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“Where you stand depends on where you sit”: The politics of petroleum pricing in Ghana's election cycle “你的立场取决于你所坐的位置”:加纳选举周期中的石油定价政治
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12643
Emmanuel Yeboah-Assiamah, Shadrach Baa-Naa Kundi, Kwame Asamoah

This study examines how fuel pricing in Ghana has been used as a political tool to win votes and the government's role in this process. Applying Mile's Law, it explores post-truth theory through content analysis of secondary data and interviews with energy experts. The findings indicate that political parties gain significant political leverage by promising lower fuel prices during campaigns but fail to deliver once in office. The government's influence on fuel pricing is minimal, largely due to factors beyond its control. To stabilize fuel prices, the study recommends improving fiscal and economic performance to combat currency instability and educating the public on the factors influencing fuel pricing to prevent misinformation.

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Asiegbu, Martin F., Okey Marcellus Ikeanyibe, Pius Otu Abang, Okwudili Chukwuma Nwosu, and Chuka Eugene Ugwu. 2024. “Natural Resource Fund Governance and the Institutionalization of Rent Seeking in Nigeria's Oil Sector.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 169–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12579.

Ayanoore, Ishmael, and Sam Hickey. 2022. “Reframing the Politics of Natural Resource Governance in Africa: Insights from the Local Content Legislation Process in Ghana.” Politics & Policy 50(1): 119–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12449.

Kuyini Mohammed, Abdulai. 2013. “Civic Engagement in Public Policy Making: Fad or Reality in Ghana?” Politics & Policy 41(1): 117–52. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12003.

本研究考察了加纳的燃料定价如何被用作赢得选票的政治工具,以及政府在这一过程中的作用。运用Mile’s Law,通过对二手数据的内容分析和对能源专家的访谈,探讨后真相理论。调查结果表明,政党在竞选期间承诺降低燃油价格,但上台后却未能兑现,从而获得了重大的政治影响力。政府对燃油价格的影响微乎其微,这主要是由于一些政府无法控制的因素。为了稳定燃料价格,该研究建议提高财政和经济绩效,以应对货币不稳定,并教育公众了解影响燃料定价的因素,以防止错误信息。阿齐格布,马丁·F,奥基·马塞勒斯·伊凯尼贝,皮乌斯·奥图·阿邦,奥库迪里·楚克乌玛·努苏,楚卡·尤金·乌格乌。2024。“自然资源基金治理和尼日利亚石油部门寻租的制度化。”政治,政策52(1):169-95。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12579。Ayanoore, Ishmael和Sam Hickey, 2022。“重塑非洲自然资源治理的政治:来自加纳本地内容立法过程的见解。”政治,政策50(1):119-36。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12449。Kuyini Mohammed, Abdulai, 2013。公共政策制定中的公民参与:加纳的时尚还是现实?政治,政策41(1):117-52。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12003。
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引用次数: 0
Note from the Editor and Acknowledgment of Reviewers 2023–2024 编辑的说明和对审稿人的致谢 2023-2024
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-23 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12644
Emma R. Norman
<p>As we reach this final issue of the 52nd volume of <i>Politics & Policy</i> (<i>P&P</i>), it is always a time I reflect with deep appreciation upon the sheer hard work that so many devote to the stages of getting manuscripts through to final publication in this journal. I am continually amazed at several elements of the double-blind peer-review process we conduct at <i>P&P</i>.</p><p>First, as a result of the continued rise in submissions to the journal, the huge increase in the number of reviewers we have added to our (already rather enormous!) peer-reviewer database this year has been unparalleled in the almost 20 years I have had the privilege of editing <i>P&P</i>. This surge has, of course, also been reflected in the number of expert reviewers to whom I have extended review invitations over the 2023–2024 production period. Back in 2005, when I first took on the editorial role, I normally needed to ask 5–6 scholars for each paper that made it to the review stage in order to secure agreements to review from the required 3. At the time, that bundle of peer-review requests was composed and emailed out individually, “by hand” as <i>P&P</i> did not move to ScholarOne's electronic system, Manuscript Central (MC), until 2008. So the beginning of our now-huge reviewer database was forged on a very personal level between myself and those wonderful early reviewers who would frequently keep in touch even if I had no papers in their area for them to review. Many still do.</p><p>I occasionally miss that period before the journal (and the industry in general) was “electronicized.” I really enjoyed taking a long time to sift carefully through the new research in the subfields of our discipline(s) to find the perfect scholars to augment each reviewer panel. My first editorial assistant, Cynthia Villegas, and I would cheer every time we received an agreement to review via email, and we added their names to our low-tech wall chart with considerable ceremony! Many of the relationships I forged with reviewers, as well as authors, at that time have continued to flourish ever since. The personal nature of the exchanges kept things as “human” as possible in a business that mechanized very rapidly. Perhaps that is an understatement. From sending hand-tailored requests to 6 reviewers per submission in 2005–2010, the average number of requests I now send out via MC has risen to 17 per paper in order to receive three agreements. Occasionally, I now have to ask over 30.</p><p>Naturally, one reason for this concerns the huge increase in good submissions that <i>P&P</i> is now receiving, meaning that far more reach review. Another is the generalist nature of the journal itself, which leads to a large majority of submissions falling within our fairly wide aims and scope. A further reason is due to the increasing burdens that all who work in academia have experienced as time has advanced, limiting the number of reviews any single scholar can feasi
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引用次数: 0
A paradox of public engagement: The discursive politics of environmental justice in Canada's Chemical Valley 公众参与的悖论:加拿大化学谷环境正义的话语政治
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12642
Sarah Marie Wiebe

For over a decade, members of the Aamjiwnaang Nation have continued to fight for the recognition and redress of their unique environmental health concerns in a region known as Canada's Chemical Valley. From a critical policy studies lens, this article addresses the discursive policy challenges faced by those who are most affected by the toxic policy assemblage of enduring pollution exposure. In response to the research question: how can the voices and lived experiences of those living in pollution hotspots like Chemical Valley contribute to the theory and practice of environmental justice, this article draws upon findings from extensive field-work in the surrounding region of Lambton County as well as policy advocacy including participation in Senate of Canada hearings. This analysis examines how the omission of community-based knowledge and expertise reproduces inequities. The article concludes with strategies for improved environmental justice and lessons learned for policy justice in Canada and beyond.

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Al-Kohlani, Sumaia A., Heather E. Campbell, and Stephen Omar El-Khatib. 2023. “Minority Faith and Environmental Justice.” Politics & Policy 51(6): 1069–96. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12564.

Ash, John. 2010. “New Nuclear Energy, Risk, and Justice: Regulatory Strategies for an Era of Limited Trust.” Politics & Policy 38(2): 255–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00237.x.

Dilmaghani, Maryam, and Jeremy Dias. 2023. “In or Out? Citizenship Outcomes of Working Sexual and Gender Minority People of Canada.” Politics & Policy 51(5): 868–97. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12557.

十多年来,Aamjiwnaang民族的成员继续为承认和纠正他们在一个被称为加拿大化学谷的地区的独特环境健康问题而斗争。从关键政策研究的角度来看,本文解决了那些受持久污染暴露的有毒政策组合影响最大的人所面临的话语政策挑战。为了回答研究问题:生活在化学谷等污染热点地区的人们的声音和生活经历如何为环境正义的理论和实践做出贡献,本文借鉴了在兰姆顿县周边地区进行的广泛实地调查以及参与加拿大参议院听证会等政策倡导的结果。这一分析考察了社区知识和专门技能的缺失是如何再现不平等的。文章最后提出了改善环境正义的策略以及加拿大和其他国家政策正义的经验教训。科赫拉尼、苏马亚、希瑟·坎贝尔和斯蒂芬·奥马尔·哈提卜。2023. “少数派信仰与环境正义”政治,政策51(6):1069-96。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12564。约翰·阿什,2010。新核能、风险与正义:有限信任时代的监管策略。政治,政策38(2):255-84。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00237.x。迪尔马格尼,玛丽亚姆和杰里米·迪亚斯,2023。“留下还是离开?”加拿大工作的性和性别少数群体的公民身份结果。政治,政策51(5):868-97。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12557。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic interventionists versus pragmatic realists: Employing the advocacy coalition framework to explain Obama's shift in multilateralism with European allies 民主干预主义者与务实现实主义者:运用倡导联盟框架解释奥巴马与欧洲盟友的多边主义转变
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-07 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12641
Roberta N. Haar

This research employs the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to examine two coalitions of U.S. foreign policy during the early part of Barack Obama's presidency when U.S. policy shifted from leading multilateral security operations with European allies to catalyzing others to lead. It identifies the primary members of two coalitions, the Democratic Interventionists and the Pragmatic Realists, who held differing beliefs about U.S. foreign policy. I investigate the beliefs of the members of these coalitions regarding the U.S. role in multilateral security operations, the policy preferences that emerge from those beliefs, the many strategies employed to ensure the adoption of their policy preferences, and the impact of the implemented policy. The ACF facilitates consideration of the strategy, means, and settings that the Pragmatic Realist coalition used to win the policy debate in the Obama administration. This article further provides a greater understanding of the circumstances that support U.S. multilateralism.

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Dolan, Chris J. 2008. “The Shape of Elite Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy, 1992 to 2004.” Politics & Policy 36(4): 542–85. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00121.x/abstract.

Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs. 2021. “The Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 446–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399.

Lasher, Kevin J., and Christine Sixta Rinehart. 2016. “The Shadowboxer: The Obama Administration and Foreign Policy Grand Strategy.” Politics & Policy 44(5): 850–88. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12175.

本研究采用倡导联盟框架(ACF)来考察奥巴马总统任期初期美国外交政策的两个联盟,当时美国的政策从领导与欧洲盟国的多边安全行动转向催化其他国家的领导。它确定了两个联盟的主要成员,民主干涉主义者和实用现实主义者,他们对美国的外交政策持有不同的信念。我调查了这些联盟成员对美国在多边安全行动中的作用的信念,从这些信念中产生的政策偏好,为确保采用他们的政策偏好而采用的许多策略,以及实施政策的影响。ACF促进了对务实现实主义联盟在奥巴马政府赢得政策辩论时所使用的策略、手段和背景的考虑。本文进一步提供了对支持美国多边主义的情况的更好理解。克里斯。多兰,2008。“1992年至2004年美国外交政策精英意见的形成”。政治,政策36(4):542-85。http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00121.x/abstract。Haar, Roberta N.和Lutz F. Krebs. 2021。“特朗普政府外交政策企业家的失败。”政治,政策49(2):446-73。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399。Kevin J. Lasher和Christine Sixta Rinehart. 2016。《影子拳师:奥巴马政府和外交政策大战略》政治,政策44(5):850-88。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12175。
{"title":"Democratic interventionists versus pragmatic realists: Employing the advocacy coalition framework to explain Obama's shift in multilateralism with European allies","authors":"Roberta N. Haar","doi":"10.1111/polp.12641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12641","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This research employs the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to examine two coalitions of U.S. foreign policy during the early part of Barack Obama's presidency when U.S. policy shifted from leading multilateral security operations with European allies to catalyzing others to lead. It identifies the primary members of two coalitions, the Democratic Interventionists and the Pragmatic Realists, who held differing beliefs about U.S. foreign policy. I investigate the beliefs of the members of these coalitions regarding the U.S. role in multilateral security operations, the policy preferences that emerge from those beliefs, the many strategies employed to ensure the adoption of their policy preferences, and the impact of the implemented policy. The ACF facilitates consideration of the strategy, means, and settings that the Pragmatic Realist coalition used to win the policy debate in the Obama administration. This article further provides a greater understanding of the circumstances that support U.S. multilateralism.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Dolan, Chris J. 2008. “The Shape of Elite Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy, 1992 to 2004.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 36(4): 542–85. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00121.x/abstract.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Haar, Roberta N., and Lutz F. Krebs. 2021. “The Failure of Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs in the Trump Administration.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 49(2): 446–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12399.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Lasher, Kevin J., and Christine Sixta Rinehart. 2016. “The Shadowboxer: The Obama Administration and Foreign Policy Grand Strategy.” <i>Politics &amp; Policy</i> 44(5): 850–88. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12175.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"52 6","pages":"1284-1309"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2024-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/polp.12641","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142860459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Witchcraft beliefs and conspiracy theorizing: Evidence from Tanzania and cross-national datasets 巫术信仰和阴谋论:来自坦桑尼亚和跨国数据集的证据
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12639
Abel Kinyondo, Nygmetzhan Kuzenbayev, Riccardo Pelizzo

This article suggests that since people who believe in magic and those who believe in conspiracy theories produce meaning and make sense of the world by engaging in the same process of signification, they should be more likely to have one such belief if they hold the other. To test this proposition, we perform both macro- and micro-level analyses using, respectively, cross-national datasets and an original set of Tanzanian data. Our findings from both sets of analyses reveal a strong association between witchcraft beliefs and the belief in conspiracy theories.

Related Articles

Gainous, Jason, and Bill Radunovich. 2008. “Religion and Core Values: A Reformulation of the Funnel of Causality.” Politics & Policy 33(1): 154–80. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2005.tb00213.x.

Richey, Sean. 2017. “A Birther and a Truther: The Influence of the Authoritarian Personality on Conspiracy Beliefs.” Politics & Policy 45(3): 465–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12206.

Tubadji, Annie. 2023. “You'll Never Walk Alone: Loneliness, Religion, and Politico-economic Transformation.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 661–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538.

这篇文章表明,既然相信魔法的人和相信阴谋论的人通过参与相同的意义过程来产生意义和理解世界,那么如果他们持有另一种信念,他们应该更有可能拥有一种这样的信念。为了验证这一命题,我们分别使用跨国数据集和坦桑尼亚原始数据集进行宏观和微观层面的分析。两组分析的结果都揭示了巫术信仰和阴谋论信仰之间的强烈联系。盖纳斯、贾森和比尔·拉杜诺维奇。2008。“宗教与核心价值观:因果关系漏斗的重新表述”。政治,策略33(1):154-80。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2005.tb00213.x。里奇,肖恩,2017。“出生质疑者与真相质疑者:权威人格对阴谋信仰的影响”政治,政策45(3):465-85。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12206。安妮·图巴吉,2023年。《你永远不会独行:孤独、宗教和政治经济转型》政治,政策51(4):661-95。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538。
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引用次数: 0
Public perceptions of feminicide and the feminist movement in Mexico 公众对杀害女性和墨西哥女权运动的看法
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12640
Sara J. Chaparro Rucobo, Apryl A. Alexander

The misclassification of murders results in the invisibilization and impunity of gender-based violence. According to Observatorio Cuidadano Nacional del Feminicidio figures in 2024, of the 3408 cases of murdered women in Mexico in 2023, only 827 were classified as feminicides. Since few cases result in punishment, women have protested for justice nationwide. The current study examines the effects of media representation of feminicide cases. Participants were randomly assigned two of four fake newspaper articles about a feminicide case, which varied based on the description of the murdered woman and the intention of the crime. Participants who received the victim-blaming article endorsed significantly more victim-blaming attitudes compared to participants who received the non-victim-blaming article. Additionally, participants who received the article where the male assailant exhibited a will to harm the victim exhibited significantly more victim-blaming attitudes. The results highlight the need for journalists to be mindful of the narratives they construct regarding feminicide cases.

Related Articles

Asal, Victor, and Mitchell Brown. 2010. “A Cross-National Exploration of the Conditions that Produce Interpersonal Violence.” Politics & Policy 38(2): 175–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00234.x.

Bingham, Natasha. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics & Policy 44(2): 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.

Denis, Claude. 2007. “Canadians in Trouble Abroad: Citizenship, Personal Security, and North American Regionalization.” Politics & Policy 35(4): 648–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00078.x.

对谋杀的错误分类导致基于性别的暴力被忽视和不受惩罚。根据墨西哥全国女权观察组织2024年的数据,在2023年发生的3408起谋杀女性案件中,只有827起被列为杀害女性。由于很少有案件受到惩罚,妇女们在全国范围内举行了争取正义的抗议活动。目前的研究考察了媒体报道杀害女性案件的影响。参与者被随机分配了四篇关于杀害女性案件的假报纸文章中的两篇,这些文章根据被谋杀妇女的描述和犯罪意图而有所不同。收到受害者责备文章的参与者与没有收到受害者责备文章的参与者相比,明显赞同更多的受害者责备态度。此外,收到男性攻击者表现出伤害受害者意愿的文章的参与者表现出明显更多的受害者责备态度。研究结果强调,记者需要注意他们对杀害女性案件的叙述。Asal, Victor和Mitchell Brown。2010。“对产生人际暴力的条件的跨国探索”政治,政策38(2):175-92。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00234.x。娜塔莎·宾厄姆,2016。“为我们的事业而战:妇女非政府组织对四个前苏联共和国性别政策采纳的影响”政治,政策44(2):294-318。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155。丹尼斯,克劳德。2007。在国外遇到麻烦的加拿大人:公民身份、个人安全与北美区域化。政治,政策35(4):648-63。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00078.x。
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引用次数: 0
Using punctuated equilibrium theory to explain changes in policy outputs: The case of the United States Coast Guard 用点状均衡理论解释政策产出的变化:美国海岸警卫队案例
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-18 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12638
John C. Morris, Bennet K. Nyadzi

This article explores the utility of punctuated equilibrium (PE) theory in explaining revolutionary organizational change in the public sector and its effects on policy implementation, with a focus on the United States Coast Guard. We illustrate our model using data from in-depth interviews with current and former senior Coast Guard officers and enlisted personnel, as well as secondary sources such as historical accounts and budget data. Through content analysis, we argue that PE theory begins with a change in the public sector organization's external environment, which then affects organizational strategy, structure, power distribution, and outputs. Punctuated equilibrium theory proves to be a valuable lens for understanding policy outputs in relation to organizational change.

Related Articles

Kwon, Sung-Wook, and Sylvia Gonzalez-Gorman. 2019. “Influence of Local Political Institutions on Policy Punctuation in Three Policy Areas.” Politics & Policy 47(2): 300–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12295.

Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. “A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens.”

Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x.

Peng, Peiwen, and Tangzhe Cao. 2023. “Attention, Institutional Friction, and Punctuated Equilibrium in China's Budget: Changes in Social Security and Employment Expenditure.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 256–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12523.

本文以美国海岸警卫队为重点,探讨了点状均衡(PE)理论在解释公共部门革命性组织变革及其对政策实施的影响方面的实用性。我们利用对现任和前任海岸警卫队高级军官和士兵的深入访谈数据,以及历史记录和预算数据等二手资料,对我们的模型进行了说明。通过内容分析,我们认为,PE 理论始于公共部门组织外部环境的变化,进而影响组织战略、结构、权力分配和产出。事实证明,均衡理论是理解与组织变革相关的政策产出的重要视角。 相关文章 Kwon, Sung-Wook, and Sylvia Gonzalez-Gorman.2019."地方政治体制对三个政策领域政策均衡的影响》。Politics & Policy 47(2):300–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12295. Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris.2012."A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents:通过委托人-代理人视角审视深水地平线漏油事件"。 Politics & Policy 40(4):629-56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x. Peng, Peiwen, and Tangzhe Cao.2023."中国预算中的注意力、制度摩擦和脉冲均衡:社会保障和就业支出的变化"。Politics & Policy 51(2):256–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12523.
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引用次数: 0
“Parole, parole”: Unveiling the narrative framework of EU research and innovation projects “假释,假释”:揭示欧盟研究和创新项目的叙事框架
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12636
Gregor Cerinšek, Dan Podjed

This article examines the narrative framework in European Union (EU) research and innovation projects, focusing on symbolic practices and terminology. The analysis includes over five years of ethnographic research, and 20 European projects funded by Horizon 2020, Horizon Europe, and Erasmus+ programs. It explores different ways project actors internalize and reproduce the EU's symbolic power through its policies, particularly the ambiguous concept of “innovation.” Using Bourdieu's theory of practice, the research highlights the way social structures within the “project field” influence dynamics and outcomes, often resulting in a gap between rhetoric and reality. The study also uncovers broader political and social implications of these practices, calling for critical reflection of their impact. In its conclusion, the authors discuss the challenges of maintaining genuine innovation amidst bureaucratic requirements and the EU's symbolic power, advocating for more nuanced and context-aware project practices.

Related Articles

Kanol, Direnç. 2022. “Narrative Strategies for Emerging Disruptive Technologies: A Case Study of Blockchain for Europe.” Politics & Policy 50(5): 952–66. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12492.

Nowlin, Matthew C., Maren Trochmann, and Thomas M. Rabovsky. 2022. “Advocacy Coalitions and Political Control.” Politics & Policy 50(2): 201–24. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12458.

Von Malmborg, Fredrik. 2023. “Combining the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Argumentative Discourse Analysis: The Case of the ‘Energy Efficiency First’ Principle in EU Energy and Climate Policy.” Politics & Policy 51(2):222–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525.

本文考察了欧盟研究和创新项目中的叙事框架,重点关注符号实践和术语。这项分析包括五年多的人种学研究,以及由地平线2020、欧洲地平线和伊拉斯谟+项目资助的20个欧洲项目。它探讨了项目参与者通过其政策,特别是模棱两可的“创新”概念,内化和复制欧盟象征性权力的不同方式。利用布迪厄的实践理论,该研究强调了“项目领域”内的社会结构影响动态和结果的方式,往往导致修辞与现实之间的差距。该研究还揭示了这些做法更广泛的政治和社会影响,呼吁对其影响进行批判性反思。在结论部分,作者讨论了在官僚主义要求和欧盟的象征性权力中保持真正的创新所面临的挑战,倡导更细致入微和情境感知的项目实践。相关文章Kanol, Direnç。2022. 新兴颠覆性技术的叙事策略:欧洲b区块链的案例研究。政治,政策50(5):952-66。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12492。Matthew C. Nowlin, Maren Trochmann和Thomas M. Rabovsky. 2022。“倡导联盟和政治控制。”政治,政策50(2):201-24。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12458。冯·马尔姆堡,弗雷德里克。2023。“倡导联盟框架与论辩话语分析的结合:以欧盟能源与气候政策中的“能效第一”原则为例”政治,政策51(2):222 - 41。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525。
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引用次数: 0
Elections, coalitions, and the politics of Brazil's macroeconomic stabilization 选举、联盟和巴西宏观经济稳定的政治
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12637
Daniel H. Alves

After several failed attempts in previous years, Brazil's Plano Real finally ended hyperinflation in 1993–1994, and a significant driver of inequality and poverty was eliminated as a result. By combining data from Congress and newspaper archives, 17 interviews, and secondary sources, this article takes a qualitative approach to explore the notion that increased electoral competition and effective coalition management enabled price stabilization. Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), the economy minister leading the plan and the winner of the 1994 presidential election, campaigned as the anti-inflation candidate, promising newly enfranchised low-income voters that reining in prices would boost their earnings. Meanwhile, the minoritarian executive took advantage of coalitional tools to cultivate legislative alliances and approve the plan's measures. For analytical generalization, a potential model is proposed for further investigations on the relationship between competitive elections, cross-party cooperation, and price stability in nine other country cases within and outside Latin America.

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Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.

Segatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. “The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 46(3): 416–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252.

Zimerman, Artur, and Flávio Pinheiro. 2020. “Appearances Can be Deceptive: Political Polarisation, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 48(2): 339–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345.

在前几年的几次失败尝试之后,巴西的“雷亚尔计划”(Plano Real)终于在1993年至1994年结束了恶性通货膨胀,从而消除了造成不平等和贫困的一个重要因素。通过结合来自国会和报纸档案、17次访谈和二手资料的数据,本文采用定性方法来探讨增加选举竞争和有效的联盟管理使价格稳定的概念。领导该计划的经济部长、1994年总统大选的获胜者费尔南多•恩里克•卡多佐(Fernando Henrique Cardoso)在竞选中作为反通胀候选人,向新近获得选举权的低收入选民承诺,控制物价将提高他们的收入。与此同时,少数族裔的行政部门利用联盟工具来培养立法联盟,并批准了该计划的措施。为了分析概括,提出了一个潜在的模型,用于进一步调查拉丁美洲内外其他九个国家的竞争性选举、跨党派合作和价格稳定之间的关系。相关文章阿德博耶,亚历克斯,阿德博耶,乌瓦洛姆瓦·乌维格贝,斯蒂芬·奥耶卡和埃伊特米·法萨努。2023。“撒哈拉以南非洲的税收、民主和不平等:可持续发展目标的相关联系。”政治,政策51(4):696-722。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547。塞加托,卡塔琳娜·伊安尼和丹尼尔·巴姆兰。2018. 党派之界限:联邦制,官僚的角色,以及巴西全民医疗覆盖之路。政治,政策46(3):416-41。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252。齐默尔曼、阿图尔和Flávio皮涅罗,2020。“外表可能具有欺骗性:巴西的政治两极分化、农业政策和联合总统主义”。政治,政策48(2):339-71。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345。
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引用次数: 0
The Abraham Accord and the Middle Eastern QUAD: Pakistan's energy security eclipse and the way forward 《亚伯拉罕协议》与中东四国战略对话:巴基斯坦能源安全的衰落与未来之路
IF 1.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/polp.12634
Mehmood Hussain, Syed Inam Ali Naqvi, Shahid Hameed

This article traces the impacts of the Abraham Accord and Middle Eastern QUAD on Pakistan's energy security. It asks how and to what extent the Abraham Accord and Middle Eastern QUAD can potentially jeopardize Pakistan's energy security and evaluates the way forward for Pakistan to counter security threats. The study contends the Abraham Accord and Middle Eastern QUAD have extended the influence of India and Israel from the Middle East to the Indian Ocean, thereby increasing the risk to Pakistan's energy supplies. Meanwhile, expanded and intensified securitization of the Strait of Hormuz has likewise increased the vulnerability of energy supplies from the Middle East. Pakistan imports 72% of its energy from the Middle East via the Strait of Hormuz, and any disruption in energy supplies or blockade of maritime routes would severely undermine Pakistan's socioeconomic and political stability. Pakistan, we argue, must therefore diversify its energy imports from Russia, Central Asia, and Iran to safeguard its energy interests.

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Hussain, Mehmood, Ahmed Bux Jamali, Rana Danish Nisar, and Abdulfattah Omar. 2024. “The China–Iran Strategic Deal and CPEC: Navigating the Influence of Pragmatic Balancing in China's Relations with Iran and Pakistan.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 227–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12573.

Lazin, Fred A. 2023. “President Donald Trump's Abraham Accords initiative: Prospects for Israel, the Arab states, and Palestinians.” Politics & Policy 51(3): 476–87. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12533.

Thornton, William H., and Songok Han Thornton. 2024. “Extended Commentary—U.S.-Asian Policy in the Throes of McCarthyism, Old and New.” Politics & Policy 52(4): 854–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12604.

本文追溯了《亚伯拉罕协议》和中东四国战略伙伴关系对巴基斯坦能源安全的影响。报告询问了《亚伯拉罕协议》和中东四国战略伙伴关系如何以及在多大程度上可能危及巴基斯坦的能源安全,并评估了巴基斯坦应对安全威胁的前进道路。该研究认为,《亚伯拉罕协议》和中东四方战略伙伴关系将印度和以色列的影响力从中东扩展到印度洋,从而增加了巴基斯坦能源供应的风险。与此同时,霍尔木兹海峡的扩大和加强证券化同样增加了中东能源供应的脆弱性。巴基斯坦通过霍尔木兹海峡从中东进口72%的能源,任何能源供应的中断或海上航线的封锁都会严重破坏巴基斯坦的社会经济和政治稳定。因此,我们认为,巴基斯坦必须使其从俄罗斯、中亚和伊朗的能源进口多样化,以维护其能源利益。侯赛因、马哈茂德、艾哈迈德·布克斯·贾马利、拉纳·丹麦·尼萨尔和阿卜杜勒法塔赫·奥马尔。2024。“中伊战略协议和中巴经济走廊:在中国与伊朗和巴基斯坦关系中寻求务实平衡的影响。”政治,政策52(1):227-44。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12573。弗雷德·拉辛,2009。“唐纳德·特朗普总统的亚伯拉罕协议倡议:以色列、阿拉伯国家和巴勒斯坦的前景。”政治,政策51(3):476-87。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12533。威廉·H·桑顿和松谷汉·桑顿,2024。“Commentary-U.S扩展。——《新与旧麦卡锡主义阵痛中的亚洲政策》政治,政策52(4):854-73。https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12604。
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