“One country, two systems” (OCTS) is the constitutional principle that established Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy after the city’s handover from Britain to China in 1997. This study conducts the first systemic, diachronic analysis of the discursive construction of OCTS in Chinese news media, focusing on Beijing’s mouthpiece and public diplomacy newspaper, China Daily. After reviewing the tripartite representation of the principle in the literature, we identify a refocus from the economic to the legal-political aspect of OCTS and an increasing emphasis on the socio-cultural dimension of OCTS in China Daily’s news discourses from 1997 to 2020. These patterns indicated OCTS’s changing status from a ‘legitimating ideology’ to a political principle struggling to be ‘legitimate’ in Beijing’s political discourses. Despite disputes about OCTS, we anticipate that Beijing and Hong Kong’s opposition will continue to abide by this principle in their future interactions.
{"title":"The construction of Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” in China Daily","authors":"Jiange Deng, Zhongxuan Lin","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22021.den","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22021.den","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 “One country, two systems” (OCTS) is the constitutional principle that established Hong Kong’s high degree of\u0000 autonomy after the city’s handover from Britain to China in 1997. This study conducts the first systemic, diachronic analysis of\u0000 the discursive construction of OCTS in Chinese news media, focusing on Beijing’s mouthpiece and public diplomacy newspaper,\u0000 China Daily. After reviewing the tripartite representation of the principle in the literature, we identify a\u0000 refocus from the economic to the legal-political aspect of OCTS and an increasing emphasis on the socio-cultural dimension of OCTS\u0000 in China Daily’s news discourses from 1997 to 2020. These patterns indicated OCTS’s changing status from a ‘legitimating ideology’\u0000 to a political principle struggling to be ‘legitimate’ in Beijing’s political discourses. Despite disputes about OCTS, we\u0000 anticipate that Beijing and Hong Kong’s opposition will continue to abide by this principle in their future interactions.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"92 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139444581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article comparatively analyses the rise of anti-LGBT rhetoric in Indonesia and Turkey in the 2010s and early 2020s. In both countries, periods of greater public visibility of LGBTQ+ people in the early 2000s were followed by waves of severe anti-LGBT rhetoric, violence, and legal measures. This analysis focusses on the rhetoric that conservative state and non-state actors use to other non-heteronormative people and to exclude them from the nation or “the people”. My main argument is that state and non-state actors conduct othering of LGBTQ+ people and construct them as dangerous threats to the nation and to the structure of the family. The anti-LGBT narratives are integrated into larger conspiracy narratives of foreign powers undermining the nation.
本文比较分析了 2010 年代和 2020 年代初印度尼西亚和土耳其反 LGBT 言论的兴起。在这两个国家，2000 年代初 LGBTQ+ 在公众中的能见度有所提高，但随之而来的是一波又一波严重的反 LGBT 言论、暴力和法律措施。本分析侧重于保守的国家和非国家行为者对其他非异性恋者的言论，以及将他们排除在国家或 "人民 "之外的言论。我的主要论点是，国家和非国家行为者将 LGBT+ 人另类化，并将他们视为对国家和家庭结构的危险威胁。反 LGBT 的叙事与外国势力破坏国家的更大阴谋叙事融为一体。
{"title":"Political homophobia","authors":"Saskia Schäfer","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22050.sch","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22050.sch","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article comparatively analyses the rise of anti-LGBT rhetoric in Indonesia and Turkey in the 2010s and early 2020s. In both countries, periods of greater public visibility of LGBTQ+ people in the early 2000s were followed by waves of severe anti-LGBT rhetoric, violence, and legal measures. This analysis focusses on the rhetoric that conservative state and non-state actors use to other non-heteronormative people and to exclude them from the nation or “the people”. My main argument is that state and non-state actors conduct othering of LGBTQ+ people and construct them as dangerous threats to the nation and to the structure of the family. The anti-LGBT narratives are integrated into larger conspiracy narratives of foreign powers undermining the nation.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"25 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139443645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article addresses the narrative and discursive structures underlying popular Peruvian political phrases disseminated through social media, word-of-mouth communication and mainstream media between 2016 and 2022. One goal is to reveal how these constructions suggest patterns of interaction and societal weaknesses. Another goal is to propose a qualitative approach using a narrative semiotics perspective to analyze the structure of these types of objects of study. Four relevant interconnected structures were distinguished: (1) structures of generalized and (2) compartmentalized distrust and (3) structures of vertical and (4) horizontal shame. They all serve to understand how the generalization of distrust and the rise of horizontal shaming in Peru expose the incoherence between a publicized democratic image and a reality characterized by deep social fractures.
{"title":"Rickety democracies","authors":"Kate S. O’Connor-Farfan","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22065.oco","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22065.oco","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article addresses the narrative and discursive structures underlying popular Peruvian political phrases\u0000 disseminated through social media, word-of-mouth communication and mainstream media between 2016 and 2022. One goal is to reveal\u0000 how these constructions suggest patterns of interaction and societal weaknesses. Another goal is to propose a qualitative approach\u0000 using a narrative semiotics perspective to analyze the structure of these types of objects of study. Four relevant interconnected\u0000 structures were distinguished: (1) structures of generalized and (2) compartmentalized distrust\u0000 and (3) structures of vertical and (4) horizontal shame. They all serve to understand how the\u0000 generalization of distrust and the rise of horizontal shaming in Peru expose the incoherence between a publicized democratic image\u0000 and a reality characterized by deep social fractures.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"1 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138971810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study provides an account of how the representation of China has changed diachronically in the South China Morning Post (SCMP), the leading liberal English-language broadsheet in Hong Kong, since the sovereignty transfer in 1997. Adopting a corpus-based approach to critical discourse studies, we analyse two corpora of news reports about China in the newspaper, one for 1997–2000 and the other one for 2015–2018. It is found that the representation of China has changed from very negative representations focusing on human right problems in the first period to largely positive representations centring upon China’s global and economic power in the second period. The changes may suggest that the SCMP has to a certain extent shifted its positioning of China from “them” to “us”, though an ambivalent stance is observed. The ambivalence is discussed in relation to the economic convergence and political divergence between Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland.
{"title":"From “them” to “us”?","authors":"Mandy Hoi Man Yu, Dezheng (William) Feng","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22156.yu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22156.yu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study provides an account of how the representation of China has changed diachronically in the South China\u0000 Morning Post (SCMP), the leading liberal English-language broadsheet in Hong Kong, since the sovereignty\u0000 transfer in 1997. Adopting a corpus-based approach to critical discourse studies, we analyse two corpora of news reports about China in the\u0000 newspaper, one for 1997–2000 and the other one for 2015–2018. It is found that the representation of China has changed from very negative\u0000 representations focusing on human right problems in the first period to largely positive representations centring upon China’s global and\u0000 economic power in the second period. The changes may suggest that the SCMP has to a certain extent shifted its positioning\u0000 of China from “them” to “us”, though an ambivalent stance is observed. The ambivalence is discussed in relation to the economic convergence\u0000 and political divergence between Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"90 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138586481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There have been limited studies comparing Chinese and American news media in their descriptions of vaccines, especially their use of metaphors in the context of COVID-19. Hence, this paper employs a corpus-assisted critical approach to examine the metaphors used in constructing crisis discourses relating to vaccines in Chinese and American newspapers. The study reveals four conceptual metaphors: WEAPON, MACHINE, TRAVELLER, and CONTEST. The usage of these metaphors is intertwined with wider discursive contexts, which are shaped by the two countries’ distinct journalistic and geopolitical/sociocultural contexts. These have resulted in the adoption of different strategies for handling the COVID-19 crisis, reflecting the ideologies of collectivism in China and capitalism in America. The study highlights the significance of metaphors in shaping the ideologies of governments and/or the public towards vaccines through news media. Additionally, this paper provides a useful framework for comparing metaphor usage in two large corpora using Wmatrix.
{"title":"The use of metaphors to construct crisis discourses in describing COVID-19 vaccines in the Chinese and the American news media","authors":"Gaoqiang Lu, Yating Yu","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22153.lu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22153.lu","url":null,"abstract":"There have been limited studies comparing Chinese and American news media in their descriptions of vaccines, especially their use of metaphors in the context of COVID-19. Hence, this paper employs a corpus-assisted critical approach to examine the metaphors used in constructing crisis discourses relating to vaccines in Chinese and American newspapers. The study reveals four conceptual metaphors: WEAPON, MACHINE, TRAVELLER, and CONTEST. The usage of these metaphors is intertwined with wider discursive contexts, which are shaped by the two countries’ distinct journalistic and geopolitical/sociocultural contexts. These have resulted in the adoption of different strategies for handling the COVID-19 crisis, reflecting the ideologies of collectivism in China and capitalism in America. The study highlights the significance of metaphors in shaping the ideologies of governments and/or the public towards vaccines through news media. Additionally, this paper provides a useful framework for comparing metaphor usage in two large corpora using Wmatrix.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"87 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139205341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 23rd of January 2019 marked the beginning of the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis, a unique socio-political conflict that confronted Nicolás Maduro, president of Venezuela, to the self-proclaimed leader Juan Guaidó. This paper explores the divisive power of conceptual metaphors in this context through the analysis of polarising metaphors, namely, metaphors that conceptualise ‘Us’ positively and/or ‘Them’ negatively. More specifically, from a corpus-based critical socio-cognitive perspective (Musolff 2016; Soares da Silva 2020; Charteris-Black 2011), this study looks at the main polarising metaphors of Maduro and Guaidó’s political discourses and examines their role in the discursive construction of ideological polarisation, social identities, and legitimacy using a target-based approach (Stefanowitsch and Gries 2006). The results show that both leaders strategically use polarising metaphors, especially those of CONFRONTATION, HUMAN BEING and JOURNEY, to reproduce their ideologies, reinforce their social identities, and legitimise their political positions.
{"title":"Polarising metaphors in the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis","authors":"Silvia Peterssen, Augusto Soares da Silva","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22169.pet","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22169.pet","url":null,"abstract":"The 23rd of January 2019 marked the beginning of the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis, a unique socio-political conflict that confronted Nicolás Maduro, president of Venezuela, to the self-proclaimed leader Juan Guaidó. This paper explores the divisive power of conceptual metaphors in this context through the analysis of polarising metaphors, namely, metaphors that conceptualise ‘Us’ positively and/or ‘Them’ negatively. More specifically, from a corpus-based critical socio-cognitive perspective (Musolff 2016; Soares da Silva 2020; Charteris-Black 2011), this study looks at the main polarising metaphors of Maduro and Guaidó’s political discourses and examines their role in the discursive construction of ideological polarisation, social identities, and legitimacy using a target-based approach (Stefanowitsch and Gries 2006). The results show that both leaders strategically use polarising metaphors, especially those of CONFRONTATION, HUMAN BEING and JOURNEY, to reproduce their ideologies, reinforce their social identities, and legitimise their political positions.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" 31","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139206930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies have highlighted differences between right-wing populism in Western and Central Eastern Europe but suggested that discourses have been converging since the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015. This article examines this claim by focusing on right-wing populist frames and affective communication on migration in Austria and Slovenia. Taking a communication-centred approach, the study is based on a critical frame analysis of 70 speeches from far-right to centre-right parties in parliamentary debates on migration between 2015 and 2019. The results show that right-wing populist discourses in the two adjacent countries have aligned in appealing to affects, particularly to fear and in framing migration as a threat to security and culture. Despite differences in mobilizing affects, the findings indicate a mutual alignment of right-wing populism beyond borders, signalling a potential risk of a broader right-wing populist bloc unified by fear of migration.
{"title":"Borderless fear?","authors":"Daniel Thiele, M. Pajnik, Birgit Sauer, I. Šori","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22026.thi","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22026.thi","url":null,"abstract":"Studies have highlighted differences between right-wing populism in Western and Central Eastern Europe but suggested that discourses have been converging since the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015. This article examines this claim by focusing on right-wing populist frames and affective communication on migration in Austria and Slovenia. Taking a communication-centred approach, the study is based on a critical frame analysis of 70 speeches from far-right to centre-right parties in parliamentary debates on migration between 2015 and 2019. The results show that right-wing populist discourses in the two adjacent countries have aligned in appealing to affects, particularly to fear and in framing migration as a threat to security and culture. Despite differences in mobilizing affects, the findings indicate a mutual alignment of right-wing populism beyond borders, signalling a potential risk of a broader right-wing populist bloc unified by fear of migration.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"137 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139225567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Debates over the difference between populism and nationalism have been at the forefront of political research on the far right in recent years. This paper aims to provide an empirical support for the claim that nationalism and populism are two distinct phenomena by analysing the articulations of both discourses in Vlaams Belang gender politics. In this perspective, this paper starts by presenting Benjamin De Cleen and Yannis Stavrakakis’s discursive-theoretical distinction of populism and nationalism (De Cleen and Stavrakakis 2017, 2020), before to introduce the literature on far right gender politics. The contribution then analyses Vlaams Belang gender discourses by mobilizing this theoretical framework in order to show how this distinction can help us identifying the different dimensions underlying contemporary far right gender discourses. The article concludes by suggesting new avenues for a better understanding of the various discursive strands composing far right politics.
近年来，关于民粹主义和民族主义之间区别的辩论一直是极右翼政治研究的前沿问题。本文旨在通过分析 Vlaams Belang 性别政治中民族主义和民粹主义两种话语的阐述，为民族主义和民粹主义是两种不同现象的说法提供实证支持。从这一角度出发，本文首先介绍了本杰明-德-克莱恩（Benjamin De Cleen）和扬尼斯-斯塔夫拉卡基斯（Yannis Stavrakakis）对民粹主义和民族主义的话语理论区分（德-克莱恩和斯塔夫拉卡基斯，2017 年，2020 年），然后介绍了有关极右性别政治的文献。然后，文章利用这一理论框架分析了波兰之声（Vlaams Belang）的性别话语，以说明这一区分如何帮助我们识别当代极右翼性别话语背后的不同维度。文章最后为更好地理解构成极右翼政治的各种话语体系提出了新的途径。
{"title":"Doing gender at the far right","authors":"Archibald Gustin","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22163.gus","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22163.gus","url":null,"abstract":"Debates over the difference between populism and nationalism have been at the forefront of political research on the far right in recent years. This paper aims to provide an empirical support for the claim that nationalism and populism are two distinct phenomena by analysing the articulations of both discourses in Vlaams Belang gender politics. In this perspective, this paper starts by presenting Benjamin De Cleen and Yannis Stavrakakis’s discursive-theoretical distinction of populism and nationalism (De Cleen and Stavrakakis 2017, 2020), before to introduce the literature on far right gender politics. The contribution then analyses Vlaams Belang gender discourses by mobilizing this theoretical framework in order to show how this distinction can help us identifying the different dimensions underlying contemporary far right gender discourses. The article concludes by suggesting new avenues for a better understanding of the various discursive strands composing far right politics.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139220293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, I look at linguistic studies of communist propaganda produced by oppositional scholars in the last two decades of state socialism in Poland. I argue that Polish discourse of linguistics in 1970–1989 was a vehicle for the promotion of liberalism in the People’s Republic of Poland and an important area of political contestation. I demonstrate that Polish linguistic studies of communist propaganda should not be assumed to be “objective” or politically disengaged. Ideas about language detectable in these studies, especially “referentialism”, promote liberal democracy by consistently implying values characteristic of liberalism as a political ideology. In this way, Polish linguists engaged in a form of anti-communist resistance and formulated language policy proposals for the language of liberal democracy. I argue that language ideologies are sometimes systematically related to political ideologies by promoting specific political values or points of view.
{"title":"On the language of liberalism","authors":"Anna Stanisz-Lubowiecka","doi":"10.1075/jlp.23014.sta","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.23014.sta","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I look at linguistic studies of communist propaganda produced by oppositional scholars in the last two decades of state socialism in Poland. I argue that Polish discourse of linguistics in 1970–1989 was a vehicle for the promotion of liberalism in the People’s Republic of Poland and an important area of political contestation. I demonstrate that Polish linguistic studies of communist propaganda should not be assumed to be “objective” or politically disengaged. Ideas about language detectable in these studies, especially “referentialism”, promote liberal democracy by consistently implying values characteristic of liberalism as a political ideology. In this way, Polish linguists engaged in a form of anti-communist resistance and formulated language policy proposals for the language of liberal democracy. I argue that language ideologies are sometimes systematically related to political ideologies by promoting specific political values or points of view.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139221010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines protest language from the late Arab Spring uprisings, more specifically in Tunisia, Egypt and Iraq – identified as the “Facebook Upheavals”. It explores the discursive aspects of these processes through which social protest and dissent are constructed and different forms of communication and expression are mobilized. It also examines how the various modes of representation and dissemination contribute to shaping and influencing social movements and resistance within the Arab political context, individually and collectively. On the collective level, the paper explores the discursive construction of collective identities, the formation of alliances, and the negotiation of power relations within and between different protest movements. This is done by reporting how discourses are used to challenge dominant narratives, contest oppressive structures, and then to shape the political landscape in the Arab region.
{"title":"The aesthetic values of the semiotic choices in Arab protests","authors":"Ali Badeen Mohammed Al-Rikaby","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22149.moh","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22149.moh","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines protest language from the late Arab Spring uprisings, more specifically in Tunisia, Egypt and Iraq – identified as the “Facebook Upheavals”. It explores the discursive aspects of these processes through which social protest and dissent are constructed and different forms of communication and expression are mobilized. It also examines how the various modes of representation and dissemination contribute to shaping and influencing social movements and resistance within the Arab political context, individually and collectively. On the collective level, the paper explores the discursive construction of collective identities, the formation of alliances, and the negotiation of power relations within and between different protest movements. This is done by reporting how discourses are used to challenge dominant narratives, contest oppressive structures, and then to shape the political landscape in the Arab region.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"187 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139224956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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