Politics & Policy最新文献

Amid escalating global commitments to combat climate change and diversify economies, the macroeconomic consequences of surging renewable energy investments in resource-reliant nations remain poorly understood. This research explicitly addresses three critical research questions: (1) How do renewable energy expenditures impact economic growth, FDI, employment, and energy security in oil-dependent economies during transition? (2) What are the short- versus long-term trade-offs between infrastructure development, job creation, and market equity? (3) Can state-led strategies reconcile immediate policy goals with sustainable economic benefits? Focusing on Saudi Arabia's transition from fossil fuel dependency, we investigate these dynamics through firm-level data from 32 renewable energy companies (2005–2023) and an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model, analyzing both short- and long-term impacts while controlling for endogeneity and sector-specific variations. Our findings reveal that investments in renewable R&D and large-scale infrastructure projects drive sustained GDP growth and FDI inflows. However, employment growth trails infrastructure development, and market dominance by key players stifles equitable job distribution. Challenging critiques of centralized energy transitions, we demonstrate that state-led renewable strategies can synchronize immediate policy objectives with enduring economic benefits. To mitigate trade-offs, we advocate for increased R&D funding, hybrid financing models that empower firms, and antitrust measures to counter monopolistic market structures. The study concludes that targeted renewable investments and inclusive regulatory frameworks can transition oil-dependent economies into resilient, low-carbon hubs while aligning economic priorities with societal welfare.

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Hussain, M., S. I. A. Naqvi, and S. Hameed. 2024. “The Abraham Accord and the Middle Eastern QUAD: Pakistan's Energy Security Eclipse and the Way Forward.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 6: 1266–1283. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12634.

Khodr, H., and I. Ruble. 2013. “Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA.” Politics & Policy 41, no. 5: 656-689. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12033.

Luckhurst, J. 2012. “Governance and Democratization Since the 2008 Financial Crisis.” Politics & Policy 40, no. 5: 958–977. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00386.x.

While extensive research has explored municipal efficiency, the influence of audit outcomes on municipal performance remains underexplored. This study addresses this gap by investigating the relationship between operational efficiency and audit outcomes in South African local government. Using a second-stage Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) fractional regression model for the period of 2017–2022, we find that audit outcomes do not have a direct effect on municipal efficiency. However, the interaction between audit outcomes and municipality type shows noteworthy patterns. Specifically, before the COVID-19 period (2017–2019), metropolitan municipalities had higher efficiency scores than district municipalities, based on the types of audit outcomes received. During the COVID-19 period (2020–2022), the interaction terms showed that metropolitan municipalities experienced significant declines when they received disclaimers or qualified audit opinions—suggesting that these adverse audit outcomes contributed to the poor performance of municipalities. Additionally, our analysis underscores the influence of contextual factors—such as population age, managerial positions, and number of households—on municipal efficiency. The findings have important public policy implications, suggesting that enhancing audit processes and strengthening governance mechanisms, particularly in metropolitan municipalities, could improve service delivery and efficiency, especially during crises like the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Yarram, Subba Reddy, Carolyn-Thi Thanh Dung Tran, and Brian Edward Dollery. 2022. “Administrative Intensity in Local Government: Do Administrative Scale Economies Exist in New South Wales Local Government?” Politics and Policy 50(3): 562–579. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12467.

Wallis, Joe, Tor Brodtkorb, Brian Dollery, and Muiris MacCarthaigh 2017. “Local Government Reform: Expressed Leadership Identities of Commissioners in Inquiries Proposing Municipal Mergers in Northern Ireland and New South Wales.” Politics and Policy 45(2): 285–308. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12199.

Tran, Carolyn-Thi Thanh Dung, and Brian Dollery. 2022. “Administrative Intensity and Financial Sustainability: An Empirical Analysis of the Victorian Local Government System.” Politics and Policy 50(3): 540–561. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12466.

Building upon the postmodern theories of Jean Baudrillard and Guy Debord and the Orwellian notions of doublespeak-newspeak, this article analyzes Trump's “Big, Beautiful Bill” (BBB). Based on evidence, it demonstrates that the BBB is a simulacrum obfuscating calculated economic warfare against the middle class, an attack on an already weak healthcare system, and a dangerous brand of authoritarian populism. There is nothing remotely “beautiful” or sublime about this bill that strengthens a miniscule financial elite at the expense of the remainder of the population. The successful passage of the BBB is emblematic of a larger post-truth crisis undermining democratic models of governance through disinformation and the spectacle.

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Stockemer, Daniel. 2025. “Is the US Moving Toward Autocracy? A Critical Assessment.” Politics & Policy 53(3): e70032. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70032.

Aguado, N. A. 2022. “When Charismatic Leadership Trumps Social Networking: Searching for the Effects of Social Media on Beliefs of Electoral Legitimacy.” Politics & Policy 50, no. 5: 942–951. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12494.

Craig, S. C., and J. Gainous. 2024. “To Vote or Not to Vote? Fake News, Voter Fraud, and Support for Postponing the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 1: 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577.

Tensions between Washington and Beijing have escalated over economic, technological, geopolitical, and diplomatic issues. On October 7, 2022, the Biden administration introduced extensive export controls aimed at restricting China's access to semiconductor chips manufactured with U.S. tools. These measures signal a potential paradigm shift in U.S. technology export policy, akin to the changes of the 1990s. While the Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) has been widely applied to domestic policy domains such as education and health, its use in analyzing foreign policy remains limited. This article applies the MSF theory to examine the Biden administration's semiconductor policy toward China, which exhibits a dual nature, encompassing both domestic and foreign policy dimensions due to the significant economic interests of U.S. semiconductor companies in China. By employing the MSF, this study clarifies distinctions in policy formulation analysis between foreign and domestic contexts and provides insights into the dual nature of policies analyzed through the MSF framework.

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Bache, I. 2025. “The Multiple Streams Framework and Non-Politicized Issues: The Case of Assisted Dying/Assisted Suicide.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 1: e70016. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70016.

Angervil, G. 2021. “A Comprehensive Application of Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework: An Analysis of the Obama Administration's No Child Left Behind Waiver Policy.” Politics & Policy 49, no. 5: 980–1020. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12432.

Rawat, P. and J. C. Morris. 2016. “Kingdon's ‘Streams’ Model at Thirty: Still Relevant in the 21st Century?” Politics & Policy 44, no. 4: 608–638. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12168.

This paper aims to examine whether religiosity can stimulate voter turnout in a context of citizen distrust of the electoral system in Africa. The analysis is based on a sample of 9459 citizens living in eight African countries, drawn from the 7th round of the World Value Surveys. The econometric results, obtained using an ordered probit model with an endogenous covariate, show that increasing levels of religiosity increase national and local voter turnout. However, this positive influence of religiosity is completely offset by citizens' sense of failure in the electoral system. In fact, the likelihood of participating in local and national elections decreases significantly among citizens with high levels of religiosity when they believe that (i) votes are not counted fairly, (ii) journalists are prevented from covering elections fairly, (iii) election officials are corrupt and unfair, (iv) the muzzling of opposition leaders limits the choice of candidates, and (v) women are discriminated against in the management of polling stations.

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Bodjongo, M., and M. Juliot. 2024. “Why Is Voter Turnout in Presidential Elections Increasing Among People Concerned About the Risk of COVID-19 Worsening in Africa?” Politics & Policy 52, no. 5: 1101–1136. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12624.

Stockemer, D. 2016. “Is the Turnout Function in Democracies and Nondemocracies Alike or Different?” Politics & Policy 44, no. 5: 889–915. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12174.

Stockemer, D., and S. Parent. 2014. “The Inequality Turnout Nexus—New Evidence From Presidential Elections.” Politics & Policy 42, no. 2: 221–245. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12067.

The pursuit of enhanced inclusive growth, a cornerstone of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), has generated extensive scholarly discourse, particularly regarding its interplay with fiscal decentralization in Africa. This study evaluates fiscal decentralization's impact on inclusive growth across 26 African nations (2002–2019) using fixed effects, Driscoll–Kraay, and generalized least squares (GLS) estimators, with robustness checks via Lewbel 2SLS, system-GMM, and Kinky least squares. Three key findings emerge: first, fiscal decentralization consistently and significantly undermines inclusive growth across all specifications and metrics. Second, a U-shaped relationship mirrors the Kuznets curve hypothesis, where initial decentralization exacerbates inequality before yielding equitable gains at higher income thresholds. Third, governance quality encompassing corruption control, regulatory efficacy, and political stability moderates this relationship, underscoring institutional frameworks' pivotal role. To mitigate disparities, policymakers must empower local authorities with greater fiscal responsibility over revenue collection and expenditure allocation, ensuring transparency and accountability. Concurrently, reforms should strengthen tax systems, optimize public spending, and enhance redistribution mechanisms, aligning decentralization strategies with broader objectives of welfare enhancement and sustainable growth.

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Asongu, Simplice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. 2023. “The Effect of Inequality on Poverty and Severity of Poverty in sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Financial Development Institutions.” Politics & Policy 51(5): 898-918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558.

Nchofoung, Tii, Simplice Asongu, Vanessa Tchamyou, and Ofeh Edoh. 2022. “Gender, Political Inclusion, and Democracy in Africa: Some Empirical Evidence.” Politics & Policy 51(1): 137–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12505.

Asongu, Simplice A., Joseph Nnanna, and Vanessa S. Tchamyou. 2021. “Finance, Institutions, and Private Investment in Africa.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 309–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12395.

This study examines the effect of political empowerment of women on industrialization in Africa. The results, after controlling for cross-sectional dependence, show that women's political implication causes industrialization. The fixed effects Driscoll/Kraay standard error and the GMM estimators reveal that women's political empowerment negatively affects industrialization. These negative effects are nullified by high economic freedom and high female economic participation. The study recommends policy makers to improve economic freedom as well as female economic inclusion. These measures are essential because critical levels of economic freedom and female economic participation that should be considered are provided. These critical levels are disclosed in terms of policy thresholds as well as thresholds for complementary policies. Other policy implications are discussed.

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Nchofoung, Tii, Simplice Asongu, Vanessa Tchamyou, and Ofeh Edoh. 2022. “Gender, Political Inclusion, and Democracy in Africa: Some Empirical Evidence.” Politics and Policy 51(1): 137–155. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12505.

Bingham, Natasha. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics and Policy 44(2): 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.

Hankivsky, Olena. 2013. “Gender Mainstreaming: A Five-Country Examination.” Politics and Policy 41(5): 629–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12037.

This article reviews political regime classification in the context of contemporary debates. We problematize the classical division between categorical and continuous approaches and recent responses to their limitations. We use hybrid regimes to question the conventional framing of political regime classification. Our analysis reveals three significant shortcomings: (1) a teleological bias toward democracy as a linear progression, excluding the definition of political regime, (2) reliance on hierarchical variables, relegating regimes that do not fit to subcategories, and (3) neglect of the transnational dimension of governance, including the role of regional and international organizations. In addition, we propose the Regime Configuration Framework to address these shortcomings and highlight these dimensions in classifying political regimes.

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Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Zim Nwokora. 2016. “Bridging the Divide: Measuring Party System Change and Classifying Party Systems.” Politics & Policy 44(6): 1017–1052. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12188.

Yukawa, Taku, Kaoru Hidaka, Masanori Kubota, and Kaori Kushima. 2022. “Losing Power Safely: Explaining the Variation in Dictators' Responses to Anti-regime Protests.” Politics & Policy 50(2): 274–297. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12461.

Peralta, J. Salvador. 2013. “Do Culture and Institutions Matter? Explaining the Sources of Cross-National Regime Support.” Politics & Policy 41(4): 478–508. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12024.

This article examines the role of the Peace Corps in U.S. foreign policy in improving the popular image of the United States in Africa. This study builds on earlier research that empirically tested the hypothesis that the presence of a Peace Corps program enhances a positive view of the United States held by the people in countries of Latin America. This study extends the research to the countries of Africa. Using logistic regression analysis, I test whether the presence of Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) in a country positively influences individuals' views toward the United States. I analyze survey research from the region of Africa using datasets from the Afrobarometer public opinion survey. Whereas the earlier study of the role of the Peace Corps in the popular perception of the United States in Latin America showed a positive relationship, the results from this study in Africa are mixed.

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Nisley, Thomas. 2013. “Send in the Corps! The Peace Corps and the Popular Perception of the United States in Latin America.” Politics & Policy 41(4): 356–362. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12027.

Perez, Loarre Andreu, Myoung-Gi Chon, Kelly Vibber, and Jeong-Nam Kim. 2021. “Classifying Foreign Publics: Examining the Relationships Behavioral Experience, Symbolic Environment, and Communication Behaviors among Key Foreign Publics.” Politics & Policy 49(6): 1308–1322. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12439.

Fong, Ware, and Nazmus Sakib. 2021. “A ‘Good’ Country without Democracy: Can China's Outward FDI Buy a Positive State Image Overseas?” Politics & Policy 49(5): 1146–1191. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12428.

Courts around the world are under unprecedented stress. In recent years, they have been increasingly expected to develop strategies to resist the weakening of democratic institutions due to actions taken by personalized governments. This article focuses on Italy as a forerunner case in the international scenario and as a positive example of judicial resistance, providing insights into how the Constitutional Court has resisted and implemented effective measures to resist the government's attacks. The article shows how Silvio Berlusconi's governments exerted pressure on democratic principles, forcing the Court to play a significant role in defending Italian democracy. The article first reviews the existing literature, observing how the study of the role of courts has become even more pressing in times of democratic erosion. Second, it presents an empirical analysis of an original dataset of 3587 rulings from 1996 to 2020. Third, it investigates two different types of judicial resistance including off-bench use of communication. Lastly, it offers concluding remarks and openings for further comparative analyses.

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Aguiar Aguilar, A. A. 2023. “Courts and the Judicial Erosion of Democracy in Latin America.” Politics and Policy 51, no. 1: 7–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12516.

McNally, D. 2016. “Norms, Corruption, and Voting for Berlusconi.” Politics and Policy 44, no. 5: 976–1008. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12173.

Basabe-Serrano, S. 2012. “Presidential Power and the Judicialization of Politics as Determinants of Institutional Change in the Judiciary: The Supreme Court of Ecuador (1979-2009).” Politics and Policy 40, no. 2: 339–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00348.x.