Policy narrative research focuses on one story/plot that forms narratives in policy controversies without attention to the subplot, picturing a reduced policy narrative structure. Subplots are studied in literary narratives as secondary plots to main plots and in terms of their structures, differences with, and similarities to plots, with both pursuing individual objectives toward common goals. Subplots enhance policy narratives’ structures through enlargement and enrichment. Neglecting the subplot impedes knowledge about their contributions and potentially limits narrative analyses. This article introduces the subplot in policy narratives through a descriptive account, proposes an expanded structural definition, and structurally analyzes the policy narratives in the debate over a mining project in Bristol Bay, Alaska, United States. The opposing narrative's plot is cultural with political, legal, and environmental subplots, while the supporting narrative's plot is developmental with legal and political subplots. The study offers perspectives for advancing subplot research and narrative policy analysis.
Brekken, Katheryn C., and Vanessa M. Fenley. 2021. “Part of the Narrative: Generic News Frames in the U.S. Recreational Marijuana Policy Subsystem.” Politics & Policy 49(1): 6–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12388.
Chang, Katherine T., and Elizabeth A. Koebele. 2020. “What Drives Coalitions’ Narrative Strategy? Exploring Policy Narratives around School Choice.” Politics & Policy 48(4): 618–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12367.
Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. “Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion.” Politics & Policy 39(3): 373–400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00295.x.
To what extent do institutions governing the relationship of the U.S. Federal government with U.S. states and U.S. territories affect their emergency preparedness and response operations? States retain more legislative autonomy and representation than territories in the U.S. Congress, which is responsible for the emergency management budget. The advocacy capabilities of territories may be limited, and greater budget constraints are expected to affect the capability of territories to implement federal emergency management plans and perform effective response operations. This work focuses on a comparative case study between responses to Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico and Hurricane Michael in Florida. The multi-technique qualitative approach combines content analysis and interviews. Findings suggest that neither Florida nor Puerto Rico was prepared to respond to hurricanes of such magnitude, but the procedural arrangements of the Florida emergency management system resulted in a more effective response to Hurricane Michael if compared to Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico.
Liu, Zezhao, and Zhengwei Zhu. 2021. “China's Pathway to Domestic Emergency Management: Unpacking the Characteristics in System Evolution.” Politics & Policy 49(3): 619–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12407.
Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. “A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens.” Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x.
Zang, Xiaowei. 2021. “Environmental Accidents and Environmental Legislation in China: Evidence from Provincial Panel Sata (1997–2014).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 77–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12446.
While political scientists have long studied citizens' political efficacy as an important indicator of attitudes toward government, less attention has been devoted to the efficacy of rural or urban residents, which is important given the intensifying rural–urban divide in American society. This study fills this gap by analyzing the 2020 American National Election Studies. Using ordered logistic regression, this study finds that (1) city residents tend to believe that small towns and rural areas have too much influence on government; (2) residents of small towns and rural areas demonstrate lower levels of external efficacy than city residents; and (3) people who believe that small towns and rural areas have too much influence tend to demonstrate high external and internal efficacies, a tendency that is clearer in cities than in other community types. These findings reflect mutual in-group bias and place-based resentment between rural and urban residents in American society.
Peterson, Holly L., Mark K. McBeth, and Michael D. Jones. 2020. “Policy Process Theory for Rural Studies: Navigating Context and Generalization in Rural Policy.” Politics & Policy 48(4): 576–617. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12366.
Shortall, Sally, and Margaret Alston. 2016. “To Rural Proof or Not to Rural Proof: A Comparative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 44(1): 35–55. https://doi-org.libproxy.usouthal.edu/10.1111/polp.12144.
Smith-Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. “Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States.” Politics & Policy 44(6): 1053–88. https://doi-org.libproxy.usouthal.edu/10.1111/polp.12187.
While public administration research has traditionally paid profound attention to democratic values in government-citizen relations, public institutions are still wrestling with entrenching human rights norms today. This article's Democracy and Human Rights in Public Administration (DHR-PA) perspective offers a view that a human rights-anchored reforms agenda may assist with setting the much-needed tone for realizing democratic norms in African administrative contexts where society is still dealing with extreme forms of human rights abuses. It operationalizes institutional nuances and qualities of democratic and human rights values using Afrobarometer's Round 9 dataset for Namibia, Kenya, and Nigeria. Results show that human rights proclivities of African public administration remain subtle and nebulous despite more targeted DHR-PA reforms and the creation of institutions like human rights commissions and administrative justice agencies. Overall, for democracy to work, African public administration must acquire and entrench human rights norms and values in its engagements with citizens.
Kahn-Nisser, Sara. 2018. “Constructive Criticism: Shaming, Incentives, and Human Rights Reforms.” Politics & Policy 46(1): 58–83. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12240.
Zavala de Alba, Luis Eduardo. 2012. “Toward an International Implementation of Public Policies in Human Rights: A Necessary Step in Every Democratization Process for Advancements in Economic and Social Rights.” Politics & Policy 40(5): 783–801. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00385.x.
Nchofoung, Tii, Simplice Asongu, Vanessa Tchamyou, and Ofeh Edoh. 2022. “Gender, Political Inclusion, and Democracy in Africa: Some Empirical Evidence.” Politics & Policy 51(1): 137–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12505.
Australian local government does not enjoy the status of its counterparts in comparable democracies and has long sought acknowledgment in the federal constitution. As these campaigns have consistently failed, this study considers how, and in which forms, local government obtains its own political legitimacy within a governance system centered on the citizen–state relationship, in addition to evaluating the relationships between the different forms of legitimacy. We find that positive perceptions of local government effectiveness are associated with higher levels of support for constitutional change, but that local governments need to pay more attention to systems of accountability and oversight, how building and planning issues are handled, and how they communicate with residents. Generally, and unsurprisingly, local government is appreciated more by those who rely on their services yet who are not always the loudest voices in public debates. Constitutional legitimacy is more likely when other sources of legitimacy are enhanced.
Tran, Carolyn-Thi Thanh Dung, and Brian Dollery. 2022. “Administrative Intensity and Financial Sustainability: An Empirical Analysis of the Victorian Local Government System.” Politics & Policy 50(3): 540–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12466.
Van Acker, Elizabeth. 2009. “Service Delivery of Relationship Support Programs in Australia: Implications for the ‘Community Sector.’” Politics & Policy 37(6): 1307–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00221.x.
Wallis, Joe Tor Brodtkorb, Brian Dollery, and Muiris MacCarthaigh. 2017. “Commissions and Local Government Reform: Expressed Leadership Identities of Commissioners in Inquiries Proposing Municipal Mergers in Northern Ireland and New South Wales.” Politics & Policy 45(2): 285–308. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12199.
The above article published online on 23 May 2022 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com), has been retracted by agreement between the Editor, Emma Norman, and Wiley Periodicals LLC. Following concerns raised by a third party regarding manipulation of the peer review and publishing process, the editor and publisher investigated and found that the peer review process for this paper was compromised. As a result, the conclusions reported in the article are not considered reliable.
Setting the decision agenda requires restricting information and focusing attention on specific issue dimensions. Agenda setting also carries opportunity costs: focusing on some issues and proposals means others go unaddressed. Agenda setting thus generates conflict about the choice of issues and selection of alternatives and proposals. Using data on “views” attached to U.S. Senate committee reports and Volden and Wiseman's legislative effectiveness scores, I show that more effective legislators are more likely to express disagreement with agenda-setting choices. And rather than harm senators' future prospects at advancing legislation, expressing disagreement is associated with more subsequent legislative success relative to what other individual and institutional characteristics would predict, particularly in the middle stages of the legislative process. This article's findings illuminate potential short-term benefits to expressing disagreement in agenda setting. I also find these activities have declined over time, which suggests changes in the institutional environment about venues for expressing disagreement.
Heidbreder, Brianne. 2012. “Agenda Setting in the States: How Politics and Policy Needs Shape Gubernatorial Agendas.” Politics & Policy 40(2): 296–319. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00345.x.
Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. “Policy Agenda Trade-offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings.” Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563.
Steger, Wayne P. 2008. “The President's Legislative Program: An Issue of Sincere versus Strategic Behavior.” Politics & Policy 33(2): 312–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2005.tb00645.x.
Drawing on a review of 112 Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) applications to China published during 2006–2022, this article finds that, consistent with ACF assumptions, policy processes in China are complex processes of top-down decision making, horizontal negotiation, networked influence, and bottom-up initiation. The review finds policy processes in many subsystems of China inconsistent with one implicit assumption of the framework: the difficulty of reconciling conflicting beliefs between warring coalitions. Compared with the results from a review of the English ACF applications to countries around the globe, policy-oriented learning and imposition by a hierarchically superior jurisdiction were identified more frequently as pathways to policy change in reviewed applications to China. The Xi Jinping administration encourages between-coalition learning and negotiation to pursue the ideal of building a well-off and equitable society. At the same time, his top-level reforms have changed the long-time status quo in some subsystems by national policy reforms.
Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522.
Nwalie, Martin Ike. 2019. “Advocacy Coalition Framework and Policy Changes in a Third-World Country.” Politics & Policy 47(3): 545–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12302.
von Malmborg, Fredrik. 2023. “Combining the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Argumentative Discourse Analysis: The Case of the ‘Energy Efficiency First’ Principle in EU Energy and Climate Policy.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 222–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525.
This article argues that China is advancing its relations with Iran and Pakistan based on pragmatic balancing, a key component of soft balancing, to safeguard and advance national self-interest. China's relationship with Pakistan is based on shared interests to counter the Indian hegemony in South Asia and end the Chinese energy security dilemma through an overland route of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The bilateral relationship has enhanced and expanded over the years, despite steep transformations in regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, abundant Iranian energy reserves and Tehran's willingness to support China against the United States in the Middle East encouraged the Chinese leadership to sign a strategic deal with no significant ramifications for Pakistan and CPEC. The fair-weather friendship between China and Iran remains limited in scope, often suspending cooperation in various domains, including energy and defense. Nonetheless, an all-weather friendship between China and Pakistan sustained the collaboration of security, economy, and diplomacy, meticulously representing sincerity and cordiality.
Bishwakarma, Jham Kumar, and Zongshan Hu. 2021. “Problems and Prospects for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 154–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12443.
Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo-Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222.
Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2020. “American Global Supremacy under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.
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