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Reducing the Increasing Effect of Fiscal Expenditure on Government Debts: Does Financial Sector Transparency Matter? 减少财政支出对政府债务的增加效应:金融部门透明度重要吗?
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-11-05 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70080
Baah A. Kusi, Emmanuel Senanu Mekpor, Elikplimi K. Agbloyor, Simplice A. Asongu

In this study, we attempt to examine how transparency in the financial sector (financial sector transparency) moderates the increasing effect of fiscal expenditure on government debts using 23 African economies over a 16-year period. The study employs two-step dynamic GMM panel models with additional controls for year and country effects. The results show that (i) FST and fiscal expenditure both increase government debts, but the combined effect of these two offers a synergetic-reducing effect on government debts, (ii) economies with transparent financial sector systems are able to effectively suppress the increasing effect of fiscal expenditure on government debts, and (iii) the increasing effect of expenditure is evident in both transparent and opaque financial sector economies, though the increasing effect of fiscal expenditure is lower in transparent financial sector systems in Africa. These results highlight the important but unexplored government debt-reducing effect of FST through fiscal expenditure, implying that policymakers can rely on FST to tame the increasing effect of fiscal expenditure on government debts while enacting laws and policies to expand the depth and coverage of FST to harness the government debt-reducing effect of FST through fiscal expenditure.

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Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.

Asongu, Simplice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. 2023. “The Effect of Inequality on Poverty and Severity of Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Financial Development Institutions.” Politics & Policy 51(5): 898–918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558.

Byaro, Mwoya, Nicholaus Ngowi, and Anicet Rwezaula. 2024. “Do higher government spending, financial development, and trade reduce income inequality in low-income countries? A Bayesian perspective.” Politics & Policy 52(3): 500-519. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12600.

在这项研究中,我们试图研究金融部门的透明度(金融部门透明度)如何调节财政支出对政府债务的影响,使用23个非洲经济体在16年期间。该研究采用两步动态GMM面板模型,并对年份和国家影响进行了额外控制。结果表明:(1)财政税和财政支出都增加了政府债务,但两者的综合效应对政府债务产生了协同减少效应;(2)具有透明金融部门制度的经济体能够有效抑制财政支出对政府债务的增加效应;(3)在透明和不透明的金融部门经济体中,支出的增加效应都很明显。尽管财政支出的增加效应在非洲透明的金融部门制度中较低。这些结果突出了FST通过财政支出减少政府债务的重要作用,但尚未被探索,这意味着决策者可以依靠FST来抑制财政支出对政府债务的日益增长的影响,同时通过制定法律和政策来扩大FST的深度和覆盖面,以利用FST通过财政支出减少政府债务的作用。相关文章阿德博耶,亚历克斯,阿德博耶,乌瓦洛姆瓦·乌维格贝,斯蒂芬·奥耶卡和埃伊特米·法萨努。2023。《撒哈拉以南非洲的税收、民主和不平等:可持续发展目标的相关联系》。政治与政策51(4):696-722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547。Asongu, simice和Nicholas M. Odhiambo. 2023。《撒哈拉以南非洲不平等对贫困和贫困严重程度的影响:金融发展机构的作用》。政治与政策51(5):898-918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558。Byaro, Mwoya, Nicholaus Ngowi和Anicet Rwezaula, 2024。“增加政府支出、金融发展和贸易能减少低收入国家的收入不平等吗?”贝叶斯的观点。”政治与政策52(3):500-519。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12600。
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引用次数: 0
Nested Feminisms: How Institutional Designs Shape Women's Activism in Australia and Bangladesh 嵌套的女权主义:制度设计如何塑造澳大利亚和孟加拉国的女性激进主义
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-31 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70096
Pranab Kumar Panday, Quamrul Alam

This paper investigates the interplay between institutional frameworks and women's political participation through a comparative study of local government in Australia and Bangladesh. While Australia exemplifies professionalized inclusion through female quotas, formal mentoring programs, and bureaucratic processes, Bangladesh illustrates how grassroots movements navigate entrenched patriarchal exclusion. The study demonstrates that radical resistance and formal representation are interconnected dimensions of women's political agency rather than conflicting approaches. Using feminist institutionalism, political empowerment theory, and intersectional analysis, the paper introduces two novel conceptual tools—technocratic capture and subversive institutional bricolage—to illustrate how activists strategically navigate layered patriarchal constraints in diverse governance contexts. The findings illuminate the paradox of “nested newness,” showing how institutional gains can sometimes reinforce inequalities despite feminist interventions. Cross-case comparisons reveal hybrid pathways where formal institutional access and grassroots strategies intersect, producing interstitial spaces of empowerment that can be both transformative and replicable. By integrating political science and development studies approaches, the study provides a methodology for examining both formal and informal routes to empowerment, enriching research on gender and governance. Practical implications include designing intersectional policies that link grassroots mobilization with institutional reforms, enhancing participation for underrepresented groups such as Indigenous, rural, and working-class women. Future research should explore how digital platforms reshape insider/outsider dynamics, particularly within hybrid governance structures. Overall, the study advocates for synergistic strategies that combine institutional leverage and grassroots energy to advance sustained, gender-transformative change.

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Prodip, Mahbub Alam, Abu Sayed Md. Nazmul Haider, Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, and Sajal Roy. 2025. “Gender Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation in Local-Level Government in Bangladesh.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 4: e70053. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70053.

Bingham, N. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics & Policy 44, no. 2: 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.

Hankivsky, O. 2013. “Gender Mainstreaming: A Five-Country Examination.” Politics & Policy 41, no. 5: 629–655. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12037.

本文通过对澳大利亚和孟加拉国地方政府的比较研究,探讨了制度框架与妇女政治参与之间的相互作用。澳大利亚通过女性配额、正式指导计划和官僚程序体现了专业化的包容,而孟加拉国则展示了基层运动如何克服根深蒂固的父权排斥。研究表明,激进抵抗和正式代表是妇女政治代理的相互联系的方面,而不是相互冲突的方法。利用女权主义制度主义、政治赋权理论和交叉分析,本文引入了两个新的概念工具——技术官僚捕获和颠覆性制度拼凑——来说明活动家如何在不同的治理背景下战略性地驾驭分层父权约束。研究结果阐明了“嵌套的新颖性”的悖论,表明尽管有女权主义者的干预,制度上的收益有时会加剧不平等。跨案例比较揭示了正式机构准入和基层战略交叉的混合路径,产生了既具有变革性又可复制的赋权间隙空间。通过整合政治学和发展研究方法,该研究提供了一种方法,用于审查正式和非正式的赋权途径,丰富了关于性别和治理的研究。实际影响包括设计将基层动员与制度改革联系起来的交叉政策,加强土著、农村和工人阶级妇女等代表性不足群体的参与。未来的研究应该探索数字平台如何重塑内部/外部动态,特别是在混合治理结构中。总体而言,该研究倡导将机构杠杆和基层力量相结合的协同战略,以推进持续的性别变革。相关文章Prodip, Mahbub Alam, Abu Sayed Md. Nazmul Haider, Nguyen Thi Thu Ha和Sajal Roy. 2025。“性别配额和妇女在孟加拉国地方政府中的实质性代表性”。政治与政策53,no。4: e70053。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70053。宾厄姆,N. 2016。“为我们的事业而战:妇女非政府组织对四个前苏联共和国性别政策采纳的影响”政治与政策44,没有。2: 294 - 318。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155。汉科夫斯基,2013。“性别主流化:五国考察”。政治与政策41,没有。5: 629 - 655。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12037。
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引用次数: 0
The Emirates' Inroads Into Africa: A Case Study of Mimicry in International Relations 阿联酋进军非洲:国际关系中的模仿案例研究
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-28 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70092
Abel Alfred Kinyondo

Africa is a resource-rich continent. However, the continent is yet to fully benefit from its natural wealth, partly because developed countries have been exploiting its natural wealth and resources in line with the World Systems theory. In recent times, China has successfully exploited Africa's wealth using its technological and capital capabilities through its Belt and Road Initiative as well as by positioning itself as a partner offering “mutual respect” and “win-win” outcomes to Africa. Using a case study of the United Arab Emirates, this article shows that other developing countries may have started to mimic, albeit with some modifications, China's model of exploiting Africa. Moreover, anecdotal evidence shows that even established Western countries such as the United States and European countries have joined suit. This suggests that mimicry has become one of the international relations strategies. This reality is risky for African countries since economic gains from mimicking in international relations could be prioritized by developed countries at the expense of some more traditional rules of engagement, which also demand the upholding of human rights and democracy. It is against this background that the present study proposes that Africa should shake off its periphery status by implementing its own policies and regulatory frameworks, improving its governance system, taking advantage of its population dividend, and embracing technology as both a catalyst and job creator.

Related Articles

Kinyondo, Abel A. 2020. “Does Tanzania's Development Trajectory Borrow from the China Model?” Politics & Policy 48, no. 5: 960–987. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12372.

Davidsson, Simon. 2020. “Modeling the Impact of a Model: The (Non)Relationship between China's Economic Rise and African Democracy.” Politics & Policy 48, no. 5: 859–886. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12375.

Duggan, Niall. 2020. “China—The Champion of the Developing World: A Study of China's New Development Model and Its Role in Changing Global Economic Governance. Politics & Policy 48, no. 5: 836–858. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12377.

非洲是一个资源丰富的大陆。然而,非洲大陆尚未充分受益于其自然财富,部分原因是发达国家一直在按照世界体系理论开发其自然财富和资源。近年来,中国通过“一带一路”倡议,以及将自己定位为“相互尊重”和“双赢”的合作伙伴,成功地利用了非洲的财富。本文以阿拉伯联合酋长国为例,表明其他发展中国家可能已经开始模仿中国开发非洲的模式,尽管做了一些修改。此外,坊间证据显示,就连美国和欧洲等老牌西方国家也加入了这一行列。这表明,模仿已成为国际关系战略之一。这种现实对非洲国家来说是危险的,因为发达国家可能会优先考虑在国际关系中模仿的经济利益,而牺牲一些更传统的接触规则,这些规则也要求维护人权和民主。正是在这样的背景下,本研究提出,非洲应该通过实施自己的政策和监管框架、完善治理体系、利用其人口红利以及将技术作为催化剂和就业创造者来摆脱其边缘地位。陈建军,刘建军。2020。“坦桑尼亚的发展轨迹是否借鉴了中国模式?”政治与政策48,不。5: 960 - 987。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12372。西蒙·戴维森,2020。“模型的影响建模:中国经济崛起与非洲民主的(非)关系”。政治与政策48,不。5: 859 - 886。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12375。尼尔·达根,2020。《中国——发展中世界的捍卫者:中国新发展模式及其在全球经济治理变革中的作用研究》政治与政策48,不。5: 836 - 858。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12377。
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引用次数: 0
School Counselors and Knowledge of Immigrant Policy: Variation by Location and Voter Preference 学校辅导员与移民政策知识:地理位置与选民偏好的差异
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-28 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70091
Fanny Lauby, Julissa Cuautle

We investigate factors of immigrant policy implementation in schools, focusing on the role of school counselors in shaping access to higher education for undocumented students. Using a survey of 266 public high school counselors in New York and Pennsylvania, we assessed their knowledge of state laws affecting undocumented students' access to higher education. We find that there are significant differences among counselors based on their state of residence, whether they work in rural or urban areas, and voters' preferences in their county. Results provide evidence of the lasting power of immigrant gateways in delivering the services needed for immigrant bureaucratic incorporation.

我们调查了学校移民政策实施的因素,重点关注学校辅导员在塑造无证学生接受高等教育的机会方面的作用。我们对纽约州和宾夕法尼亚州的266名公立高中辅导员进行了调查,评估了他们对影响无证学生接受高等教育的州法律的了解程度。我们发现,辅导员在不同的居住州、农村和城市工作,以及所在县选民的偏好之间存在显著差异。结果提供了移民门户在提供移民官僚机构所需服务方面的持久力量的证据。
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引用次数: 0
To What Extent Does Military Expenditure Mitigate the Effect of Terrorism on Economic Complexity in Europe? 军费开支在多大程度上缓解了恐怖主义对欧洲经济复杂性的影响?
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-23 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70071
Ekene ThankGod Emeka, Jonathan E. Ogbuabor, Simplice A. Asongu

This study examines how military expenditure moderates the negative effect of terrorism on economic complexity in Europe. Terrorism is proxied by terrorism-related incidences, fatalities, injuries, and hostages. The study utilizes a panel dataset comprising 33 European economies spanning the period 2011–2022. The primary empirical strategy employed is the Bias-Corrected Method of Moments (BCMM), which effectively addresses potential estimation biases, including cross-sectional dependence, endogeneity, and heterogeneity. The findings reveal a consistently negative impact of terrorism on economic complexity in Europe. Furthermore, a 2.000 threshold level of military expenditure (% GDP) and 4.000 threshold level of military expenditure (% of general government expenditure) will mitigate the negative effects of terrorism fatalities on economic complexity. On the basis of the study's findings, it is recommended to reassess the efficiency of military expenditures in Europe, with surplus funds redirected toward innovation-driven sectors. In addition, policymakers and leaders in Europe should join forces through the Council of Europe (CoE) and the European Union (EU) to tackle the detrimental effects of terrorism on the continent.

Related Articles

Cinalli, M., and M. Giugni. 2016. “Collective Responses to the Economic Crisis in the Public Domain: Myth or Reality?” Politics & Policy 44, no. 3: 427–446. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12156.

Lahusen, C., M. Kousis, J. Kiess, and M. Paschou. 2016. “Political Claims and Discourse Formations: A Comparative Account on Germany and Greece in the Eurozone Crisis.” Politics & Policy 44, no. 3: 525–552. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12162/abstract.

Zamponi, L., and L. Bosi. 2016. “Which Crisis? European Crisis and National Contexts in Public Discourse.” Politics & Policy 44, no. 3: 400–426. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12156.

本研究探讨军事开支如何缓和恐怖主义对欧洲经济复杂性的负面影响。恐怖主义的代表是与恐怖主义有关的事件、伤亡和人质。该研究使用了一个面板数据集,包括2011年至2022年期间的33个欧洲经济体。采用的主要经验策略是偏差校正矩法(BCMM),它有效地解决了潜在的估计偏差,包括横断面依赖性、内生性和异质性。调查结果显示,恐怖主义对欧洲经济复杂性的负面影响一直存在。此外,军费开支的阈值水平为2000(占GDP的百分比)和军费开支的阈值水平为4000(占政府总支出的百分比)将减轻恐怖主义死亡对经济复杂性的负面影响。在研究结果的基础上,建议重新评估欧洲军事开支的效率,将盈余资金重新导向创新驱动的部门。此外,欧洲的政策制定者和领导人应通过欧洲委员会(CoE)和欧盟(EU)联合起来,解决恐怖主义对欧洲大陆的有害影响。相关文章:陈建军,陈建军。2016。“公共领域对经济危机的集体反应:神话还是现实?”政治与政策44,没有。3: 427 - 446。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12156。Lahusen, C., M. Kousis, J. Kiess, and M. Paschou, 2016。政治诉求与话语形成:欧元区危机中德国与希腊的比较分析。政治与政策44,没有。3: 525 - 552。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12162/abstract。Zamponi, L.和L. Bosi. 2016。”危机?欧洲危机与公共话语中的国家语境。”政治与政策44,没有。3: 400 - 426。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12156。
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引用次数: 0
Housing Policy and Reproductive Justice in the UK 英国的住房政策和生殖正义
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-21 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70095
Amy Clair, Jasmine Fledderjohann, Kirsty Kitchen, Sophie Patterson

Reproductive Justice is an intersectional feminist activist movement and epistemological framework for documenting, understanding, and responding to reproductive oppression. The Reproductive Justice movement asserts that all people have the right to (1) not have a child; (2) have a child; (3) parent children with dignity in safe and healthy environments; and (4) bodily autonomy. As a movement rooted in international human rights, Reproductive Justice has since been applied to understand reproductive oppression in various contexts around the globe. Consistent access to secure, affordable, suitable housing is crucial to the realization of Reproductive Justice. In this paper, we focus on housing in the UK as an example, identifying how policy decisions shape the ability to access adequate housing with consequences for Reproductive Justice, particularly for marginalized people.

生殖正义是一个交叉的女权主义活动家运动和认识论框架,用于记录,理解和回应生殖压迫。生殖正义运动主张所有人都有以下权利:(1)不生育;(二)有子女;(3)在安全和健康的环境中有尊严地养育子女;(4)身体自主。作为一项植根于国际人权的运动,生殖正义已被应用于了解全球各种情况下的生殖压迫。持续获得安全、负担得起的适当住房对实现生殖正义至关重要。在本文中,我们以英国的住房为例,确定政策决定如何塑造获得适当住房的能力,并对生殖正义产生影响,特别是对边缘化人群。
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引用次数: 0
The Empty State: Governing the Voids in a Projected Conflict-Torn Yemen 《空虚的国家:在预期的饱受冲突摧残的也门治理空虚》
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-20 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70088
Moosa Elayah

This study introduces the concept of the “Empty State” to explain a form of state dysfunction in Yemen, where state institutions exist but are stripped of their governance authority. While frameworks on fragile or failed states emphasize the weakness or collapse of state capacity, the Empty State highlights the persistence of symbolic institutions that project authority but are run by informal networks, ideology, and external actors. Unlike the “institutional void” or “shadow state” models, the Empty State captures the coexistence of institutional form and functional absence. Institutions are hollow and strategically preserved to simulate legitimacy and sovereignty. This framework is grounded in a qualitative study of 40 interviews with government, civil society, and tribal leaders. Findings reveal two governance patterns: centralized yet ideologically hollow rule in the North, and fragmented, externally influenced administration in the South. These patterns exemplify the Empty State and challenge linear models of fragility and collapse.

Related Articles

Aboelwafa, Tarek, and Abdulfattah Yaghi. 2024. “Parliamentary Questions, Institutional Change, and Legislative Oversight in a Non-Western Context.” Politics and Policy 52(2): 365–383. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12593.

Jouini, Nizar, and Manel Ben Akal. 2022. “Political Consensus, Economic Reforms, and Democratic Transitions in the Middle East: Evidence From Voting on Tunisian Reform Bills.” Politics and Policy 50(4): 851–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12489.

Ali, Hamid E., and Shahjahan Bhuiyan. 2022. “Governance, Natural Resources Rent, and Infrastructure Development: Evidence from the Middle East and North Africa.” Politics and Policy 50(2): 408–440. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12451.

本研究引入了“空国”的概念来解释也门国家功能失调的一种形式,即国家机构存在但被剥夺了治理权力。关于脆弱或失败国家的框架强调的是国家能力的薄弱或崩溃,而“空国”强调的是象征性机构的持续存在,这些机构彰显了权威,但却由非正式网络、意识形态和外部行动者运作。与“制度空白”或“影子国家”模型不同,“空的国家”抓住了制度形式和功能缺失的共存。制度是空洞的,是为了模拟合法性和主权而战略性地保留下来的。这一框架基于对政府、民间社会和部落领袖进行的40次访谈的定性研究。研究结果揭示了两种治理模式:北方集中但意识形态空洞的统治,以及南方分散的、受外部影响的管理。这些模式是“空虚之国”的例证,对脆弱性和崩溃的线性模型提出了挑战。阿伯勒瓦法、塔里克和阿卜杜勒法塔赫·亚吉。2024。“非西方背景下的议会问题、制度变革和立法监督”。政治与政策,52(2):365-383。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12593。Jouini, Nizar和Manel Ben Akal, 2022。中东的政治共识、经济改革和民主转型:来自突尼斯改革法案投票的证据。政治与政策,50(4):851-71。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12489。Ali, Hamid E.和Shahjahan Bhuiyan. 2022。治理、自然资源租金和基础设施发展:来自中东和北非的证据。政治与政策研究,20(2):444 - 444。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12451。
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引用次数: 0
How Gender Affects Officer Support for Police Militarization 性别如何影响警官对警察军事化的支持
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-20 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70081
Ryan M. Welch, Christina I. Pasca, Jack Mewhirter

Why do police officers support police militarization despite the dangers it entails for themselves and the community they protect? We argue officer social identity helps explain part of this puzzle, particularly gender identity. Individuals who wish to signal their masculinity engage in actions that involve (the threat of) violence. One way to confirm their willingness to do so is to support the acquisition of military gear and weapons as tools of violence. Thus, we theorize a mediating relationship that describes why male officers would support police militarization—to signal masculinity in the face of gender threats. We use causal mediation analysis to examine survey data collected from officers in a large US police department. Results demonstrate that officers' gender attitudes influence their support for militarizing their department, despite the inherent risks involved, and perhaps because of the inherent risks involved.

Related Articles

Welch, Ryan M., Jack Mewhirter, James E. Wright, and Jeongmin Oh. 2023. “Evaluating the Determinants of Support for Police Militarization among Officers.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 636-660. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12549.

Wolff, Michael Jerome. 2019. “Sharing Authority: The Politics and Practice of Community Policing in the Brazilian Slum.” Politics & Policy 47(4): 748-774. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12322.

Spalek, Basia. 2010. “Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to New Terrorism.” Politics & Policy 38(4): 789-815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00258.x.

为什么警察不顾他们自己和他们所保护的社区所面临的危险,支持警察军事化?我们认为军官的社会身份有助于解释这个谜题的一部分,尤其是性别身份。那些想要显示自己男子气概的人会采取包括(威胁)暴力的行动。确认他们愿意这样做的一个方法是支持获得军事装备和武器作为暴力工具。因此,我们理论化了一种中介关系,描述了为什么男性警官会支持警察军事化——在面对性别威胁时表现出男子气概。我们使用因果中介分析来检查从美国一个大型警察部门收集的调查数据。结果表明,尽管存在固有风险,但军官的性别态度会影响他们对部门军事化的支持,或许正是因为存在固有风险。相关文章韦尔奇,瑞安M,杰克梅沃特,詹姆斯E.赖特,吴正民。2023。“评估警员对警察军事化支持的决定因素”。政治与政策51(4):636-660。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12549。迈克尔·杰罗姆·沃尔夫,2019。分享权力:巴西贫民窟社区警务的政治与实践政治与政策47(4):748-774。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12322。斯巴莱克,巴西,2010。“社区治安、信任和穆斯林社区与新恐怖主义的关系”。政治与政策38(4):789-815。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00258.x。
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引用次数: 0
Deconstructing Policy Evaluation in the Global South: Historical, Political, and Transnational Influences 解构南方国家的政策评估:历史、政治和跨国影响
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-13 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70061
Anis Ben Brik

Policy evaluation is crucial for effective governance and development in the Global South, yet its institutionalization is shaped by a complex interplay of historical, political, and transnational factors. This study examines how colonial legacies, domestic political dynamics, and external influences converge to influence policy evaluation practices across this diverse region, defined as countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America marked by colonial histories and structural inequalities. Employing a synthesis review of literature from 2010 to 2024 sourced from Web of Science, Scopus, and ProQuest, we analyze these factors through a framework integrating postcolonial theory, historical institutionalism, and global governance perspectives. Findings reveal that colonial administrative structures persist, skewing evaluations toward external agendas, whereas authoritarian regimes and weak institutional capacity limit independence, contrasting with more open systems. Transnational influences, including UN frameworks, further constrain local relevance. Civil society organizations enhance inclusivity, yet face resource and political barriers. This study advances theoretical discourse by deconstructing ethnocentric biases in evaluation practices and proposes context-sensitive frameworks that prioritize local epistemologies over universal templates. These insights offer actionable strategies for policymakers to foster accountability, equity, and sustainable development, reimagining policy evaluation as a tool for justice in postcolonial governance.

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de Wee, G., and A. Jakoet-Salie. 2025. “Policy Integration for Overcoming Fragmented Government Action in South Africa: The Case of the National Policy on Food and Nutrition Security.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 1: e70018. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70018.

Goyal, N. 2021. “Explaining Policy Success Using the Multiple Streams Framework: Political Success Despite Programmatic Failure of the Solar Energy Policy in Gujarat, India.” Politics & Policy 49, no. 5: 1021–1060. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12426.

Peterson, H. L., M. K. McBeth, and M. D. Jones. 2020. “Policy Process Theory for Rural Studies: Navigating Context and Generalization in Rural Policy.” Politics & Policy 48, no. 4: 576–617. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12366.

政策评估对于全球南方国家的有效治理和发展至关重要,但其制度化是由历史、政治和跨国因素的复杂相互作用形成的。本研究考察了殖民遗产、国内政治动态和外部影响如何汇聚在一起,影响这个多样化地区的政策评估实践。该地区被定义为以殖民历史和结构不平等为特征的非洲、亚洲和拉丁美洲国家。通过对Web of Science、Scopus和ProQuest网站2010年至2024年的文献进行综合分析,我们通过整合后殖民理论、历史制度主义和全球治理视角的框架来分析这些因素。研究结果显示,与更开放的制度相比,殖民行政结构仍然存在,使评估偏向外部议程,而威权政权和薄弱的机构能力限制了独立性。跨国影响,包括联合国框架,进一步限制了地方相关性。民间社会组织增强了包容性,但面临资源和政治障碍。本研究通过解构评估实践中的种族中心主义偏见来推进理论论述,并提出了上下文敏感的框架,该框架优先考虑局部认识论而不是普遍模板。这些见解为政策制定者提供了可操作的战略,以促进问责制、公平和可持续发展,并将政策评估重新构想为后殖民治理中实现正义的工具。相关文章de Wee, G. A. Jakoet-Salie。2025. “整合政策以克服南非支离破碎的政府行动:以国家粮食和营养安全政策为例”。政治与政策53,no。1: e70018。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70018。戈亚尔,N. 2021。“用多流框架解释政策成功:印度古吉拉特邦太阳能政策在计划性失败后的政治成功”政治与政策49,不。5: 1021 - 1060。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12426。彼得森,H. L., M. K.麦克白斯,M. D.琼斯。2020。“乡村研究的政策过程理论:乡村政策的语境导航与概括”政治与政策48,不。4: 576 - 617。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12366。
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引用次数: 0
Diminishing Partisanship: US Congress Rallies Around the Flag on China Policy 党派关系减弱:美国国会在对华政策上团结一致
IF 1.5 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-10-13 DOI: 10.1111/polp.70082
Linggong Kong

This study examines the evolving dynamics of partisan polarization in US congressional behavior toward China. While Republicans have traditionally adopted more hawkish stances and Democrats have favored engagement, recent years—particularly since 2018—have witnessed the emergence of a bipartisan consensus framing China as a strategic threat. Drawing on an original dataset of 138 China-specific congressional roll-call votes from 1989 to 2024, the study employs two empirical indicators—a Party Difference Score and a Partisan Hawkishness Score—to assess ideological divergence and policy alignment across five issue domains. Standardized OLS regression and difference-in-means analyses reveal a significant decline in partisan differences on national security–related legislation, accompanied by a notable rise in hawkishness among both parties. However, polarization remains pronounced on issues related to trade, cultural exchange, and multifaceted policy areas. These findings lend support to both the external threat hypothesis and the literature on partisan foreign policy polarization: while perceptions of existential threat can foster bipartisan alignment in national security, they do not fully override entrenched ideological divisions across broader foreign policy domains.

Related Articles

Fowler, L. 2022 “Searching for Green Elephants and Other Mythical Creatures during the Trump Years: Partisanship and Congressional Voting on Environmental Legislation.” Politics and Policy 50, no. 5: 913–941. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12499.

Dunning, K. H. 2021. “Unlikely Conservation Policy Making in a Polarized Congress: A Multiple Streams Analysis of ‘America's Most Successful Conservation Program’.” Politics and Policy 50, no. 1: 93–118. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12448.

Gershtenson, J., Smith, B.W., and Mangun, W. R. 2006. “Friends of the Earth? Partisanship, Party Control of Congress, and Environmental Legislation in Congress.” Politics and Policy 34, no. 1: 66–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2006.00004.x.

本研究考察了美国国会对华行为中党派分化的演变动态。虽然共和党人传统上采取更强硬的立场,民主党人则倾向于接触,但近年来,特别是自2018年以来,两党已经形成共识,将中国视为战略威胁。该研究利用1989年至2024年间138个中国国会唱名投票的原始数据集,采用两个实证指标——党派差异得分和党派鹰派得分——来评估五个问题领域的意识形态分歧和政策一致性。标准化OLS回归和均值差异分析显示,两党在国家安全相关立法上的分歧显著下降,同时两党鹰派态度显著上升。然而,在与贸易、文化交流和多方面政策领域有关的问题上,两极分化仍然明显。这些发现为外部威胁假说和党派外交政策两极分化的文献提供了支持:尽管对存在威胁的认知可以促进国家安全方面的两党合作,但它们并不能完全推翻在更广泛的外交政策领域根深蒂固的意识形态分歧。2022,“在特朗普时代寻找绿象和其他神话生物:党派关系和国会对环境立法的投票”。政治与政策50,不。5: 913 - 941。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12499。邓宁,k.h. 2021。在两极分化的国会中制定不太可能的保护政策:对“美国最成功的保护计划”的多流分析。政治与政策50,不。1: 93 - 118。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12448。Gershtenson, J., Smith, b.w.和Mangun, W. R. 2006。“地球之友?”党派关系、党对国会的控制以及国会中的环境立法。”政治与政策34,no。1: 66 - 92。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2006.00004.x。
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引用次数: 0
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