This review article analyzes two pertinent and related works by Marcel Dirsus, How Tyrants Fall, and Hal Brands, The Eurasian Century, to investigate how contemporary authoritarian governments utilize technology to portray an image of stability while obscuring internal vulnerabilities. Dirsus analyzes the inherent mechanisms of autocratic failure, highlighting elite fragmentation and the illusory characteristics of algorithmic governance. Brands expands the perspective to examine how digital authoritarianism transforms global geopolitics, especially throughout the Eurasian landmass. The works collectively demonstrate how technological instruments augment domestic oppression and global power, while simultaneously revealing new weaknesses for regimes. The essay argues that although surveillance and digital manipulation offer temporary control, they ultimately compromise adaptability and legitimacy over time. The perception of technological omnipotence may ultimately catalyze the decline of authoritarianism.
We construct global value chain (GVC) volatility indicators across four dimensions to empirically examine the influence mechanism of tax incentives on GVC volatility. The findings reveal that tax incentives significantly mitigate GVC volatility, and this effect remains robust after conducting robustness tests and addressing endogeneity through an instrumental variable approach. Mechanism tests show that enhancing resource agglomeration and increasing R&D capital investment are the underlying mechanisms through which tax incentives alleviate firms' GVC volatility. Heterogeneity analysis indicates that firms with low operational risk and low global engagement exhibit more pronounced responses to tax incentives. Further analysis demonstrates differential responses to tax incentives across trade type orientations: tax incentives for processing export-oriented firms exacerbate their GVC volatility, while general import-oriented firms show a “dual effect.”
Wang, Y. 2017. “Why Tax Policy Is Not Politics in China: Public Finance and China's Changing State-Society Relations:” Politics & Policy 45, no. 2: 194–223. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12200.
Wise, C., and C. Quiliconi. 2007. “China's Surge in Latin American Markets: Policy Challenges and Responses.” Politics & Policy 35, no. 3: 410–438. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00067.x/full.
Brockett, C. D., C. D. R. R. Gottfried, and J. P. Evans. 2008. “The Use of State Tax Incentives to Promote Forest Preservation on Private Lands in Tennessee: An Evaluation of Their Equity and Effectiveness Impacts.” Politics & Policy 31, no. 2: 252–281. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00148.x.
Psychedelic interventions are not publicly available through Canada's healthcare system. Despite growing scientific evidence, public interest, and efforts to expand access to psychedelic therapies for end-of-life psychological suffering, Canadian policies remain restrictive. Efforts are underway to expand access, but knowledge gaps exist regarding the policy landscape in Canada. This study examines the barriers and facilitators to accessing therapeutic psychedelic interventions in an end-of-life context in Canada. Fifty-one stakeholders were interviewed, and thematic analysis was supplemented with legal documents and government communications from stakeholders. This multi-province study found that stakeholders described end-of-life distress as insufficiently addressed by current interventions. They discussed psychedelic therapies as a potential option, whereas some noted limited and evolving evidence, and there were heterogeneous views on appropriateness and safety. Current federal regulations provide limited access to psychedelic interventions for end-of-life distress, amidst incremental regulatory changes and political caution. Notably, provincial efforts in Alberta and Québec demonstrate progress: Alberta adjusted provincial regulations and third-party insurance coverage, whereas Québec covered family physician costs for administering and monitoring psychedelic interventions. Sociopolitical factors, notably the judicial process and underground market, may significantly influence policy development in this area. Although the problem, policy, and politics streams have partially merged, political barriers remain significant.
Bache, I. 2025. “Assisted Dying/Assisted Suicide in the UK: An Idea Whose Time Has Come?” Politics & Policy 53, no. 6: e70090. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70090.
Bache, I. 2025. “The Multiple Streams Framework and Non-Politicized Issues: The Case of Assisted Dying/Assisted Suicide.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 1: e70016. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70016.
Ireni-Saban. L. 2013. “Give Me Children or Else I Die: The Politics and Policy of Cross-Border Reproductive Care.” Politics & Policy 41, no. 1: 5–38. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12004.
Discontent and dissatisfaction with democracy are often associated with the perception of corruption, especially in Latin American settings. Since the literature shows that people develop democratic values independently of their interaction with democratic institutions and they arrive at conclusions that are consistent with their beliefs, we explore the association between diffuse and specific support for democracy and the perception of corruption. Using seven waves of LAPOP surveys for Chile (2006–2023), we show that diffuse support (support for the political system) and specific support (satisfaction with democracy) for democracy are negatively associated with perceived corruption among public officials and politicians. We find no moderation by ideological affinity with the government. Individuals who do not place themselves on the left–right scale are more likely to perceive corruption. Results are consistent with motivated reasoning: democratic values and evaluations shape how people interpret information about corruption.
Aguiar Aguilar, A. A. 2023. “Courts and the Judicial Erosion of Democracy in Latin America.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 1: 7–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12516.
Lagunes, P. F. 2012. “Corruption's Challenge to Democracy: A Review of the Issues.” Politics & Policy 40, no. 5: 802–826. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00384.x.
Kostadinova, T., and M. I. Neshkova. 2025. “Personalist Leadership and Corruption: Evidence from Third Wave Democracies.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 4: e70056. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70056.
This theoretical article examines the dynamics of stability and change in public policy coalitions using the Advocacy Coalition Framework as a foundation. We focus on how intra-coalition and inter-coalition coordination serves as a causal factor influencing the stability of coalition composition and the mobility of actors over time, especially in response to external shocks. We argue that coordination, alongside shared beliefs, plays a fundamental role in explaining why coalition members remain or move, complementing the belief-oriented explanations traditionally emphasized by the ACF. Three key dimensions of coordination are highlighted as innovative contributions: the level of coordination among actors, the sectoral diversity of coalition members, and the centrality of influential actors. We outline a set of propositions about coordination and actor movements that can guide future empirical research. We suggest that longitudinal case studies and process tracing would be suitable methods to investigate these propositions in domains such as environmental policy.
Crawford, A. M., and C. M. Weible. 2025. “Advocacy Coalition Representation.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 6: e70103. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70103.
Haar, R. N. 2024. “Democratic Interventionists versus Pragmatic Realists: Employing the Advocacy Coalition Framework to Explain Obama's Shift in Multilateralism with European Allies.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 6: 1284–1309. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12641.
Nowlin, M. C., M. Trochmann, and T. M. Rabovsky. 2022. “Advocacy Coalitions and Political Control.” Politics & Policy 50, no. 2: 201–224. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12458.
Despite extensive debate and speculation surrounding the recent rise in emigration from Central American countries, the underlying drivers of this migration remain largely unexplored in the academic literature. This research note seeks to spark academic discussion by analysing the patterns and gaps in the existing literature on the drivers of migration from the region, with the goal of re-centering the debate on evidence-based scientific research. The results identify four key areas for discussion. First, much of the existing literature treats Central America as a single region, rather than accounting for substantial variation across individual countries and subnational regions. Second, the research disproportionately focuses on criminality and gang violence as a driver of emigration, leaving other drivers largely understudied. Third, existing research predominantly relies on country-level analyses, obscuring important subnational and local variations. Finally, research on migration drivers is dominated by Anglo-Saxon universities, with limited collaboration involving Central American institutions. Addressing these gaps can be a first step towards producing a more comprehensive understanding of the region's emigration patterns and to counter the dominance of rhetoric and misinformation with rigorous, evidence-based research.
Garrett, T. M., and A. Sementelli. 2025. “Overcoming Title 42 and the 2022–3 Venezuelan Migrant Expulsion Spectacle: A Border Securocracy Case Study.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 6: e70074. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70094.
Obinna, D. N. 2025. “Death in the Borderlands: Necropolitics and Migration-Related Mortality at the US–Mexico Border.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 3: e70046. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70046.
Duman, Y. H. 2014. “Reducing the Fog? Immigrant Regularization and the State.” Politics & Policy 42, no. 2: 187–220. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12065.
This study examines the impact of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), particularly its multi-stakeholder group (MSG) mechanism, on economic growth in 62 resource-rich developing countries over 30 years, with a special focus on Central Asia. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the research explores two complementary pathways through which EITI may influence economic outcomes: the institutional pathway, emphasizing accountability and governance, and the signaling pathway, highlighting compliance effects. The findings indicate that while EITI membership, particularly the presence of MSGs, is positively associated with GDP per capita, this growth is not solely driven by enhanced accountability. Qualitative evidence reveals that civil society within MSGs often shifts from enforcing accountability toward facilitating compliance, legitimizing government actions, and providing economic expertise. These dynamics underscore the cooperative role of civil society in the context of developing countries, positioning MSGs as pivotal mechanisms for economic welfare.
Howie, P. 2018. “Policy Transfer and Diversification in Resource-Dependent Economies: Lessons for Kazakhstan from Alberta.” Politics & Policy 46, no. 1: 110–140. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12239.
Pelizzo, R., and A. Kinyondo. 2014. “Public Accounts Committees in Eastern and Southern Africa: A Comparative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 42, no. 1: 77–102. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12062.
Khodr, H., and I. Ruble. 2013. “Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA.” Politics & Policy 41, no. 5: 656–689. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12033.
Academic freedom is widely regarded as a cornerstone of democratic society, yet its public legitimacy remains contested. This article examined how citizens in two democracies (Japan and the United Kingdom) understand and evaluate academic freedom across different issue domains. Drawing on original survey data (N = 3352), we explored whether public support for academic freedom is associated with ideological orientation and institutional trust. We proposed a theoretical framework distinguishing between autonomy and accountability logics: while some citizens treat academic freedom as a non-negotiable principle, others view it as contingent on social responsibility or moral alignment. Our analysis showed that support for academic freedom is associated with political polarization: right-leaning respondents consistently favor autonomy, particularly in cases involving controversial research or offensive ideas, whereas left-leaning individuals show greater support for limiting academic freedom in the name of social sensitivity. These patterns are robust across both countries, despite contrasting institutional contexts. We also find that trust in scientists is strongly associated with pro-autonomy attitudes, especially in Japan. By treating academic freedom as a contested public good, this study sheds light on how normative commitments, political ideology, and institutional trust interact to shape public attitudes toward knowledge, expertise, and university governance.
Moon Suk Hong, M. S., M. Jeon, and K. J. Ayhan. 2021. “International Scholarship for Social Change? Re-Contextualizing Global Korea Scholarship Alumni's Perceptions of Justice and Diversity in South Korea.” Politics & Policy 49, no. 6: 1359–1390. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12435.
Shala, A., and A. Grajcevci. 2018. “Examining the Role of Socioeconomic Status, Formal and Informal Education on Political Interest Levels among University Students.” Politics & Policy 46, no. 6: 1050–1070. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12274.
Stockemer, D. 2025. “Is the US Moving Toward Autocracy? A Critical Assessment.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 3: e70032. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70032.
This paper explores African leaders' perspectives on China's non-Western economic engagement amid the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry. As China expands its influence through infrastructure projects, concessional lending, and trade agreements, African governments are increasingly navigating a balance: capitalizing on Chinese economic opportunities while managing political and diplomatic pressures from Western partners. Using a qualitative methodology that includes document analysis and elite interviews, and framed within a Neo-realist theoretical lens, this study examines how African states assess Chinese investments and strategic partnerships. Findings indicate that Chinese engagement has significantly contributed to infrastructural development, while also raising concerns about long-term financial dependency and limited technology transfer. The study concludes that Africa is not a passive arena for great power competition but an emerging actor exercising strategic agency. These insights have important implications for policymakers, international relations scholars, and development practitioners interested in rethinking global partnerships from the perspective of African agency and autonomy.
Zaidi, S. M. S. 2021. “American Global Supremacy Under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49, no. 2: 502–528. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.
Ameyaw-Brobbey, T. 2024. “The Media in China–Africa Public Relations: Assessing China's Attractiveness Beyond Economic Development Assistance.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 3: 551–572. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12596.
Babones, S. 2020. “China's Development Model: Can It Be Replicated in Sub-Saharan Africa?” Politics & Policy 48, no. 5: 988–1010. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12379.
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