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Public perceptions of feminicide and the feminist movement in Mexico 公众对杀害女性和墨西哥女权运动的看法
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12640
Sara J. Chaparro Rucobo, Apryl A. Alexander

The misclassification of murders results in the invisibilization and impunity of gender-based violence. According to Observatorio Cuidadano Nacional del Feminicidio figures in 2024, of the 3408 cases of murdered women in Mexico in 2023, only 827 were classified as feminicides. Since few cases result in punishment, women have protested for justice nationwide. The current study examines the effects of media representation of feminicide cases. Participants were randomly assigned two of four fake newspaper articles about a feminicide case, which varied based on the description of the murdered woman and the intention of the crime. Participants who received the victim-blaming article endorsed significantly more victim-blaming attitudes compared to participants who received the non-victim-blaming article. Additionally, participants who received the article where the male assailant exhibited a will to harm the victim exhibited significantly more victim-blaming attitudes. The results highlight the need for journalists to be mindful of the narratives they construct regarding feminicide cases.

Related Articles

Asal, Victor, and Mitchell Brown. 2010. “A Cross-National Exploration of the Conditions that Produce Interpersonal Violence.” Politics & Policy 38(2): 175–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00234.x.

Bingham, Natasha. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics & Policy 44(2): 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.

Denis, Claude. 2007. “Canadians in Trouble Abroad: Citizenship, Personal Security, and North American Regionalization.” Politics & Policy 35(4): 648–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00078.x.

对谋杀的错误分类导致基于性别的暴力被忽视和不受惩罚。根据墨西哥全国女权观察组织2024年的数据,在2023年发生的3408起谋杀女性案件中,只有827起被列为杀害女性。由于很少有案件受到惩罚,妇女们在全国范围内举行了争取正义的抗议活动。目前的研究考察了媒体报道杀害女性案件的影响。参与者被随机分配了四篇关于杀害女性案件的假报纸文章中的两篇,这些文章根据被谋杀妇女的描述和犯罪意图而有所不同。收到受害者责备文章的参与者与没有收到受害者责备文章的参与者相比,明显赞同更多的受害者责备态度。此外,收到男性攻击者表现出伤害受害者意愿的文章的参与者表现出明显更多的受害者责备态度。研究结果强调,记者需要注意他们对杀害女性案件的叙述。Asal, Victor和Mitchell Brown。2010。“对产生人际暴力的条件的跨国探索”政治,政策38(2):175-92。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00234.x。娜塔莎·宾厄姆,2016。“为我们的事业而战:妇女非政府组织对四个前苏联共和国性别政策采纳的影响”政治,政策44(2):294-318。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155。丹尼斯,克劳德。2007。在国外遇到麻烦的加拿大人:公民身份、个人安全与北美区域化。政治,政策35(4):648-63。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00078.x。
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引用次数: 0
Using punctuated equilibrium theory to explain changes in policy outputs: The case of the United States Coast Guard 用点状均衡理论解释政策产出的变化:美国海岸警卫队案例
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-18 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12638
John C. Morris, Bennet K. Nyadzi

This article explores the utility of punctuated equilibrium (PE) theory in explaining revolutionary organizational change in the public sector and its effects on policy implementation, with a focus on the United States Coast Guard. We illustrate our model using data from in-depth interviews with current and former senior Coast Guard officers and enlisted personnel, as well as secondary sources such as historical accounts and budget data. Through content analysis, we argue that PE theory begins with a change in the public sector organization's external environment, which then affects organizational strategy, structure, power distribution, and outputs. Punctuated equilibrium theory proves to be a valuable lens for understanding policy outputs in relation to organizational change.

Related Articles

Kwon, Sung-Wook, and Sylvia Gonzalez-Gorman. 2019. “Influence of Local Political Institutions on Policy Punctuation in Three Policy Areas.” Politics & Policy 47(2): 300–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12295.

Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. “A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens.”

Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x.

Peng, Peiwen, and Tangzhe Cao. 2023. “Attention, Institutional Friction, and Punctuated Equilibrium in China's Budget: Changes in Social Security and Employment Expenditure.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 256–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12523.

本文以美国海岸警卫队为重点,探讨了点状均衡(PE)理论在解释公共部门革命性组织变革及其对政策实施的影响方面的实用性。我们利用对现任和前任海岸警卫队高级军官和士兵的深入访谈数据,以及历史记录和预算数据等二手资料,对我们的模型进行了说明。通过内容分析,我们认为,PE 理论始于公共部门组织外部环境的变化,进而影响组织战略、结构、权力分配和产出。事实证明,均衡理论是理解与组织变革相关的政策产出的重要视角。 相关文章 Kwon, Sung-Wook, and Sylvia Gonzalez-Gorman.2019."地方政治体制对三个政策领域政策均衡的影响》。Politics & Policy 47(2):300–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12295. Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris.2012."A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents:通过委托人-代理人视角审视深水地平线漏油事件"。 Politics & Policy 40(4):629-56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x. Peng, Peiwen, and Tangzhe Cao.2023."中国预算中的注意力、制度摩擦和脉冲均衡:社会保障和就业支出的变化"。Politics & Policy 51(2):256–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12523.
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引用次数: 0
“Parole, parole”: Unveiling the narrative framework of EU research and innovation projects “假释,假释”:揭示欧盟研究和创新项目的叙事框架
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12636
Gregor Cerinšek, Dan Podjed

This article examines the narrative framework in European Union (EU) research and innovation projects, focusing on symbolic practices and terminology. The analysis includes over five years of ethnographic research, and 20 European projects funded by Horizon 2020, Horizon Europe, and Erasmus+ programs. It explores different ways project actors internalize and reproduce the EU's symbolic power through its policies, particularly the ambiguous concept of “innovation.” Using Bourdieu's theory of practice, the research highlights the way social structures within the “project field” influence dynamics and outcomes, often resulting in a gap between rhetoric and reality. The study also uncovers broader political and social implications of these practices, calling for critical reflection of their impact. In its conclusion, the authors discuss the challenges of maintaining genuine innovation amidst bureaucratic requirements and the EU's symbolic power, advocating for more nuanced and context-aware project practices.

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Kanol, Direnç. 2022. “Narrative Strategies for Emerging Disruptive Technologies: A Case Study of Blockchain for Europe.” Politics & Policy 50(5): 952–66. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12492.

Nowlin, Matthew C., Maren Trochmann, and Thomas M. Rabovsky. 2022. “Advocacy Coalitions and Political Control.” Politics & Policy 50(2): 201–24. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12458.

Von Malmborg, Fredrik. 2023. “Combining the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Argumentative Discourse Analysis: The Case of the ‘Energy Efficiency First’ Principle in EU Energy and Climate Policy.” Politics & Policy 51(2):222–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525.

本文考察了欧盟研究和创新项目中的叙事框架,重点关注符号实践和术语。这项分析包括五年多的人种学研究,以及由地平线2020、欧洲地平线和伊拉斯谟+项目资助的20个欧洲项目。它探讨了项目参与者通过其政策,特别是模棱两可的“创新”概念,内化和复制欧盟象征性权力的不同方式。利用布迪厄的实践理论,该研究强调了“项目领域”内的社会结构影响动态和结果的方式,往往导致修辞与现实之间的差距。该研究还揭示了这些做法更广泛的政治和社会影响,呼吁对其影响进行批判性反思。在结论部分,作者讨论了在官僚主义要求和欧盟的象征性权力中保持真正的创新所面临的挑战,倡导更细致入微和情境感知的项目实践。相关文章Kanol, Direnç。2022. 新兴颠覆性技术的叙事策略:欧洲b区块链的案例研究。政治,政策50(5):952-66。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12492。Matthew C. Nowlin, Maren Trochmann和Thomas M. Rabovsky. 2022。“倡导联盟和政治控制。”政治,政策50(2):201-24。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12458。冯·马尔姆堡,弗雷德里克。2023。“倡导联盟框架与论辩话语分析的结合:以欧盟能源与气候政策中的“能效第一”原则为例”政治,政策51(2):222 - 41。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525。
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引用次数: 0
Elections, coalitions, and the politics of Brazil's macroeconomic stabilization 选举、联盟和巴西宏观经济稳定的政治
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12637
Daniel H. Alves

After several failed attempts in previous years, Brazil's Plano Real finally ended hyperinflation in 1993–1994, and a significant driver of inequality and poverty was eliminated as a result. By combining data from Congress and newspaper archives, 17 interviews, and secondary sources, this article takes a qualitative approach to explore the notion that increased electoral competition and effective coalition management enabled price stabilization. Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), the economy minister leading the plan and the winner of the 1994 presidential election, campaigned as the anti-inflation candidate, promising newly enfranchised low-income voters that reining in prices would boost their earnings. Meanwhile, the minoritarian executive took advantage of coalitional tools to cultivate legislative alliances and approve the plan's measures. For analytical generalization, a potential model is proposed for further investigations on the relationship between competitive elections, cross-party cooperation, and price stability in nine other country cases within and outside Latin America.

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Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.

Segatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. “The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 46(3): 416–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252.

Zimerman, Artur, and Flávio Pinheiro. 2020. “Appearances Can be Deceptive: Political Polarisation, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 48(2): 339–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345.

在前几年的几次失败尝试之后,巴西的“雷亚尔计划”(Plano Real)终于在1993年至1994年结束了恶性通货膨胀,从而消除了造成不平等和贫困的一个重要因素。通过结合来自国会和报纸档案、17次访谈和二手资料的数据,本文采用定性方法来探讨增加选举竞争和有效的联盟管理使价格稳定的概念。领导该计划的经济部长、1994年总统大选的获胜者费尔南多•恩里克•卡多佐(Fernando Henrique Cardoso)在竞选中作为反通胀候选人,向新近获得选举权的低收入选民承诺,控制物价将提高他们的收入。与此同时,少数族裔的行政部门利用联盟工具来培养立法联盟,并批准了该计划的措施。为了分析概括,提出了一个潜在的模型,用于进一步调查拉丁美洲内外其他九个国家的竞争性选举、跨党派合作和价格稳定之间的关系。相关文章阿德博耶,亚历克斯,阿德博耶,乌瓦洛姆瓦·乌维格贝,斯蒂芬·奥耶卡和埃伊特米·法萨努。2023。“撒哈拉以南非洲的税收、民主和不平等:可持续发展目标的相关联系。”政治,政策51(4):696-722。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547。塞加托,卡塔琳娜·伊安尼和丹尼尔·巴姆兰。2018. 党派之界限:联邦制,官僚的角色,以及巴西全民医疗覆盖之路。政治,政策46(3):416-41。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252。齐默尔曼、阿图尔和Flávio皮涅罗,2020。“外表可能具有欺骗性:巴西的政治两极分化、农业政策和联合总统主义”。政治,政策48(2):339-71。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345。
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引用次数: 0
The Abraham Accord and the Middle Eastern QUAD: Pakistan's energy security eclipse and the way forward 《亚伯拉罕协议》与中东四国战略对话:巴基斯坦能源安全的衰落与未来之路
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12634
Mehmood Hussain, Syed Inam Ali Naqvi, Shahid Hameed

This article traces the impacts of the Abraham Accord and Middle Eastern QUAD on Pakistan's energy security. It asks how and to what extent the Abraham Accord and Middle Eastern QUAD can potentially jeopardize Pakistan's energy security and evaluates the way forward for Pakistan to counter security threats. The study contends the Abraham Accord and Middle Eastern QUAD have extended the influence of India and Israel from the Middle East to the Indian Ocean, thereby increasing the risk to Pakistan's energy supplies. Meanwhile, expanded and intensified securitization of the Strait of Hormuz has likewise increased the vulnerability of energy supplies from the Middle East. Pakistan imports 72% of its energy from the Middle East via the Strait of Hormuz, and any disruption in energy supplies or blockade of maritime routes would severely undermine Pakistan's socioeconomic and political stability. Pakistan, we argue, must therefore diversify its energy imports from Russia, Central Asia, and Iran to safeguard its energy interests.

Related Articles

Hussain, Mehmood, Ahmed Bux Jamali, Rana Danish Nisar, and Abdulfattah Omar. 2024. “The China–Iran Strategic Deal and CPEC: Navigating the Influence of Pragmatic Balancing in China's Relations with Iran and Pakistan.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 227–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12573.

Lazin, Fred A. 2023. “President Donald Trump's Abraham Accords initiative: Prospects for Israel, the Arab states, and Palestinians.” Politics & Policy 51(3): 476–87. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12533.

Thornton, William H., and Songok Han Thornton. 2024. “Extended Commentary—U.S.-Asian Policy in the Throes of McCarthyism, Old and New.” Politics & Policy 52(4): 854–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12604.

本文追溯了《亚伯拉罕协议》和中东四国战略伙伴关系对巴基斯坦能源安全的影响。报告询问了《亚伯拉罕协议》和中东四国战略伙伴关系如何以及在多大程度上可能危及巴基斯坦的能源安全,并评估了巴基斯坦应对安全威胁的前进道路。该研究认为,《亚伯拉罕协议》和中东四方战略伙伴关系将印度和以色列的影响力从中东扩展到印度洋,从而增加了巴基斯坦能源供应的风险。与此同时,霍尔木兹海峡的扩大和加强证券化同样增加了中东能源供应的脆弱性。巴基斯坦通过霍尔木兹海峡从中东进口72%的能源,任何能源供应的中断或海上航线的封锁都会严重破坏巴基斯坦的社会经济和政治稳定。因此,我们认为,巴基斯坦必须使其从俄罗斯、中亚和伊朗的能源进口多样化,以维护其能源利益。侯赛因、马哈茂德、艾哈迈德·布克斯·贾马利、拉纳·丹麦·尼萨尔和阿卜杜勒法塔赫·奥马尔。2024。“中伊战略协议和中巴经济走廊:在中国与伊朗和巴基斯坦关系中寻求务实平衡的影响。”政治,政策52(1):227-44。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12573。弗雷德·拉辛,2009。“唐纳德·特朗普总统的亚伯拉罕协议倡议:以色列、阿拉伯国家和巴勒斯坦的前景。”政治,政策51(3):476-87。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12533。威廉·H·桑顿和松谷汉·桑顿,2024。“Commentary-U.S扩展。——《新与旧麦卡锡主义阵痛中的亚洲政策》政治,政策52(4):854-73。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12604。
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引用次数: 0
Evaluating paternalism in redress programs 评估矫正计划中的家长作风
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12635
Stephen Winter, Martin Wilkinson

The number of monetary redress programs for survivors of nonrecent abuse in out-of-home care is growing. These programs help make monetary remedies more accessible to survivors. However, the reasons that justify these programs also encourage policy makers to adopt paternalistic measures. This article argues that most paternalistic restrictions are unjustified because they infringe on survivors' autonomy without clearly benefiting them.

Related Articles

Kahn-Nisser, Sara. 2018. “Constructive Criticism: Shaming, Incentives, and Human Rights Reforms.” Politics & Policy 46(1): 58–83. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12240.

Winter, Stephen. 2020. “Tools for Tragedy: Procedures for Assessing Historic Redress Claims.” Politics & Policy 49(1): 162–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12385.

Woessner, Matthew, and April Kelly-Woessner. 2006. “Slavery Reparations and Race Relations in America: Assessing How the Restitutions Debate Influences Public Support for Blacks, Civil Rights, and Affirmative Action.” Politics & Policy 34(1): 134–54. 10.1111/j.1747-1346.2006.00007.x.

为在家庭外照料中遭受非近期虐待的幸存者提供金钱补偿的项目越来越多。这些项目帮助幸存者更容易获得金钱救济。然而,为这些计划辩护的理由也鼓励决策者采取家长式的措施。本文认为,大多数家长式的限制是不合理的,因为它们侵犯了幸存者的自主权,却没有明显地给他们带来好处。康尼瑟,萨拉。2018。建设性批评:羞辱、激励和人权改革。政治,政策46(1):58-83。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12240。冬天,斯蒂芬,2020。“悲剧的工具:评估历史赔偿要求的程序”政治,政策49(1):162-85。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12385。沃斯纳,马修和艾普丽尔·凯利-沃斯纳。2006. “美国的奴隶制赔偿和种族关系:评估赔偿辩论如何影响公众对黑人、民权和平权行动的支持。”政治,政策34(1):134-54。10.1111 / j.1747-1346.2006.00007.x。
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引用次数: 0
Note from the Editor 编辑说明
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-03 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12633
Emma R. Norman
<p>Welcome to the October 2024 issue of <i>Politics & Policy</i> (<i>P&P</i>) which features an impressive collection of scholarship spanning Europe and the Middle East, Africa, Asia, and North America. All the articles herein have undergone <i>P&P's</i> rigorous double-blind peer review process, commonly two or three times, which has assisted in honing the arguments significantly while also drawing out wider implications to engage specialists and generalist readers alike. They have been selected for this issue with these strengths firmly in mind.</p><p>Of particular note this October are three significant themes that enticed me to recollect—and then go back and read again—several past articles in this journal on similar subjects. The first theme concerns welfare policy. In the present issue, this is discussed masterfully from the perspective of balancing policy objectives in Cambodia's emergency cash assistance for workers during COVID-19 (Soksamphoas & Ford, <span>2024</span>) and comparing party discourse and conflict on welfare solidarity in Sweden, Belgium (Flanders), and the United States (Luypaert & Thijssen, <span>2024</span>; cf. Son, <span>2020</span>). These exceptional pieces join a long line of past <i>P&P</i> articles on comparative welfare state studies, including social policy and unemployment in the United Kingdom and Italy (Mioni, <span>2021</span>), welfare state culture and policy discourse (König, <span>2015</span>), and Wagle's (<span>2014</span>) weighty contribution on population heterogeneity and welfare policies in high-income OECD countries, among many others (see e.g., Butz & Kehrberg, <span>2015</span>; Flavin et al., <span>2011</span>; Polacko, <span>2023</span>).</p><p>The second salient theme emerging this October surrounds the intersection of violence, quality of democracy concerns, and political participation in sub-Saharan Africa. In this issue the studies by Omulo (<span>2024</span>) and Iheonu et al. (<span>2024</span>) join the burgeoning repository of <i>P&P's</i> past papers on violence and democratization in Africa (see e.g., Antwi-Boateng, <span>2015</span>, <span>2017</span>; Antwi-Boateng & Braimah, <span>2024</span>; Asongu et al., <span>2020</span>; Asongu & Nnanna, <span>2019</span>; Djeufack Dongmo & Avom, <span>2024</span>; Ryan, <span>2015</span>).</p><p>Finally, this October issue begins with an exceptionally well-executed discussion on political cohorts and generational analysis in the United States (Fisher, <span>2024</span>). This work on Generation X adds much to comparable past <i>P&P</i> cohort studies on America (Fisher, <span>2020</span>; McCarthy & Santucci, <span>2021</span>), Russia (Shaykhutdinov, <span>2019</span>; Stegmaier & Erb, <span>2008</span>), Argentina (Geri & Villareal, <span>2022</span>), and Canada (Dauda, <span>2010</span>). The list of former <i>P&P</i> articles on this subject goes at least as far back as
这里收录的所有文章都经过了 P&amp;P 严格的双盲同行评审程序,通常要经过两到三次,这有助于大大完善文章的论点,同时引出更广泛的影响,以吸引专家和普通读者。今年十月,我对三个重要主题特别感兴趣,这促使我回顾(然后回头重读)了本刊以前的几篇类似主题的文章。第一个主题涉及福利政策。本期文章从平衡 COVID-19 期间为柬埔寨工人提供紧急现金援助的政治目标(Soksamphoas &amp; Ford, 2024),以及比较瑞典、比利时(佛兰德斯)和美国(Luypaert &amp; Thijssen, 2024; cf. Son, 2020)在社会团结问题上的党派言论和冲突的角度,对此进行了精辟的分析。这些特殊的文章加入了 P&amp;P 关于福利国家的比较研究,包括英国和意大利的社会政策和失业问题(Mioni,2021 年)、福利国家的文化和政治话语(König,2015 年)以及 Wagle(2014 年)对经合组织高收入国家的人口异质性和福利政策的重要贡献,等等(参见 Polacko,2023 年;Butz &amp; Kehrberg,2015 年;Flavin, Pacek &amp; Radcliff,2011 年)。本期出现的第二个突出主题围绕着撒哈拉以南非洲地区的暴力、民主质量和参与问题的交叉点。在本期中,Omulo(2024 年)和 Iheonu、Okwoche 和 Agbutun(2024 年)的研究为日益增多的以往 P&amp;关于非洲暴力与民主化的研究(例如,见 Djeufack Dongmo &amp; Avom, 2024;Antwi-Boateng &amp; Braimah, 2024;Asongu, Uduji and Okolo-Obasi, 2020;Asongu and Nnanna, 2019;Ryan, 2015;Antwi-Boateng, 2015, 2017)。最后,本期十月刊开篇即对美国的政治群组和代际分析进行了出色的讨论(Fisher,2024 年)。这篇关于 "X世代 "的文章是对以往关于美国(Fisher, 2020; McCarthy &amp; Santucci, 2021)、俄罗斯(Shaykhutdinov, 2019; Stegmaier &amp; Erb, 2008)、阿根廷(Geri &amp; Villareal, 2022)和加拿大(Dauda, 2010)的同类P&amp;P队列研究的补充。P&amp;P以前有关这一主题的文章至少可以追溯到盖伊(Guy,1987 年)近 37 年前对群体差异和政策偏好的研究,当时本刊名为《东南政治评论》。我希望本期《P&amp;P》中的优秀文章能为您提供有趣的论点、有用的最新文献综述以及理论见解,以推动您未来的研究。一如既往,我期待您继续投稿 https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/polpol。 Emma R. Norman 《P&amp;P》主编
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引用次数: 0
Duration in power and happiness in the world 权力持久,世间幸福
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-09-27 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12631
Désiré Avom, Itchoko Motande Mondjeli Mwa Ndjokou, Pierre C. Tsopmo, Cherif Abdramane, Simplice A. Asongu

This article examines the effect of leader longevity in power on world happiness. To make the assessment, a sample composed of 135 countries observed over the period 2006 to 2018 was constituted. The results obtained from OLS estimates show that longevity in power reduces individual happiness. Furthermore, the negative effect is more amplified in democratic countries. Quantile regression reveals variability in the effect over the different intervals. These results are robust to the use of alternative estimation techniques. We also identify the quality of institutions and public spending as two potential transmission channels through which longevity in power influences well-being. These results invite political authorities to respect constitutional limits or implement constitutional reforms with the aim of limiting the duration of the mandate of the executive in order to reduce the harmful effect of an extension of the latter on individuals' well-being.

Related Articles

Flavin, Patrick, Alexander C. Pacek, and Benjamin Radcliff. 2011. “State Intervention and Subjective Well-Being in Advanced Industrial Democracies.” Politics & Policy 39(2): 251–69. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00290.x.

Jakubow, Alexander. 2014. “State Intervention and Life Satisfaction Reconsidered: The Role of Governance Quality and Resource Misallocation.” Politics & Policy 42(1): 3–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12057.

Kim, Hae S. 2017. “Patterns of Economic Development: Correlations Affecting Economic Growth and Quality of Life in 222 Countries.” Politics & Policy 45(1): 83–104. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12190.

这篇文章考察了领导人的执政寿命对世界幸福的影响。为了进行评估,我们对2006年至2018年期间观察到的135个国家进行了抽样。OLS估计的结果表明,掌权时间长会降低个人幸福感。此外,这种负面影响在民主国家更为放大。分位数回归揭示了在不同的时间间隔上效果的可变性。这些结果对于替代估计技术的使用是稳健的。我们还将制度质量和公共支出确定为权力寿命影响福祉的两个潜在传递渠道。这些结果促使政治当局尊重宪法限制或实施宪法改革,目的是限制行政当局的任期,以减少延长行政当局的任期对个人福祉的有害影响。弗莱文,帕特里克,亚历山大C.帕塞克和本杰明拉德克利夫。2011。发达工业民主国家的国家干预与主观幸福感。政治,政策39(2):251-69。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00290.x。Alexander Jakubow, 2014。国家干预与生活满意度的再思考:治理质量与资源错配的作用。政治,政策42(1):3-36。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12057。金海s。2017。经济发展模式:222个国家影响经济增长和生活质量的相关性。政治,政策45(1):83-104。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12190。
{"title":"Duration in power and happiness in the world","authors":"Désiré Avom,&nbsp;Itchoko Motande Mondjeli Mwa Ndjokou,&nbsp;Pierre C. Tsopmo,&nbsp;Cherif Abdramane,&nbsp;Simplice A. Asongu","doi":"10.1111/polp.12631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12631","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This article examines the effect of leader longevity in power on world happiness. To make the assessment, a sample composed of 135 countries observed over the period 2006 to 2018 was constituted. The results obtained from OLS estimates show that longevity in power reduces individual happiness. Furthermore, the negative effect is more amplified in democratic countries. Quantile regression reveals variability in the effect over the different intervals. These results are robust to the use of alternative estimation techniques. We also identify the quality of institutions and public spending as two potential transmission channels through which longevity in power influences well-being. These results invite political authorities to respect constitutional limits or implement constitutional reforms with the aim of limiting the duration of the mandate of the executive in order to reduce the harmful effect of an extension of the latter on individuals' well-being.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Flavin, Patrick, Alexander C. Pacek, and Benjamin Radcliff. 2011. “State Intervention and Subjective Well-Being in Advanced Industrial Democracies.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 39(2): 251–69. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00290.x.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Jakubow, Alexander. 2014. “State Intervention and Life Satisfaction Reconsidered: The Role of Governance Quality and Resource Misallocation.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 42(1): 3–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12057.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Kim, Hae S. 2017. “Patterns of Economic Development: Correlations Affecting Economic Growth and Quality of Life in 222 Countries.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 45(1): 83–104. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12190.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"52 6","pages":"1331-1352"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2024-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/polp.12631","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142862192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Changing preferences and societal dynamics: Analyzing public attitudes toward preferential discrimination policy in urban India 不断变化的偏好和社会动态:分析印度城市公众对优惠歧视政策的态度
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-09-26 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12626
Debashis Mitra

This article analyzes public preferences toward affirmative action (reservation policy) designed for disadvantaged social groups in India by examining the co-relational and causal relationship between the perceived fairness of the reservation policies and the citizens' preferences for reservation policies available in the political sphere, government jobs, and higher education institutions; and how urban India—particularly the metropolitan cities—utilizes better opportunities for socioeconomic mobility. I argue that there are opposing trends in discourse, primarily based on self-interest or motivation-based community interest. Examining citizens' preferences by adding more variables to the analysis and testing them with the data (N = 1800) is imperative since self-motivation or community interest cannot be the sole factor. The findings allow us to represent potential interaction effects based on caste, education level, and place of birth. These are the primary reasons for citizens' choices, and they all have an additive effect rather than being present as an individual factor of analysis.

Related Articles

Harel-Shalev, Ayelet. 2013. “Policy Analysis beyond Personal Law: Muslim Women's Rights in India.” Politics & Policy 41(3): 384–419. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12016.

Harel-Shalev, Ayelet. 2009. “Lingual and Educational Policy toward ‘Homeland Minorities’ in Deeply Divided Societies: India and Israel as Case Studies.” Politics & Policy 37(5): 951–70. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00206.x/abstract.

Pearson-Merkowitz, Shanna. 2012. “Aqui no hay oportunidades: Latino Segregation and the Keys to Political Participation.” Politics & Policy 40(2): 258–95. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00349.x/abstract.

本文分析了公众对印度为弱势社会群体设计的平权行动(保留政策)的偏好,研究了保留政策的公平性认知与公民对政治领域、政府工作和高等教育机构中的保留政策的偏好之间的共同关系和因果关系,以及印度城市--尤其是大都市--如何利用更好的机会实现社会经济流动。我认为,讨论中存在着对立的趋势,主要是基于自身利益或基于社区利益的动机。由于自我动机或社区利益不可能是唯一的因素,因此必须在分析中增加更多变量,并利用数据(N = 1800)对其进行检验,从而考察公民的偏好。研究结果使我们能够体现出基于种姓、教育水平和出生地的潜在互动效应。这些都是公民做出选择的主要原因,它们都具有叠加效应,而不是作为单独的分析因素存在。 相关文章 Harel-Shalev, Ayelet.2013."超越属人法的政策分析:印度穆斯林妇女的权利"。Politics & Policy 41(3):384–419. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12016. Harel-Shalev, Ayelet.2009."Deeply Divided Societies:印度和以色列案例研究"。Politics & Policy 37(5):951–70. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00206.x/abstract. Pearson-Merkowitz, Shanna.2012."Aqui no hay oportunidades:拉丁裔隔离与政治参与的关键"。Politics & Policy 40(2):258–95. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00349.x/abstract.
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引用次数: 0
The impact of democracy on peace in Africa: Empirical evidence 民主对非洲和平的影响:经验证据
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-09-26 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12632
Chimere O. Iheonu, Princewill U. Okwoche, Shedrach A. Agbutun

The nexus between democracy and peace in Africa is examined by applying data to 42 sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2008 and 2020. The study used panel regression techniques that include Ordinary Least Squares, the Tobit regression to account for the limited range of the dependent variable, and the System Generalized Method of Moments to account for endogeneity bias. Using seven indicators of democracy, which include electoral democracy, liberal democracy, participatory democracy, deliberative democracy, egalitarian democracy, a total democracy index derived from principal component analysis, and the Polity2 score, and using the global peace index as a proxy for peace, our findings show that all the indicators of democracy, irrespective of the model, have a positive and significant influence on peace in SSA. The result has underscored the importance of advancing democratic practices and values to promote sustainable peace and stability in the region.

Related Articles

Antwi-Boateng, Osman. 2015. “No Spring in Africa: How Sub-Saharan Africa Has Avoided the Arab Spring Phenomenon.” Politics & Policy 43(5): 754–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129.

Asongu, Simplice A., Cheikh T. Ndour, and Judith C. M. Ngoungou. 2024. “The Effects of Gender Political Inclusion and Democracy on Environmental Performance: Evidence from the Method of Moments by Quantile Regression.” Politics & Policy, 52(1), 118–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12576.

Ryan, Susannah. 2015. “White Gold and Troubled Waters in Southern Africa: Hydropolitical Policy's Effect on Peace in Lesotho and South Africa.” Politics & Policy 4(2): 239–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12114.

通过应用 2008 至 2020 年间 42 个撒哈拉以南非洲(SSA)国家的数据,研究了非洲民主与和平之间的关系。研究采用了面板回归技术,包括普通最小二乘法、托比特回归以考虑因变量的有限范围,以及系统广义矩法以考虑内生性偏差。我们使用了七个民主指标,包括选举民主、自由民主、参与民主、审议民主、平等民主、主成分分析得出的总民主指数和 Polity2 分数,并使用全球和平指数作为和平的替代指标,研究结果表明,无论采用何种模型,所有民主指标都对撒南非洲的和平产生了积极而显著的影响。这一结果凸显了推进民主实践和价值观对促进该地区可持续和平与稳定的重要性。 相关文章 Antwi-Boateng, Osman.2015."非洲没有春天:撒哈拉以南非洲如何避免阿拉伯之春现象"。Politics & Policy 43(5):754–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129. Asongu, Simplice A., Cheikh T. Ndour, and Judith C. M. Ngoungou.2024."性别政治包容和民主对环境绩效的影响:量化回归矩量法的证据"。Politics & Policy, 52(1), 118-39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12576. Ryan, Susannah.2015."White Gold and Troubled Waters in Southern Africa: Hydropolitical Policy's Effect on Peace in Lesotho and South Africa." Politics & Policy 4(1), 118-39.Politics & Policy 4(2):239–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12114.
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引用次数: 0
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