trumpism and Europe’s PRR as well as breaks and continuities with America’s own traditions of populism, nativism, and authoritarianism. Overall, rather than an Americanisation of global politics, this article finds evidence for a Europeanisation of American politics as faith-based culture wars are replaced by a new brand of nativist right-wing identity politics.
{"title":"A Europeanisation of American politics?","authors":"T. Cremer","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22135.cre","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22135.cre","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article investigates how the Populist Radical Right (PRR) in the United States has, under the leadership of Donald Trump, reshaped the Republican party and American Politics more broadly. With a platform built on anti-immigrant nativism (“Build the wall”), anti-elite populism (“Drain the swamp”) and authoritarian rhetoric (“The election was stolen”), “Trumpism” neatly matches the definition of the PRR, observed in Europe. Based on evidence gathered from survey data and over a dozen elite interviews with American political and civil society leaders, this article explores common features between Trumpism and Europe’s PRR as well as breaks and continuities with America’s own traditions of populism, nativism, and authoritarianism. Overall, rather than an Americanisation of global politics, this article finds evidence for a Europeanisation of American politics as faith-based culture wars are replaced by a new brand of nativist right-wing identity politics.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47909340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The presidential candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil in 2018 was the Populist Radical Right’s (PRR) first one to be electorally successful in Latin America. Although it is possible to assert that Bolsonaro belongs to the PRR given his political career, few studies have focused on the supply-side and Bolsonaro’s ideas and discourses. This article analyzes the relevance of the three defining attributes of the PRR – nativism, authoritarianism, and populism – in Bolsonaro’s ideological and programmatic platform. Based on an analysis of the 2018 electoral manifesto, campaign and government speeches, and social network posts, three arguments will be made: (i) authoritarianism is the primary defining attribute of Bolsonaro; (ii) populism only exists in the country associated with a solid negative political identity, an anti-Workers’ Party sentiment known in Brazil as antipetismo; and (iii) neoliberalism must be considered a fourth ideological element of the Brazilian PRR.
{"title":"Jair Bolsonaro and the defining attributes of the populist radical right in Brazil","authors":"Talita Tanscheit","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22133.tan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22133.tan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The presidential candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil in 2018 was the Populist Radical Right’s (PRR) first one to be electorally successful in Latin America. Although it is possible to assert that Bolsonaro belongs to the PRR given his political career, few studies have focused on the supply-side and Bolsonaro’s ideas and discourses. This article analyzes the relevance of the three defining attributes of the PRR – nativism, authoritarianism, and populism – in Bolsonaro’s ideological and programmatic platform. Based on an analysis of the 2018 electoral manifesto, campaign and government speeches, and social network posts, three arguments will be made: (i) authoritarianism is the primary defining attribute of Bolsonaro; (ii) populism only exists in the country associated with a solid negative political identity, an anti-Workers’ Party sentiment known in Brazil as antipetismo; and (iii) neoliberalism must be considered a fourth ideological element of the Brazilian PRR.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43648736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article questions the offensive realist explanation of the war in Ukraine found in the work of John Mearsheimer. It argues that Mearsheimer’s failure to take seriously predispositional factors means his account of the war offers an incomplete basis for discerning motives, predicting the conflict’s evolution, or responding to Russian aggression. To address this deficit and explain how ideological beliefs and meanings expressed in discourse are shaping Russia’s prosecution of the war, the article sets out an interpretive framework that draws on insights into armed conflict and ideology from the likes of Michael Freeden and Jonathan Leader Maynard as well as contributions to Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) primarily in the work of Teun van Dijk. To explore the Russian ideological and discursive aspects at play in the Ukraine war, the article fixes its analytical gaze on an address delivered by Putin to the Russian nation on February 24, 2022.
{"title":"Mearsheimer, Putin, ideology, and the war in Ukraine","authors":"N. Hughes","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22112.hug","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22112.hug","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article questions the offensive realist explanation of the war in Ukraine found in the work of John Mearsheimer. It argues that Mearsheimer’s failure to take seriously predispositional factors means his account of the war offers an incomplete basis for discerning motives, predicting the conflict’s evolution, or responding to Russian aggression. To address this deficit and explain how ideological beliefs and meanings expressed in discourse are shaping Russia’s prosecution of the war, the article sets out an interpretive framework that draws on insights into armed conflict and ideology from the likes of Michael Freeden and Jonathan Leader Maynard as well as contributions to Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) primarily in the work of Teun van Dijk. To explore the Russian ideological and discursive aspects at play in the Ukraine war, the article fixes its analytical gaze on an address delivered by Putin to the Russian nation on February 24, 2022.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48391428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) is one of the longest ruling among contemporary populist radical right parties (PRR). For nearly two decades, the AKP has shown tremendous success in achieving electoral dominance and political control. This article argues that AKP’s success lies in its ability to reconfigure the issue salience in Turkish politics by bringing the secular-conservative cleavage into the center of political competition. However, as this article shows, while the government’s framing of conservative/religious values was initially populist, as the Party consolidated its power, populism became secondary to nativism. This nativist turn is characterized by an emphasis on the foreignness of “the elites” and is shaped by secularization of the public sphere and antiwesternism. Overall, AKP has not presented a fundamental opposition to the “establishment” but brought together many components of Turkey’s institutional and cultural structure and radicalized patterns already present in earlier eras.
{"title":"Populist radical right beyond Europe","authors":"E. Balta","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22130.bal","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22130.bal","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) is one of the longest ruling among contemporary populist radical\u0000 right parties (PRR). For nearly two decades, the AKP has shown tremendous success in achieving electoral dominance and political\u0000 control. This article argues that AKP’s success lies in its ability to reconfigure the issue salience in Turkish politics by\u0000 bringing the secular-conservative cleavage into the center of political competition. However, as this article shows, while the\u0000 government’s framing of conservative/religious values was initially populist, as the Party consolidated its power, populism became\u0000 secondary to nativism. This nativist turn is characterized by an emphasis on the foreignness of “the elites” and is shaped by\u0000 secularization of the public sphere and antiwesternism. Overall, AKP has not presented a fundamental opposition to the\u0000 “establishment” but brought together many components of Turkey’s institutional and cultural structure and radicalized patterns\u0000 already present in earlier eras.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43545784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines how emergent Twitter publics are organised and engage with political scandal and personalisation during Covid-19 in the UK. The analysis is centred on a series of media events around Chief Adviser to the then-UK Prime Minister, running from May 2020 to May 2021. The samples comprises original tweets that contain key hashtags, amounting to 38,326 items. These are subject to topic model analysis to identify semantic fields, before using critical discourse analysis. We find hashtags help constitute emergent Twitter publics, and that tweets follow conversational patterns and conspire in tactics of intertextuality. Dissention to government conduct engages resourcefully with the affordances of Twitter: constituting publics, shaping discourse, and articulating with parallel discussions on political performance. Further, a computational approach can systematise the identification of domains of discourse and relevant lexical sets, providing an evidence-based understanding of even novel and emergent political discourses in online discussion.
{"title":"Emergent Twitter publics through political scandal","authors":"C. Rathnayake, Angela Smith, Michael Higgins","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22028.rat","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22028.rat","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study examines how emergent Twitter publics are organised and engage with political scandal and\u0000 personalisation during Covid-19 in the UK. The analysis is centred on a series of media events around Chief Adviser to the then-UK\u0000 Prime Minister, running from May 2020 to May 2021. The samples comprises original tweets that contain key hashtags, amounting to\u0000 38,326 items. These are subject to topic model analysis to identify semantic fields, before using critical discourse analysis. We\u0000 find hashtags help constitute emergent Twitter publics, and that tweets follow conversational patterns and conspire in tactics of\u0000 intertextuality. Dissention to government conduct engages resourcefully with the affordances of Twitter: constituting publics,\u0000 shaping discourse, and articulating with parallel discussions on political performance. Further, a computational approach can\u0000 systematise the identification of domains of discourse and relevant lexical sets, providing an evidence-based understanding of\u0000 even novel and emergent political discourses in online discussion.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43122604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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