Politics & Policy最新文献

The aim of this research is to investigate how ethnicity and political parties' mobilization efforts influence the voting preferences of migrants in electoral contexts. To achieve this, an empirical study was conducted, focusing on New Zealand's two major parties (New Zealand National and New Zealand Labour Party) and their mobilization practice targeting ethnic Chinese voters. This research adopted a mixed-methods approach, involving conducting interviews with Chinese community leaders and surveys within the community. The quantitative findings establish a positive correlation between a party's mobilization efforts and the level of support from Chinese ethnic voters. Furthermore, the research underscores the importance of genuine targeting, emphasizing the recognition and addressing of the unique needs and concerns of ethnic minority communities, rather than engaging in mere tokenism.

Related Articles

Escaleras, Monica, Dukhong Kim, and Kevin M. Wagner. 2019. “You Are Who You Think You Are: Linked Fate and Vote Choices among Latino Voters.” Politics & Policy 47(5): 902–30. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12329.

McKay, Spencer. 2021. “The Politics of Referendum Rules: Evidence from New Zealand (1893–2016).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 137–53. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12445.

Stokes-Brown, Atiya Kai. 2009. “The Hidden Politics of Identity: Racial Self-Identification and Latino Political Engagement.” Politics & Policy 37(6): 1281–305. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00220.x.

Political competition accelerates the enactment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersexual rights (LGBTI+) due to the dynamic, rational behavior of mainstream parties across the political aisle to adapt to the sociopolitical environment. We argue that LGBTI+ social movements capitalize on median voter shifts combined with the rising pressure of ideologically close challenger parties to enact legislation. To examine this argument, we employ quantitative event history analysis with a unique dataset with measures for social movement, institutional, political, and sociocultural dimensions across 33 years in Spanish subnational arenas. We find that rising leftist and liberal contenders challenging dominant center-left and center-right parties, respectively, widen the opportunity political structure of LGBTI+ organizations. Ultimately, rising political fragmentation in a multiparty, multidimensional party system turns both left and right mainstream parties into allies of LGBTI+ organizations, which propose new legislation, due to political platforms seeking to preserve and enhance their electoral base.

Related Articles

Burnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. “The Personal Politics of Same-Sex Marriage.” Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126.

Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. “Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00315.x.

Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Bryan J. Dettrey. 2010. “Limitations of the Contact Hypothesis: Heterogeneity in the Contact Effect on Attitudes toward Gay Rights.” Politics & Policy 38(5): 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00262.x.

This work explores China's African public relations and image-building effort, focusing on Nigeria. Thus, the paper's purpose is twofold: first, to investigate whether China's conduct of public diplomacy through its soft power resource—development assistance—has effectively shaped positive Nigerian public perception of China, and second, to determine the media's role in advancing China's public diplomacy in Nigeria. Specifically, it explores the interaction of economic development assistance, media, and public relations. I do this by comparing China's foreign direct investment (FDI) in Nigeria (2010–2019) with the public's perception of the FDI's influence on the Nigerian economy (2016 and 2020) and the media's role in shaping public support toward the investments. Utilizing a range of datasets, I find that Chinese economic investment alone is insufficient to substantially shape positive Nigerian public perception of China. Within a framework of mediated public diplomacy, I demonstrate that the Chinese image-building effort in Nigeria would likely enhance when the country links economic investments with public relations to make the investments more visible through effective media representation.

Related Articles

Ayhan, Kadir Jun, and Nancy Snow. 2021. “Introduction to the Special Issue—Global Korea Scholarship: Empirical Evaluation of a Non-Western Scholarship Program from a Public Diplomacy Perspective.” Politics & Policy 49(6): 1282–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12440.

Hodzi, Obert, and John H. S. Åberg. 2020. “Introduction to the Special Issue: Strategic Deployment of the China Model in Africa.” Politics & Policy 48(5): 804–14. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12378.

Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. “Indonesia's ‘Intermestic’ Public Diplomacy: Features and Future.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221.

The historic diaspora diplomacy literature has generally characterized politically active diaspora as foreign agents leveraged by their ancestral homeland to shape the foreign policy of their host nation. As such, diaspora groups have generally been assessed as net negatives on the foreign policy of their host nations, or as working against the common good of the host nation. This work seeks to challenge this narrow conceptualization and demonstrate that, when considered within a broader historical timeline, granted agency, and contextualized within a networked society, emergent mechanisms for state mobilization of diaspora groups to achieve foreign policy objectives become apparent. This work is focused exclusively on political diaspora groups within the United States and investigates select case studies to demonstrate the evolving nature of U.S.–diaspora relations and the opportunities presented as a result. The work concludes with several policy recommendations, derived from lessons learned within the case studies.

Related Articles

Bayes, Jane H., and Laura Gonzalez. 2011. “Globalization, Transnationalism, and Intersecting Geographies of Power: The Case of the Consejo Consultivo del Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (CC-IME): A Study in Progress.” Politics & Policy 39(1): 11–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00281.x.

Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. “Indonesia's ‘Intermestic’ Public Diplomacy: Features and Future.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221.

Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo-Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222.

Legislative committees have recently received inadequate attention in the available interjurisdictional literature. This article in the 2024 Policy Studies Yearbook, published by Politics & Policy, reviews legislative committee data categories, methods, and the distribution of authorship to explore how legislative committee research has fared between 2010 and 2023. This review article establishes that since 2010, research on committee structure has been dominated by U.S. congressional theories and how to test them in noncongressional settings. The dominant aspect of legislative organization across the five reviewed themes is the selection of committee members, an essential aspect of understanding power dynamics in modern legislatures. As survey methods and case studies have increased, the archival analysis methods have decreased, indicating an increasing turn to first-hand primary data in analyzing the internal organization of committees. There is also a growing trend toward greater collaboration among scholars.

Related Articles

Jeong, Gyung-Ho. 2016. “Electoral Rules and Bureaucratic Effectiveness.” Politics & Policy 44(6): 1089–115. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12184.

Jones, Kate, and Kerry, Jacobs. 2009. “Public Accounts Committees, New Public Management, and Institutionalism: A Case Study.” Politics & Policy 39(5): 1023–46. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00209.x/abstract.

Pelizzo, Riccardo and Abel Kinyondo. 2014. “Public Accounts Committees in Eastern and Southern Africa: A Comparative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 42(1), 77–102. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12062.

This study examines how the Federal National Council (FNC), the parliament of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), transformed from a consultative body to a legislative institution through gradual and incremental changes. It argues that the increasing number of parliamentary questions led to legal, procedural, and behavioral changes in the FNC, influenced by external (government support and public pressure) and internal (rationality, competence, incrementalism, and system development) factors. The success of this transformation is attributed to its gradual nature. Anticipating continued momentum, the study outlines future prospects shaped by the UAE government's commitment to FNC empowerment, heightened public expectations, and the influx of educated and experienced individuals into parliamentary roles. This ongoing institutional change reflects a responsive adaptation to evolving governance demands in the UAE. The study contributes to the theory of institutions and the understanding of legislative oversight in newly liberalized political systems.

Related Articles

Antwi-Boateng, Osman, and Noura Hamad Salim Al Jaberi. 2022. “The Post-Oil Strategy of the UAE: An Examination of Diversification Strategies and Challenges.” Politics & Policy 50(2): 380–407. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12457.

Jouini, Nizar, and Manel Ben Akal. 2022. “Political Consensus, Economic Reforms, and Democratic Transitions in the Middle East: Evidence from Voting on Tunisian Reform Bills.” Politics & Policy 50(4): 851–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12489.

Sarquís, David J. 2012. “Democratization after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt's Political Transition.” Politics & Policy 40(5): 871–903. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00381.x.

I examine how the proportionality principle shapes state responses to a cyberattack. I do so by investigating variation in the effects of the principle of proportionality on the state response. The variation accounts for four types of state response. First, if states respond to a first strike in a proportionate manner, they are in compliance with the principle, and attackers are likely to take it as an indication of willingness to honor the principle. Second, states may react to attackers with an excessive response in violation of the principle, which would force attackers to react as or more harshly. Third, states may accidentally make a proportionate response when they in fact seek to impose excessive harm on attackers. Finally, states may generate an excessive response by error when they in fact seek to comply with the principle.

Related Articles

Glen, Carol. 2021. “Norm Entrepreneurship in Global Cybersecurity.” Politics & Policy 49(5): 1121–45. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12430.

Glen, Carol M. 2014. “Internet Governance: Territorializing Cyberspace?” Politics & Policy 42(5): 635–57. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12093/full.

Zeng, Jinghan, Tim Stevens, and Yaru Chen. 2017. “China's Solution to Global Cyber Governance: Unpacking the Domestic Discourse of ‘Internet Sovereignty.’” Politics & Policy 45(3): 432–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12202.

This comprehensive study of political vigilantism in Ghana examines the motives, membership, and financing of the phenomenon and proffers solutions to combat it. We use a qualitative methodology of personal interviews with a broad section of Ghanaian political stakeholders totaling 50 participants. This included 30 political vigilante members equally affiliated with the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress and selected from the vigilante hotbeds of the Northern, Upper East, and Ashanti regions of Ghana. The other political stakeholders total 20 and are made up of: five public political party executives, five civil society members, five police officers, and five local district assembly members. The motives include institutional weakness, winning political power, and economic and group solidarity. Membership involves family and friends, former security personnel, party members, and unemployed youth. Financing emanates from political parties, politicians, and the business class. We argue that patron–clientelism is the driving force behind political vigilantism and recommend more legal accountability for patrons, particularly through constitutional amendments guaranteeing a fixed term for the head of the police and separating the roles of Attorney General and Minister of Justice. This is to ensure that the former can impartially prosecute vigilante patrons. Punitive financial measures are also recommended to deter patrons, backed by sustained public education and more employment opportunities for the masses of unemployed youth—the bedrock of political vigilantism.

Related Articles

Akwei, Cynthia, Isaac S. Damoah, and Joseph Amankwah-Amoah. 2020. “The Effects of Politics on the Implementation of Government Programs/Projects: Insights from a Developing Economy.” Politics & Policy 48(6): 1161–201. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12384.

Asiegbu, Martin F., Okey Marcellus Ikeanyibe, Pius Otu Abang, Okwudili Chukwuma Nwosu, and Chuka Eugene Ugwu. 2024. “Natural Resource Fund Governance and the Institutionalization of Rent Seeking in Nigeria's Oil Sector.” Politics & Policy 52(1): Early View. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12579.

Debrah, Emmanuel. 2016. “Decentralization, District Chief Executives, and District Assemblies in Ghana's Fourth Republic.” Politics & Policy 44 (1): 135–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12146.

This article examines the complexities surrounding the implementation of comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) within Ghana's basic education system, exploring the intersection of religious, cultural, and political factors. Introducing CSE has sparked significant public discourse and resistance in Ghana, where religious and cultural beliefs are deeply ingrained and often institutionalized in politics. The study utilizes punctuated equilibrium theory to understand the sustained opposition to CSE policy changes. It examines the historical progression of Ghana's educational reforms, highlighting the struggle to maintain cultural and religious values while promoting human rights and gender equality. The contribution of this study is its exploration of the political institutionalization of religion in Ghana, investigating the combined impact of religious bodies, political entities, and civil organizations in shaping public opinion on education policy reform. It further underscores the intricate task of navigating socio-cultural beliefs and human rights in policy-making processes.

Related Articles

Bingham, Natasha. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics & Policy 44(2): 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.

Holst, Cathrine, and Mari Teigen. 2024. “The ‘Boy Problem’ in Public Policy.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12570.

Nchofoung, Tii, Simplice Asongu, Vanessa Tchamyou, and Ofeh Edoh. 2022. “Gender, Political Inclusion, and Democracy in Africa: Some Empirical Evidence.” Politics & Policy 51(1): 137–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12505.