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Inscribing New Infrastructural Relations into the World 将新的基础设施关系载入世界
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637133
Wesley Attewell, Emily Mitchell-Eaton, Richard Nisa, Deborah Cowen, Laleh Khalili
Abstract Scholars Deborah Cowen and Laleh Khalili engage in a lively discussion that explores the political stakes of infrastructural projects, the organizing logics that infrastructures advance and curtail, and the importance of highlighting the forms of labor, protest, and “making do” that are shaped by and in infrastructure’s long shadows. They also discuss the possibilities of world-building that move us away from the logics of spatial containment that dispossess and toward infrastructures of freedom, and how the struggles over the terms of these goals are inextricable from particular, local, intimate geographies.
学者Deborah Cowen和Laleh Khalili参与了一场生动的讨论,探讨了基础设施项目的政治利害关系,基础设施推进和限制的组织逻辑,以及强调劳动、抗议和“凑合”形式的重要性,这些形式是由基础设施的长期阴影塑造的。他们还讨论了世界建设的可能性,使我们远离剥夺自由的空间遏制逻辑,走向自由的基础设施,以及这些目标条款的斗争如何与特定的,局部的,亲密的地理密不可分。
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引用次数: 0
Connecting the Countryside 连接农村
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637204
Yingchuan Yang
Abstract In the 1950s and 1960s, rural radio networks were erected all across China, operated and maintained by local residents who worked as technicians, correspondents, and broadcasters. This article introduces the radio network as a complex and diverse technological infrastructure for the socialist masses. The content of broadcasting was never uniform; rather, each county, town, village, and even the individual broadcaster had a say in what sounds came out of their loudspeakers. Accordingly, the Chinese socialist soundscape was not only peppered with quotation songs and political slogans but also contained music and traditional opera, useful information, and occasionally the relay of foreign radio stations. Radio networks brought people together as members and active builders of the new society. While the extant historiography understands the socialist masses as a political and social category, this article argues that it was also constructed as a technological one. The socialist citizenry was often defined by its involvement in state-led infrastructure projects such as the radio network; in turn, as people strove to build and run their own radio networks, they spontaneously took part in assembling and buttressing the infrastructure that underpinned the socialist state.
在20世纪50年代和60年代,农村无线网络遍布中国各地,由当地居民作为技术人员、通讯员和广播员进行操作和维护。本文介绍了无线网络作为一种复杂多样的面向社会主义群众的技术基础设施。广播的内容从来不是统一的;相反,每个县、镇、村,甚至播音员个人都有权决定他们的扩音器发出什么声音。因此,中国社会主义的声音不仅充斥着引用歌曲和政治口号,还包含音乐和传统歌剧,有用的信息,偶尔还有外国广播电台的转播。无线网络把人们聚集在一起,成为新社会的成员和积极建设者。虽然现有的史学将社会主义群众理解为一个政治和社会范畴,但本文认为它也被构建为一个技术范畴。社会主义公民通常被定义为参与国家主导的基础设施项目,如无线电网络;反过来,当人们努力建立和运营自己的广播网络时,他们自发地参与了社会主义国家基础设施的组装和支持。
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引用次数: 0
Uneven Mobilities 不均匀的机动性
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637232
Desiree Valadares
Abstract This article studies the Hope–Princeton Highway, a regional route in the province of British Columbia (BC), Canada, through the lens of uneven mobilities. Bringing together insights from infrastructure studies, mobility studies, and settler colonial studies, uneven mobilities is a concept that historicizes mobility research in terms of colonial and carceral logics. Using this concept, the article provides insight into political actors, namely incarcerated forced laborers of Japanese descent, whose unjust confinement and forced labor on this infrastructural route remained unacknowledged until recently. The article relies on a range of archival sources that engage the visual culture of the highway and the subtle linkages between an imagined scenic landscape and an imagined multicultural Canada. The article also narrates this highway route by constructing pictorial and landscape relationships of colonialism and carcerality, linking it to uneven mobilities and economic development through the ubiquitous highway road sign—a contemporary initiative to mark and interpret sites of historical and cultural importance along this and other BC routes. The article then explores the infrastructural politics of this route at the scale of the body to highlight modes of resistance. This article advances a tentative theory of uneven mobilities by centering so-called road disturbances through acts of resistance such as rest, play, and work stoppages to reveal how uneven mobilities are entwined with the production of embodied subjectivities.
摘要本文以加拿大不列颠哥伦比亚省(BC)的一条区域公路Hope-Princeton Highway为研究对象,从不均匀交通的角度进行了研究。汇集了基础设施研究、流动性研究和定居者殖民研究的见解,不均匀流动性是一个将流动性研究历史化为殖民地和殖民地逻辑的概念。利用这一概念,文章提供了对政治行为者的洞察,即被监禁的日本血统的强迫劳工,他们在这条基础设施路线上的不公正监禁和强迫劳动直到最近才得到承认。这篇文章依赖于一系列的档案资料,这些资料涉及高速公路的视觉文化,以及想象中的风景景观和想象中的多元文化加拿大之间的微妙联系。文章还通过构建殖民主义和殖民主义的图像和景观关系来叙述这条高速公路路线,通过无处不在的高速公路路标将其与不平衡的流动性和经济发展联系起来——这是一个当代倡议,用于标记和解释沿着这条路线和其他不列颠哥伦比亚省路线的历史和文化重要性。然后,文章在身体的尺度上探讨了这条路线的基础政治,以突出抵抗的模式。本文以所谓的道路干扰为中心,通过休息、玩耍和停工等抵抗行为,提出了一个关于不均匀流动性的试探性理论,以揭示不均匀流动性是如何与具体化主体性的生产交织在一起的。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Lives of Infrastructure 基础设施的政治生活
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637119
Wesley Attewell, Emily Mitchell-Eaton, Richard Nisa
Abstract This issue explores the historical production of infrastructures as places of resistance and world-building for workers, villagers, and migrants across the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries—a period when narratives about the role of infrastructure as a conduit for modernization, development, and the centralizing capacities of the state had broad purchase. Contributions invite consideration of two questions. First, what struggles do histories of infrastructural power reveal if infrastructures are delinked from master narratives tying them to state and state-backed centralization? While development, nation building, and extraction are often state-sponsored or state-backed projects, the articles here demonstrate that modern states are not the only wielders of infrastructural power. Second, how does this decentering of the state in infrastructural analyses transform the stakes of radical political activity and the work of radical historical actors? In highlighting a different, more localized scale of infrastructural production and relation building—both within and beyond the bounds of the nation-state—contributors to this issue resituate ostensibly disparate, small sites as key to larger political struggles and frame everyday forms of “getting by” as resistance.
本问题探讨了基础设施在20世纪和21世纪初作为工人、村民和移民的抵抗和世界建设场所的历史生产——在这个时期,关于基础设施作为现代化、发展和国家集中能力的渠道的作用的叙述得到了广泛的购买。贡献会引起对两个问题的考虑。首先,如果基础设施与将其与国家和国家支持的中央集权联系起来的主要叙事脱钩,那么基础设施权力的历史揭示了什么斗争?虽然发展、国家建设和开采通常是国家资助或国家支持的项目,但本文表明,现代国家并不是唯一拥有基础设施权力的国家。其次,在基础设施分析中国家的这种去中心化是如何改变激进政治活动的利害关系和激进历史行动者的工作的?在强调一种不同的、更本地化的基础设施生产和关系建设规模的过程中——既在民族国家的范围内,也在民族国家的范围之外——这个问题的贡献者保留了表面上不同的、小的地点,作为更大的政治斗争的关键,并将日常形式的“得过且过”作为抵抗。
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引用次数: 0
The Human Tide 人潮
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637175
Yuan Gao
Abstract This article investigates how cultural workers from the 1950s to the 1970s served China’s hydraulic engineering campaign in artworks depicting human resource extraction. Focusing on Tian Han’s drama The Caprice of the Ming Tombs Reservoir (1958) and Jiang Yunchuan’s documentary Red Flag Canal (1970), the article tells two tales of Chinese hydraulic construction to analyze the theatrical and cinematic aesthetics of socialist labor reform and rural industrialization. In China’s history of transforming water from a natural threat to a natural resource, Tian Han and Jiang Yunchuan represent the Chinese cultural workers who used their works to mobilize the masses to navigate the hostile natural environment and overcome technological insufficiency, portraying the body as corporeal machine. This mode of cultural representation went beyond revolutionary culture’s conventional task of reinforcing class consciousness. Instead, it aimed to generate and maintain the energy of the infrastructure builders to change the nature of labor in socialist industrial planning. The Chinese cultural works on hydraulic engineering draw attention to the materiality of the laboring bodies often ignored in current infrastructure scholarship.
摘要本文考察了20世纪50年代至70年代的文化工作者如何通过描绘人力资源开采的艺术作品为中国的水利工程运动服务。在中国将水从一种自然威胁转化为一种自然资源的历史上,田汉和蒋云川代表了中国文化工作者,他们用自己的作品动员群众在恶劣的自然环境中航行,克服技术上的不足,将身体描绘成一种物质机器。这种文化表征模式超越了革命文化强化阶级意识的传统任务。相反,它旨在产生和维持基础设施建设者的能量,以改变社会主义工业规划中的劳动性质。中国水工文化著作引起了人们对劳动主体的重视,这些主体在当前的基础设施研究中往往被忽视。
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引用次数: 0
“There Are Lives Here” “这里有生命”
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637147
Robin McDowell
Abstract The Bonnet Carré Spillway, a mile-long concrete and wood weir in St. Charles Parish, Louisiana, is embedded in a landscape of flood control infrastructure and an institutionally repressed history of the Black communities displaced for its construction from 1929 to 1931. Two cemeteries of enslaved and formerly enslaved people were plowed under and then resurfaced decades later, prompting a movement for commemoration led by descendants. Through histories of both the spillway structure and that of enslaved and formerly enslaved communities, this article examines a growing movement for commemoration that challenges and dismantles the political infrastructure generated by and for the preservation of physical infrastructure.
Bonnet carr溢洪道是路易斯安那州圣查尔斯教区的一条一英里长的混凝土和木材堰,它嵌入了防洪基础设施的景观和1929年至1931年因其建设而流离失所的黑人社区的制度性压抑历史。两座被奴役和曾经被奴役的人的墓地被犁过,几十年后又重新浮出水面,引发了一场由后代领导的纪念运动。通过溢洪道结构的历史,以及被奴役和曾经被奴役的社区的历史,本文考察了一场日益增长的纪念运动,这场运动挑战并拆除了由物理基础设施产生的政治基础设施,并为保护物理基础设施而拆除。
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引用次数: 0
Bound Passages 绑定的段落
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637218
Jason Tuấn Vũ
Abstract This article traces the settler-colonial histories of Daniel K. Inouye International Airport (HNL) in Hawai‘i and Antonio B. Won Pat International Airport (GUM) in Guåhan (Guam) to chart the role of Indigenous dispossession in facilitating ongoing carceral transits across the Pacific. Focusing on the March 2021 deportation of thirty-three Vietnamese refugees from the United States, it situates the deportation flight’s layovers at HNL and GUM within larger processes of racial-colonial violence that constitute the development and operation of both airports. In this sense, HNL and GUM reveal the palimpsestic nature of Hawai‘i and Guåhan as sites of colonial occupation that, in turn, are used to bolster the further transit of global US empire. This essay thus attempts to chart a critical transpacific geography that links the settler-colonial and carceral dimensions of US empire through the issue of Southeast Asian deportation.
本文追溯了夏威夷Daniel K. Inouye国际机场(HNL)和关岛gu汉(Guam) Antonio B. Won Pat国际机场(GUM)的定居者-殖民历史,以描绘土著剥夺在促进正在进行的跨越太平洋的移民过境中的作用。以2021年3月33名越南难民从美国被驱逐出境为重点,它将驱逐航班在HNL和GUM的停留置于构成两个机场发展和运营的更大的种族殖民暴力过程中。从这个意义上说,HNL和GUM揭示了夏威夷和关岛作为殖民占领地的改写性质,而这些殖民占领地反过来又被用来支持美国帝国在全球的进一步扩张。因此,本文试图通过东南亚驱逐问题来描绘一个关键的跨太平洋地理,将美帝国的定居者-殖民地和俘虏维度联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Abolition Infrastructures 废除基础设施
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637246
Bench Ansfield, Rachel Herzing, Dean Spade
Abstract Over the past two decades, transformative justice has gained momentum as an organized effort to answer contemporary abolitionism’s thorniest question: How can a society handle the problem of harm without resorting to punishment? The movement has sought to develop responses to harm and violence that reject retribution and instead emphasize accountability, repair, care, and attention to the systemic roots of violence. In large part because the movement took form in explicit rejection of the state’s administration of justice, the work of transformative justice has most frequently been done on an unpaid basis of mutual aid. Here’s a movement that has germinated in collective homes, borrowed office spaces, online forums, activist convenings, parks—in other words, in the abolitionist commons. As transformative justice has gained currency over the course of the pandemic, its ideas have been taken up in new realms, including the university, the nonprofit, the prison, and the courts. The current moment is ripe for taking stock of where the movement is right now, and where it is going. What does it look like to build toward abolition infrastructures or infrastructures of collective care? How might an abolitionist theory of the state guide this work?
在过去的二十年里,变革正义作为一种有组织的努力获得了动力,以回答当代废奴主义最棘手的问题:一个社会如何在不诉诸惩罚的情况下处理伤害问题?该运动力求制定针对伤害和暴力的对策,拒绝报复,而是强调问责、修复、关怀和关注暴力的系统性根源。在很大程度上,由于这场运动是在明确拒绝国家司法管理的基础上形成的,变革司法的工作通常是在无偿的互助基础上完成的。这是一场在集体住宅、借来的办公空间、在线论坛、活动家集会、公园中萌芽的运动——换句话说,在废奴主义者的公地。随着变革正义在大流行期间得到普及,其理念已被纳入新的领域,包括大学、非营利组织、监狱和法院。现在是评估这场运动的现状和走向的时机。朝着废除基础设施或集体护理基础设施的方向建立是什么样的?废除主义的国家理论如何指导这项工作呢?
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引用次数: 0
Imperial Gift 帝国的礼物
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637161
Ann Ngoc Tran
Abstract This article theorizes and historicizes soap, a medical “gift” distributed by the US military to villages and hamlets in South Vietnam, as a commodity and as an infrastructure in the American war in Vietnam. During the war, soap not only operated as a tool to clean those the US military deemed dirty and uncivilized but also brokered the ideological movement of empire from the nation-state to the occupied regions of the Vietnamese South. Wartime US humanitarianism proffered soap as a counterinsurgent weapon of soft power and as an infrastructural poetic that securitized US empire against the rising tide of communist insurgency. Reading against the hegemonic archival practices that venerate the gifting of soap as benevolent militarism, the article moves to examine the anarchic practice of South Vietnamese black marketeering, which redeployed soap as an illegal market commodity to intercept the movement of US empire and, as a practice that arose in response to wartime capitalism and militarization, allowed natives to command new social relations at the cost of disrupting the Republic of Vietnam’s flows of capital and the United States’ ongoing war campaign. As an informal, opaque, and yet thriving infrastructure of its own, the black market fostered insurgent survival strategies that repurposed military supplies and gifts as versatile commodities, allowing even soap to escape its original containment as a civilizing agent and giving it new uses and meanings.
摘要:本文将肥皂作为美国在越南战争中作为商品和基础设施分发给越南南部村庄的一种医疗“礼物”进行理论化和历史化。在战争期间,肥皂不仅是美国军方认为肮脏和不文明的地方的清洁工具,而且还促进了帝国从民族国家到越南南部占领区的意识形态运动。战时美国的人道主义提供了肥皂作为反叛乱的软实力武器,并作为基础设施的诗意,使美国帝国安全,以对抗日益高涨的共产主义叛乱浪潮。文章反对将肥皂作为仁慈的军国主义礼物的霸权主义档案实践,转而研究南越黑市的无政府主义实践,将肥皂作为非法市场商品重新部署,以拦截美帝国的运动,作为对战时资本主义和军事化的回应,以破坏越南共和国的资本流动和美国正在进行的战争为代价,让当地人掌握了新的社会关系。作为一种非正式的、不透明的、但却蓬勃发展的基础设施,黑市培育了叛乱分子的生存策略,将军用物资和礼品重新定位为多功能商品,甚至让肥皂也摆脱了最初作为文明媒介的束缚,赋予了它新的用途和意义。
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引用次数: 0
A Moonless Night 无月之夜
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10637190
Solveig Qu Suess
Abstract Curated Spaces features the work of artist and filmmaker Solveig Qu Suess. This essay provides narrative and visual context for her film Little Grass. The film explores the history of geopolitical division between China and the West through the lens of her mother’s career as an optical engineer, expelled from the Chinese state in 1987 for marrying a Western colleague. “A Moonless Night” offers a reflection on memory, belonging, Cold War politics, and state power.
抽象策展空间以艺术家和电影制作人Solveig Qu Suess的作品为特色。本文为她的电影《小草》提供了叙事和视觉语境。这部电影通过她母亲作为光学工程师的职业生涯,探讨了中国和西方地缘政治分裂的历史,1987年,她因嫁给了一位西方同事而被驱逐出中国。《无月之夜》对记忆、归属感、冷战政治和国家权力进行了反思。
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引用次数: 0
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RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW
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