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Political determinants of government transparency: Evidence from open government data initiatives 政府透明度的政治决定因素:来自开放式政府数据倡议的证据
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12607
Sounman Hong, Suho Ji, Taek Kyu Kim

The increasing availability of extensive governmental data, technological advancements, and a rising standard for government openness are encouraging global governments to implement open data initiatives. While some governments are actively adapting to these trends, others remain behind, despite the pressure. This research explores the political and administrative reasons behind these differences. By analyzing how local governments in South Korea handled requests for open data from citizens between 2007 and 2016, the study highlights the importance of political competition and administrative strength in fostering government transparency and effectively addressing citizen data requests. The study assesses open government data based on its scope, time, and quality, finding that higher levels of electoral competition and better administrative capabilities contribute to increased transparency and responsiveness. However, the study's use of a regression discontinuity design reveals that the political party controlling local governments had minimal influence on these factors.

Related Articles

Heo, Inhye. 2013. “The Political Economy of Policy Gridlock in South Korea: The Case of the Lee Myung-bak Government's Green Growth Policy.” Politics & Policy 41(4): 509–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12029.

Heo, Inhye. 2022. “Energy Democratization Policy without Democratization of Policy Governance in South Korea: A Participatory Democracy Perspective.” Politics & Policy 50(4): 834–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12480.

Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522.

大量政府数据的日益可用性、技术进步以及政府开放标准的不断提高,都在鼓励全球政府实施开放数据计划。一些国家的政府正在积极适应这些趋势,而另一些国家的政府尽管面临压力,却仍然落在后面。本研究探讨了这些差异背后的政治和行政原因。通过分析韩国地方政府在 2007 年至 2016 年间如何处理公民的开放数据请求,本研究强调了政治竞争和行政力量在促进政府透明度和有效处理公民数据请求方面的重要性。研究根据开放政府数据的范围、时间和质量对其进行了评估,发现更高水平的选举竞争和更强的行政能力有助于提高透明度和响应能力。然而,该研究采用的回归不连续设计显示,控制地方政府的政党对这些因素的影响微乎其微。 相关文章2013."韩国政策僵局的政治经济学:李明博政府的绿色增长政策"。Politics & Policy 41(4):509–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12029. Heo, Inhye.2022."能源民主化政策与韩国政策治理的民主化》(Energy Democratization Policy without Democratization of Policy Governance in South Korea:A Participatory Democracy Perspective."Politics & Policy 50(4):834–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12480. Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible.2023."韩国核电政策制定中的专家话语研究:政策知识的倡导联盟框架方法"。Politics & Policy 51(2):201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522.
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引用次数: 0
Note from the Editor 编辑说明
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-29 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12608
<p>Welcome to the June 2024 issue of <i>Politics & Policy</i> (<i>P&P</i>)! We have a full lineup this month that will intrigue scholars with specializations ranging from narrative policy to ethnic voting, government transparency, public opinion, development, foreign aid, income inequality reduction, tariff liberalization, international organizations, and globalization and its manifold discontents.</p><p>Testing and building upon the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), Chalaya and others (<span>2024</span>) argue perceptively that narratives portraying a policy's target group as a hero are most effective in generating support for a policy. Their discussion of the public opinion surrounding new campfire regulations in a Russian national park adds the concept of “audience-as-hero” and joins a growing group of exemplary past <i>P&P</i> articles that contribute solidly to NPF theory and policy practice in both Western and non-Western contexts (see, e.g., Angervil, <span>2024</span>; Brekken & Fenley, <span>2021</span>; Chang & Koebele, <span>2020</span>; Crow et al., <span>2017</span>; Ertas, <span>2015</span>; Knackmuhs et al., <span>2020</span>; O'Donovan, <span>2018</span>; Shanahan et al., <span>2011</span>; Smith-Walter et al., <span>2016</span>).</p><p>In their empirical comparative international study, Byaro and others (<span>2024</span>) investigate the impact of government spending, financial development, inflation, and trade on income inequality reduction in 66 low-income countries from 2000 to 2018. They find that while inflation and trade exacerbate income inequality, government spending and financial development in the states under study have surprisingly little or no impact.</p><p>Our next article combines framing with international organizations. Hoffmann (<span>2024</span>) highlights the power of epistemic communities created by the World Health Organization (WHO). Using the construct of the “tobacco epidemic” as an urgent global health challenge, she shows how WHO experts and officials can frame issues in a specific way to focus public attention around health problems that would have otherwise been neglected.</p><p>Several articles this June use countries from sub-Saharan Africa as in-depth case studies that will be of interest to comparative politics and development scholars as well as to country and regional specialists, policy practitioners and their critics, and those interested more broadly in international relations issues. Ameyaw-Brobbey (<span>2024</span>) concentrates on the media in Chinese-African public relations and China's image-building efforts, particularly in Nigeria, while Mwatu and others (<span>2024</span>) empirically assess the impact of tariff liberalization on economic and social benefits in Kenya. Their article offers rich insights into various optimal liberalization levels that should be considered in negotiating trade agreements. And Kwablah and others (<span>2024</span>) examine the beha
欢迎阅读《政治与政策》(Politics & Policy,P&P)2024 年 6 月刊!本期刊物阵容强大,从叙事政策到种族投票、政府透明度、公众舆论、发展、对外援助、减少收入不平等、关税自由化、国际组织和全球化及其多方面的不满,都将引起学者们的兴趣。在叙事政策框架(NPF)的基础上,查拉亚等人(2024 年)敏锐地指出,将政策的目标群体描绘成英雄的叙事最能激发人们对政策的支持。他们对围绕俄罗斯国家公园新篝火规定的公众舆论的讨论增加了 "受众即英雄 "的概念,并加入了过去越来越多的 P&P 文章的行列,这些文章为西方和非西方背景下的 NPF 理论和政策实践做出了坚实的贡献(参见,例如,Angervil, 2024; Brekken & Fenley, 2021; Chang & Koebele, 2020; Crow et al、2017;Ertas,2015;Knackmuhs et al.,2020;O'Donovan,2018;Shanahan et al.,2011;Smith-Walter et al.,2016)。Byaro 等人(2024 年)在实证比较国际研究中调查了 2000 年至 2018 年 66 个低收入国家的政府支出、金融发展、通货膨胀和贸易对收入不平等减少的影响。他们发现,虽然通货膨胀和贸易加剧了收入不平等,但在所研究的国家中,政府支出和金融发展却出人意料地几乎没有影响。霍夫曼(Hoffmann,2024 年)强调了世界卫生组织(WHO)创建的认识论社区的力量。今年 6 月的几篇文章将撒哈拉以南非洲国家作为深度案例研究对象,比较政治和发展学者、国家和地区专家、政策实践者及其批评者以及对国际关系问题更广泛感兴趣的人都会对此感兴趣。Ameyaw-Brobbey(2024 年)集中研究了中非公共关系中的媒体以及中国的形象建设努力,尤其是在尼日利亚;Mwatu 等人(2024 年)则以实证研究的方式评估了关税自由化对肯尼亚经济和社会效益的影响。他们的文章为贸易协定谈判中应考虑的各种最佳自由化水平提供了丰富的见解。Kwablah等人(2024 年)研究了加纳电子征税(或称电子税)的行为、心理和社会经济因素。接下来,Zhao(2024 年)通过在新西兰进行的实证研究,考察了政党的政治动员对少数民族选民的影响。她发现政党的动员努力与华裔选民的支持水平之间存在正相关。Hong 等人(2024 年)以韩国地方政府为重点,讨论了开放式政府数据举措如何促进提高政府透明度,以及更广泛的经验教训。Mostofa(2024 年)探讨了孟加拉国监狱系统面临的主要挑战,以及这些挑战如何助长监狱激进化和越来越多的囚犯涌入激进组织。最后,拉赫曼等人(2024 年)认为,全球化目前正处于转型期,表现出一种新的悖论,其特点是出现了一个多极世界,但同时又存在地方特色和基于传统的政治。我希望本期《P&P》中的优秀文章能为您提供一些有用的、发人深省的、引人入胜的材料,以推动您未来的研究。一如既往,我期待您继续在 https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/polpol 投稿。 Emma R. Norman 博士 《P&P》主编
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引用次数: 0
Stakeholder theory in elections: Navigating political money, tribal tendencies, ethics, and the dark side of stakeholders 选举中的利益相关者理论:驾驭政治金钱、部落倾向、道德规范和利益相关者的阴暗面
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12610
Hamzeh Al Amosh

This conceptual article explores the relationship between stakeholder theory and electoral processes, focusing on the contemporary challenges and ethical implications of applying this theory, rooted in accountability, to the political realm. Drawing on an extensive literature review to develop the theory within the political field and elections, the analysis uncovers the factors and multifaceted issues that shape stakeholder engagement in electoral contexts, and the pervasive influence of political money on the sway of tribal affiliations and identity politics—which can result in misaligned representation and unfair policy outcomes that may harm the long-term interests of stakeholders themselves. This underscores the need for regulatory reforms to enhance transparency and accountability in elections, advocating for ethical governance to balance broader public interests against narrow stakeholder interests. Ultimately, the research provides insights into improving global electoral processes and governance, calling for policies supporting equitable, accountable, and sustainable governance practices.

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Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen, Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.

Akwei, Cynthia. 2018. “Mitigating Election Violence and Intimidation: A Political Stakeholder Engagement Approach.” Politics & Policy 46(3): 472–504. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12256.

Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. “Policy Agenda Trade-offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings.” Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563.

这篇概念性文章探讨了利益相关者理论与选举过程之间的关系,重点关注将这一植根于问责制的理论应用于政治领域所面临的当代挑战和道德影响。文章通过广泛的文献综述,在政治领域和选举中发展了这一理论,分析揭示了影响利益相关者参与选举的各种因素和多方面问题,以及政治金钱对部落归属和身份政治左右的普遍影响--这可能导致错位代表和不公平的政策结果,从而损害利益相关者自身的长远利益。这凸显了监管改革的必要性,以提高选举的透明度和问责制,倡导道德治理,平衡更广泛的公众利益和狭隘的利益相关者利益。最终,研究为改善全球选举过程和治理提供了见解,呼吁制定支持公平、负责任和可持续治理实践的政策。2023."撒哈拉以南非洲的税收、民主和不平等:可持续发展目标的相关联系"。Politics & Policy 51(4):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.Akwei, Cynthia.2018."减轻选举暴力和恐吓:政治利益相关者参与方法"。政治与政策》46(3):472-504. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12256.Sohn, Hyodong.2023."可持续发展的政策议程权衡:立法听证会对能源关注的构成变化"。政治与政策》51(6):973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563.
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引用次数: 0
Impact of tariff liberalization on economic and social benefits: Computable general equilibrium application to Kenya 关税自由化对经济和社会效益的影响:可计算一般均衡在肯尼亚的应用
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12601
Shadrack Muthami Mwatu, Nancy Nelima Nafula, John Gakuu Karanja

This study employed computable general equilibrium policy simulations to examine the impact of import tariff liberalization on socioeconomic outcomes including living standards, cost of living, gross domestic product (GDP) from expenditure, total investment expenditure, intermediate input demand, output, value-added, tariff revenue, sales tax revenue, indirect tax revenue, direct income tax revenue, factor income tax revenue, and factor demand. Findings from the simulations have policy implications touching on a need to embrace reciprocal tariff liberalization under agreements like strategic trade and investment partnerships and economic partnership agreements as they are associated with welfare gains, reduction in cost of living, and GDP growth. Targeted policy incentives could be directed to specific domestic sectors since tariff liberalization has negative impacts on investment expenditure. Incentives regarding intermediate inputs should be directed to the manufacturing and services sectors for liberalization of agrifood commodities. Targeted policy incentives should be directed to the manufacturing and services sectors which experience decrease in output with tariff reductions. Liberalization of manufactured commodities should be accompanied by value-added incentives directed to the agrifood and home production–home consumption sectors. For the liberalization of manufactured commodities, targeted policy incentives should be directed to the services sector which experiences job losses while for the liberalization of tariffs on imports of agrifood commodities, targeted policy incentives should be directed to the agrifood and the home production–home consumption sectors, which also lose jobs. These targeted policy incentives could support industrial activity and compensate for revenue loss, especially from customs duties.

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Onyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022. “Open Innovation During the COVID-19 Pandemic Policy Responses in South Africa and Kenya.” Politics & Policy 50(5): 1008–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490.

Soto, Gloria. 2012. “Environmental Impact of Agricultural Trade Liberalization under NAFTA.” Politics & Policy 40(3): 471–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00354.x.

本研究采用可计算的一般均衡政策模拟,研究进口关税自由化对社会经济成果的影响,包括生活水平、生活成本、支出产生的国内生产总值(GDP)、总投资支出、中间投入需求、产出、附加值、关税收入、销售税收入、间接税收入、直接所得税收入、要素所得税收入和要素需求。模拟结果具有政策含义,即需要在战略贸易与投资伙伴关系协定和经济伙伴关系协定等协定下实行互惠的关税自由化,因为这与福利收益、生活成本降低和国内生产总值增长相关。由于关税自由化会对投资支出产生负面影响,因此可以针对特定的国内部门采取有针对性的政策激励措施。有关中间投入的激励措施应针对制造业和服务业部门,以促进农业食品商品的自由化。有针对性的政策激励措施应针对因关税削减而产出减少的制造业和服务业部门。在实行制成品自由化的同时,还应向农业食品和家庭生产-家庭消费部门提供增值激励措施。就制成品自由化而言,有针对性的政策激励措施应针对服务部门,因为这些部门的就业机会会减少;就农产食品进口关税自由化而言,有针对性的政策激励措施应针对农产食品和家庭生产-家庭消费部门,因为这些部门的就业机会也会减少。这些有针对性的政策激励措施可以支持工业活动,弥补收入损失,尤其是关税损失。2013."贸易、增长、贫困与政治:Toward a Unified Theory." Politics & Policy 41(5).Politics & Policy 41(5):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12034.Onyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022."南非和肯尼亚在 COVID-19 大流行期间的开放式创新对策"。政治与政策》50(5):1008-31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490.Soto, Gloria.2012."北美自由贸易协定下农业贸易自由化的环境影响》。Politics & Policy 40(3):471–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00354.x.
{"title":"Impact of tariff liberalization on economic and social benefits: Computable general equilibrium application to Kenya","authors":"Shadrack Muthami Mwatu,&nbsp;Nancy Nelima Nafula,&nbsp;John Gakuu Karanja","doi":"10.1111/polp.12601","DOIUrl":"10.1111/polp.12601","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study employed computable general equilibrium policy simulations to examine the impact of import tariff liberalization on socioeconomic outcomes including living standards, cost of living, gross domestic product (GDP) from expenditure, total investment expenditure, intermediate input demand, output, value-added, tariff revenue, sales tax revenue, indirect tax revenue, direct income tax revenue, factor income tax revenue, and factor demand. Findings from the simulations have policy implications touching on a need to embrace reciprocal tariff liberalization under agreements like strategic trade and investment partnerships and economic partnership agreements as they are associated with welfare gains, reduction in cost of living, and GDP growth. Targeted policy incentives could be directed to specific domestic sectors since tariff liberalization has negative impacts on investment expenditure. Incentives regarding intermediate inputs should be directed to the manufacturing and services sectors for liberalization of agrifood commodities. Targeted policy incentives should be directed to the manufacturing and services sectors which experience decrease in output with tariff reductions. Liberalization of manufactured commodities should be accompanied by value-added incentives directed to the agrifood and home production–home consumption sectors. For the liberalization of manufactured commodities, targeted policy incentives should be directed to the services sector which experiences job losses while for the liberalization of tariffs on imports of agrifood commodities, targeted policy incentives should be directed to the agrifood and the home production–home consumption sectors, which also lose jobs. These targeted policy incentives could support industrial activity and compensate for revenue loss, especially from customs duties.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Gruber, Lloyd. 2013. “Trade, Growth, Poverty, and Politics: Toward a Unified Theory.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 41(5): 723–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12034.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Onyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022. “Open Innovation During the COVID-19 Pandemic Policy Responses in South Africa and Kenya.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 50(5): 1008–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Soto, Gloria. 2012. “Environmental Impact of Agricultural Trade Liberalization under NAFTA.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 40(3): 471–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00354.x.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"52 3","pages":"573-596"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140993727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Extended commentary—U.S.-Asian policy in the throes of McCarthyism, old and new 延伸评论:麦卡锡主义阵痛中的新旧美亚政策
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12604
William H. Thornton, Songok Han Thornton

The subtext of this extended commentary for the 2024 Policy Studies Yearbook in Politics & Policy is the crucial role that liberalism and civil rights must play in U.S. foreign policy if America is to be on the right side of history. Our explicit subject is the conflux of elite and populist forces that constantly work against such liberal-democratic engagement. It is no secret that today's MAGAism (“Make America Great Again”) wears many of the same antiliberal stripes as did postwar McCarthyism, which was its direct progenitor. Thanks largely to the center-right resistance of President Eisenhower, McCarthyism was ultimately held in check domestically. Unfortunately, that was not the case on the side of U.S. foreign policy, where tenacious strains of antiliberalism had a very long shelf life. Thus, McCarthyism ended up having its most durable impact in the developing world, where cozy relations with highly reactionary regimes were considered necessary in the face of communist inroads. At a time when liberalism was hitting its full stride on American soil, U.S. foreign policy was exporting a very different America abroad, and especially in Asia. Even domestically, the waspish virulence of McCarthyism was never eradicated. It simply hibernated, and in 2016, it came back with a vengeance in the even more truculent form of Trumpism. Once again, xenophobic populism is laying claim to U.S. foreign policy and savaging liberal internationalism. The entrenched progressivism that stood its ground against McCarthyism has long since eroded. MAGAism faces no obstacle comparable to the dynamic liberalism of the 1950s or the counterculture of the 1960s. Seen from the perspective of January 6, 2021, the old McCarthyism looks tame by comparison.

Related Articles

Craig, Stephen C., and Jason Gainous. 2024. “To Vote or Not to Vote? Fake News, Voter Fraud, and Support for Postponing the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577.

Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs. 2021. “The Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 446–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399.

Skidmore, Max J. 2023. “Abortion—Reactionary Theocracy Rises in America, While Declining Elsewhere.” Politics & Policy 51(3): 437–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12534.

这篇为《2024 年政治与政策年鉴》(Policy Studies Yearbook in Politics & Policy)撰写的扩展评论的潜台词是,如果美国要站在历史的正确一边,自由主义和民权必须在美国外交政策中发挥关键作用。我们的明确主题是精英和民粹主义力量的交织,它们不断地反对这种自由民主的参与。众所周知,当今的MAGA主义("让美国再次伟大")与战后的麦卡锡主义有着许多相同的反自由主义色彩,而麦卡锡主义正是MAGA主义的直接祖先。主要由于艾森豪威尔总统的中右翼抵制,麦卡锡主义最终在国内受到遏制。遗憾的是,在美国外交政策方面却并非如此,在外交政策中,反自由主义的顽固派具有很长的保质期。因此,麦卡锡主义最终在发展中国家产生了最持久的影响,在那里,面对共产主义的入侵,与高度反动的政权保持友好关系被认为是必要的。当自由主义在美国本土大行其道之时,美国的外交政策却在向海外,尤其是亚洲输出一个截然不同的美国。即使在国内,麦卡锡主义的恶毒也从未根除。它只是蛰伏了起来,而在2016年,它又以特朗普主义这种更加顽固的形式卷土重来。仇外的民粹主义再次对美国的外交政策提出要求,并对自由国际主义进行蹂躏。在麦卡锡主义面前站稳脚跟的根深蒂固的进步主义早已荡然无存。MAGA 主义面临的障碍无法与 20 世纪 50 年代充满活力的自由主义或 20 世纪 60 年代的反主流文化相提并论。从 2021 年 1 月 6 日的视角来看,老麦卡锡主义相比之下显得温文尔雅。2024."投票与否?假新闻、选民欺诈和对推迟 2020 年美国总统选举的支持"。Politics & Policy 52(1):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577.Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs.2021."特朗普政府外交政策创业者的失败》。Politics & Policy 49(2):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399.Skidmore, Max J. 2023."Abortion-Reactionary Theocracy Rises in America, While Declining Elsewhere." Politics & Policy 51(3).政治与政策》51(3):437–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12534.
{"title":"Extended commentary—U.S.-Asian policy in the throes of McCarthyism, old and new","authors":"William H. Thornton,&nbsp;Songok Han Thornton","doi":"10.1111/polp.12604","DOIUrl":"10.1111/polp.12604","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The subtext of this extended commentary for the 2024 <i>Policy Studies Yearbook</i> in <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> is the crucial role that liberalism and civil rights must play in U.S. foreign policy if America is to be on the right side of history. Our explicit subject is the conflux of elite and populist forces that constantly work against such liberal-democratic engagement. It is no secret that today's MAGAism (“Make America Great Again”) wears many of the same antiliberal stripes as did postwar McCarthyism, which was its direct progenitor. Thanks largely to the center-right resistance of President Eisenhower, McCarthyism was ultimately held in check domestically. Unfortunately, that was not the case on the side of U.S. foreign policy, where tenacious strains of antiliberalism had a very long shelf life. Thus, McCarthyism ended up having its most durable impact in the developing world, where cozy relations with highly reactionary regimes were considered necessary in the face of communist inroads. At a time when liberalism was hitting its full stride on American soil, U.S. foreign policy was exporting a very different America abroad, and especially in Asia. Even domestically, the waspish virulence of McCarthyism was never eradicated. It simply hibernated, and in 2016, it came back with a vengeance in the even more truculent form of Trumpism. Once again, xenophobic populism is laying claim to U.S. foreign policy and savaging liberal internationalism. The entrenched progressivism that stood its ground against McCarthyism has long since eroded. MAGAism faces no obstacle comparable to the dynamic liberalism of the 1950s or the counterculture of the 1960s. Seen from the perspective of January 6, 2021, the old McCarthyism looks tame by comparison.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Craig, Stephen C., and Jason Gainous. 2024. “To Vote or Not to Vote? Fake News, Voter Fraud, and Support for Postponing the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 52(1): 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs. 2021. “The Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 49(2): 446–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Skidmore, Max J. 2023. “Abortion—Reactionary Theocracy Rises in America, While Declining Elsewhere.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 51(3): 437–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12534.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"52 4","pages":"854-873"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140993715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Foreign aid: An agent for socioeconomic development? A case study from an emerging economy: Pakistan 外国援助:社会经济发展的推动者?一个新兴经济体的案例研究:巴基斯坦
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12598
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi, Muhammad Zubair Akhtar, Mujahid Hussain Sargana

Pakistan's economy since its creation has remained heavily dependent on foreign aid, especially to manage the ever-widening gap between the available financial resources, development expenditure, fiscal deficit, and current account deficit. This article critically evaluates the effectiveness of foreign aid in Pakistan from 2000 to 2022 via an in-depth literature review and the rational actor model (RAM). Furthermore, a mixed-method approach based on descriptive quantitative and in-depth qualitative research methods was adopted for this study. The article demonstrates that RAM can assist policy makers, enabling them to make decisions vis-à-vis foreign aid while safeguarding national interests, particularly economic interests. However, this study finds that for Pakistan to achieve sustainable economic growth, increasing exports and attracting more foreign direct investment hold greater potential than continued reliance on foreign aid. In conclusion, the article prescribes policy measures to restructure Pakistan's political system to foster socioeconomic development through trade liberalization and good governance.

Related Articles

Asongu, Simplice A., and Joseph Nnanna. 2019. “Foreign Aid, Instability, and Governance in Africa.” Politics & Policy 47(4): 807–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12320.

Dobransky, Steve. 2014. “Violators amongst Us: International Regimes and the Role of Compliance, a Case Study on Official Development Assistance.” Politics & Policy 42(4): 593–634. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082.

Scarlato, Margherita, and Giorgio d'Agostino. 2019. “The Political Dimension of Cash Transfers in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Perspective.” Politics & Policy 47(6): 1125–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12332.

巴基斯坦经济自成立以来一直严重依赖外援,尤其是在管理可用财政资源、发展支出、财政赤字和经常账户赤字之间不断扩大的差距方面。本文通过深入的文献综述和理性行为者模型(RAM),对 2000 年至 2022 年巴基斯坦外援的有效性进行了批判性评估。此外,本研究还采用了基于描述性定量研究方法和深入定性研究方法的混合方法。文章表明,理性行为者模型可以帮助政策制定者,使他们能够在维护国家利益,尤其是经济利益的同时,做出有关外国援助的决策。然而,本研究发现,巴基斯坦要实现可持续经济增长,增加出口和吸引更多外国直接投资比继续依赖外援更有潜力。最后,文章提出了重组巴基斯坦政治体制的政策措施,以通过贸易自由化和善治促进社会经济发展。2019."非洲的外国援助、不稳定和治理》。政治与政策》47(4):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12320.Dobransky, Steve.2014."International Regimes and Role of Compliance, Case of the Monitoring Group:国际制度与合规的作用,官方发展援助案例研究"。Politics & Policy 42(4):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082.Scarlato, Margherita, and Giorgio d'Agostino.2019."拉丁美洲和撒哈拉以南非洲现金转移的政治维度:比较视角"。政治与政策》47(6):1125–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12332.
{"title":"Foreign aid: An agent for socioeconomic development? A case study from an emerging economy: Pakistan","authors":"Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi,&nbsp;Muhammad Zubair Akhtar,&nbsp;Mujahid Hussain Sargana","doi":"10.1111/polp.12598","DOIUrl":"10.1111/polp.12598","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Pakistan's economy since its creation has remained heavily dependent on foreign aid, especially to manage the ever-widening gap between the available financial resources, development expenditure, fiscal deficit, and current account deficit. This article critically evaluates the effectiveness of foreign aid in Pakistan from 2000 to 2022 via an in-depth literature review and the rational actor model (RAM). Furthermore, a mixed-method approach based on descriptive quantitative and in-depth qualitative research methods was adopted for this study. The article demonstrates that RAM can assist policy makers, enabling them to make decisions vis-à-vis foreign aid while safeguarding national interests, particularly economic interests. However, this study finds that for Pakistan to achieve sustainable economic growth, increasing exports and attracting more foreign direct investment hold greater potential than continued reliance on foreign aid. In conclusion, the article prescribes policy measures to restructure Pakistan's political system to foster socioeconomic development through trade liberalization and good governance.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Asongu, Simplice A., and Joseph Nnanna. 2019. “Foreign Aid, Instability, and Governance in Africa.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 47(4): 807–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12320.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Dobransky, Steve. 2014. “Violators amongst Us: International Regimes and the Role of Compliance, a Case Study on Official Development Assistance.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 42(4): 593–634. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Scarlato, Margherita, and Giorgio d'Agostino. 2019. “The Political Dimension of Cash Transfers in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Perspective.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 47(6): 1125–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12332.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"52 3","pages":"670-691"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140993210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
State and politics in the transitional era of globalization: Twisting and turning toward authoritarian and hybrid regimes 全球化过渡时期的国家与政治:专制和混合政权的曲折演变
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12603
Hafijur Rahman, Md Saidul Islam, Nageeb Gounjaria

Beyond its discontented thesis, globalization has had a difficult time in the last few years, owing to the global financial crises of 2008–2009 when its vacuous premises and promises were widely contested for being an unfair deal. The recent rise of nationalist and populist movements across the West and the East, boosted by the COVID-19 pandemic, now threatens its survival. However, globalization experts are largely divided in charting its future; while some predict the demise of the existing world order, others believe globalization will continue with some restructuring. By analyzing the global political dynamics and reviewing political and scholarly news and views, we argue that globalization is currently undergoing a transitional era with a new paradox—one characterized by the emergence of a multipolar world but with local identity and tradition-based politics. The upshot is that the state with the border is re-emerging alongside authoritarian and hybrid regimes.

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Kane, John, and Haig Patapan. 2010. “Recovering Justice: Political Legitimacy Reconsidered.” Politics & Policy 38(3): 589–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00250.x.

Quinn, Adam. 2007. “The Great Illusion: Chimeras of Isolationism and Realism in Post-Iraq U.S. Foreign Policy.” Politics & Policy 35(3): 522–47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00071.x.

Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2021. “American Global Supremacy Under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.

除了其不满的论点之外,全球化在过去几年中也经历了一段艰难的时期,原因是 2008-2009 年的全球金融危机,当时其空洞的前提和承诺被广泛质疑为不公平的交易。最近,在 COVID-19 大流行病的推动下,民族主义和民粹主义运动在西方和东方兴起,威胁着全球化的生存。然而,全球化专家们在描绘全球化的未来时存在很大分歧;一些人预测现有世界秩序将消亡,而另一些人则认为全球化将在某些结构调整后继续下去。通过分析全球政治动态,回顾政治和学术新闻及观点,我们认为,全球化目前正处于一个过渡时期,出现了一个新的悖论--其特点是出现了一个多极世界,但同时又有地方特色和基于传统的政治。其结果是,有边界的国家正与专制和混合政权一起重新崛起。2010."恢复正义:政治合法性再思考》。政治与政策》38(3):589–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00250.x.Quinn, Adam.2007."The Great Illusion:后伊拉克时期美国外交政策中孤立主义与现实主义的嵌合体"。Politics & Policy 35(3):522-47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00071.x.Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad.2021."美国的全球霸主地位受到威胁?中国因素"。政治与政策》49(2):502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.
{"title":"State and politics in the transitional era of globalization: Twisting and turning toward authoritarian and hybrid regimes","authors":"Hafijur Rahman,&nbsp;Md Saidul Islam,&nbsp;Nageeb Gounjaria","doi":"10.1111/polp.12603","DOIUrl":"10.1111/polp.12603","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Beyond its discontented thesis, globalization has had a difficult time in the last few years, owing to the global financial crises of 2008–2009 when its vacuous premises and promises were widely contested for being an unfair deal. The recent rise of nationalist and populist movements across the West and the East, boosted by the COVID-19 pandemic, now threatens its survival. However, globalization experts are largely divided in charting its future; while some predict the demise of the existing world order, others believe globalization will continue with some restructuring. By analyzing the global political dynamics and reviewing political and scholarly news and views, we argue that globalization is currently undergoing a transitional era with a new paradox—one characterized by the emergence of a multipolar world but with local identity and tradition-based politics. The upshot is that the state with the border is re-emerging alongside authoritarian and hybrid regimes.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Kane, John, and Haig Patapan. 2010. “Recovering Justice: Political Legitimacy Reconsidered.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 38(3): 589–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00250.x.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Quinn, Adam. 2007. “The Great Illusion: Chimeras of Isolationism and Realism in Post-Iraq U.S. Foreign Policy.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 35(3): 522–47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00071.x.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2021. “American Global Supremacy Under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"52 3","pages":"692-707"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141004122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The power of WHO epistemic communities: The “tobacco epidemic” as construct 世卫组织认识论群体的力量:作为建构的 "烟草流行病
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12602
Marta Hoffmann

The aim of this article is to present the idea that the tobacco epidemic, included in the World Health Organization's (WHO) documents, may have contributed to the success of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). The tobacco epidemic as a construct was present in internal and official WHO documentation as well as in scientific publications of the tobacco control-oriented scientists who constituted the anti-tobacco epistemic community. Using a qualitative approach, I analyzed three sets of texts to describe the features of the tobacco epidemic and how it may have contributed to the success of the FCTC. The methodology of the analysis was based on the sociological concept of medicalization. I argue that by virtue of medicalized framing in the case of the FCTC, the WHO was able to influence the debate on tobacco control.

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Luján José, Luis. 2023. “Evidence-Based Policies: Lessons from Regulatory Science.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 524–37. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12543.

Newman, Joshua. 2019. “The Role of Uncertainty in Regulating E-Cigarettes: The Emergence of a Regulatory Regime, 2005-15.” Politics & Policy 47(2): 407–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12294.

Roberts, Alex N. 2023. “The Scientization of Public Policy and Politics: A New Approach to Conceptualizing and Identifying the Phenomenon.” Politics & Policy 51(5): 726–54. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12548.

本文旨在提出一个观点,即世界卫生组织(WHO)文件中包含的烟草流行病可能有助于《烟草控制框架公约》(FCTC)的成功。烟草流行病作为一个概念出现在世界卫生组织的内部和官方文件中,也出现在以烟草控制为导向的科学家的科学出版物中,这些科学家构成了反烟草认识论群体。我采用定性方法分析了三组文本,以描述烟草流行病的特征以及它如何促成了《公约》的成功。分析方法基于医学化的社会学概念。我认为,在《烟草控制框架公约》的案例中,凭借医学化的框架,世卫组织能够影响有关烟草控制的辩论。2023."基于证据的政策:来自监管科学的教训"。Politics & Policy 51(4):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12543.Newman, Joshua.2019."不确定性在电子烟监管中的作用:2005-15年监管制度的出现》。政治与政策》47(2):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12294.Roberts, Alex N. 2023."公共政策与政治的科学化:A New Approach to Conceptualizing and Identifying the Phenomenon." 《公共政策与政治的科学化:概念化和识别现象的新方法》。Politics & Policy 51(5):726–54. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12548.
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引用次数: 0
Prison radicalization: A persisting threat for Bangladesh 监狱激进化:对孟加拉国的持续威胁
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12605
Shafi Md Mostofa

Prison radicalization poses a significant and evolving threat in Bangladesh's correctional facilities. This research article delves into the conditions fostering radicalization, including corruption, overcrowding, violence, and the lack of essential amenities. Drawing on extensive analysis of secondary data and expert interviews, this article argues that these conducive conditions have transformed Bangladeshi prisons into breeding grounds for radical ideologies, allowing militants to establish networks and plan attacks within and beyond prison confines. This article also points out the transformation of prisoners, even those with minimal radical tendencies, into militant leaders, along with the shift of non-radical individuals toward extremism. Moreover, it underscores the lack of de-radicalization programs within the current prison system as a crucial gap in countering this escalating issue. Furthermore, the research identifies societal denial, limited post-release opportunities, and mistreatment by security forces as factors exacerbating radicalization post-incarceration. As such, this study emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to address prison radicalization.

Related Articles

Awan, Imran. 2012. “‘I Am a Muslim Not an Extremist’: How the Prevent Strategy Has Constructed a ‘Suspect’ Community.” Politics & Policy 40(6): 1158–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00397.x.

Heinmiller, B. Timothy, Matthew A. Hennigar, and Sandra Kopec. 2017. “Degenerative Politics and Youth Criminal Justice Policy in Canada.” Politics & Policy 45(3): 406–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12204.

Spalek, Basia. 2010. “Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to ‘New Terrorism.’” Politics & Policy 38(4): 789–815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00258.x.

监狱激进化对孟加拉国的惩教设施构成了重大且不断发展的威胁。这篇研究文章深入探讨了滋生激进主义的条件,包括腐败、过度拥挤、暴力和缺乏基本设施。通过对二手数据和专家访谈的广泛分析,本文认为这些有利条件已将孟加拉国监狱转变为激进意识形态的滋生地,使激进分子得以在监狱内外建立网络并策划袭击。本文还指出,随着非激进分子转向极端主义,囚犯,甚至是那些激进倾向极少的囚犯,也转变为激进分子的领导者。此外,文章还强调了当前监狱系统中缺乏去激进化计划,这是应对这一不断升级的问题的关键缺口。此外,研究还指出,社会否定、释放后机会有限以及安全部队的虐待是加剧入狱后激进化的因素。因此,本研究强调迫切需要采取综合战略来解决监狱激进化问题。2012."'我是穆斯林不是极端分子':预防战略如何构建了一个'可疑'社区"。政治与政策》40(6):https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00397.x.Heinmiller, B. Timothy, Matthew A. Hennigar, and Sandra Kopec.2017."Degenerative Politics and Youth Criminal Justice Policy in Canada." Politics & Policy 45(3).Politics & Policy 45(3):406-31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12204.Spalek, Basia.2010."Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism'(《与'新恐怖主义'相关的社区警务、信任和穆斯林社区》)。政治与政策》38(4):789–815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x.
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引用次数: 0
Do higher government spending, financial development, and trade reduce income inequality in low-income countries? A Bayesian perspective 提高政府支出、金融发展和贸易是否会减少低收入国家的收入不平等?贝叶斯视角
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-04 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12600
Mwoya Byaro, Nicholaus Ngowi, Anicet Rwezaula

We employed the Bayesian method to investigate the impact of government spending, financial development (measured by bank credit), and trade on income inequality reduction in 66 low-income countries (LICs) across Africa, Asia, America, and Europe from 2000 to 2018. Controlling inflation and unemployment, our results indicate that trade and inflation exacerbate income inequality in LICs, while financial development and government spending have no impact on reducing income inequality in these countries. Furthermore, the findings show that real GDP per capita reduces income inequality in LICs. To ensure the robustness of our results, we also conducted frequentist quantile regression, which yielded consistent findings that financial development, government spending, and trade do not reduce income inequality in LICs. We further discuss the potential channels through which trade, financial development, inflation, and government spending contribute to income inequality in LICs, and provide policy implications based on the empirical evidence.

Related Articles

Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.

Asongu, Simplice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. 2023. “The Effect of Inequality on Poverty and Severity of Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Financial Development Institutions.” Politics & Policy 51(5): 898–918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558.

Polacko, Matthew. 2023. “Turning Off the Base: Social Democracy's Neoliberal Turn, Income Inequality, and Turnout.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 538–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12550.

我们采用贝叶斯方法研究了 2000 年至 2018 年期间政府支出、金融发展(以银行信贷衡量)和贸易对非洲、亚洲、美洲和欧洲 66 个低收入国家减少收入不平等的影响。在控制通货膨胀和失业率的情况下,我们的研究结果表明,贸易和通货膨胀加剧了低收入国家的收入不平等,而金融发展和政府支出对减少这些国家的收入不平等没有影响。此外,研究结果表明,实际人均国内生产总值减少了低收入国家的收入不平等。为了确保结果的稳健性,我们还进行了频数量化回归,结果发现金融发展、政府支出和贸易并没有减少低收入国家的收入不平等。我们进一步讨论了贸易、金融发展、通货膨胀和政府支出导致低收入国家收入不平等的潜在渠道,并根据经验证据提出了政策建议。2023."撒哈拉以南非洲的税收、民主和不平等:可持续发展目标的相关联系"。Politics & Policy 51(4):https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.Asongu, Simplice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo.2023."撒哈拉以南非洲不平等对贫困和贫困严重程度的影响:金融发展机构的作用"。Politics & Policy 51(5):898–918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558.Polacko, Matthew.2023."Turning Off the Base:Social Democracy's Neoliberal Turn, Income Inequality, and Turnout." 《社会民主的新自由主义转向、收入不平等与投票率》。Politics & Policy 51(4):538–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12550.
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