Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10302863
Garrett A. Felber, Stephen Ward
This article explores the implications of a 1974 political debate between the radical priest Daniel Berrigan and the revolutionary theorists James Boggs and Grace Lee Boggs regarding support for the political prisoner Martin Sostre, as well as the meaning of the designation political prisoner itself. To begin, the article outlines and contextualizes their opposing positions—Berrigan’s view, common among radicals at the time, that all imprisonment is political, and the Boggses’ fear that lumping together political and nonpolitical prisoners would result in theoretical and political miscalculations, such as mistaking the rebellion of the most oppressed for fundamental revolutionary change. Such analysis highlights the stakes of these characterizations for revolutionary struggle. In particular, the dialogue between Berrigan and the Boggses reveals the limits of static definitions of political subjecthood and shows how studying and learning from these historical debates can help to create more nuanced, flexible, and capacious political visions and practices.
本文探讨了1974年激进牧师Daniel Berrigan与革命理论家James Boggs和Grace Lee Boggs之间关于支持政治犯Martin Sostre的政治辩论的含义，以及指定政治犯本身的含义。首先，这篇文章概述了他们的对立立场，并将其置于背景中——贝里根的观点在当时的激进分子中很常见，即所有的监禁都是政治性的，博格夫妇担心将政治和非政治性囚犯混为一谈会导致理论和政治上的误判，比如把最受压迫者的叛乱误认为是根本的革命变革。这种分析突出了这些特征对革命斗争的利害关系。特别是，贝里根和伯格斯夫妇之间的对话揭示了政治主体性静态定义的局限性，并表明研究和学习这些历史辩论可以帮助创造更细致、灵活和广泛的政治愿景和实践。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10302793
Marc Goulding, Teresa Meade, Margaret Power
Abstract This essay explores several key themes regarding political imprisonment and confinement. Neither governments nor activists agree on who is and who is not a political prisoner. Governments routinely deny they imprison people for political reasons. Instead, they consistently seek to criminalize those they detain as part of their effort to maintain the legitimacy of their rule and delegitimize those who act against it. A common definition of who is and who is not a political prisoner does not exist among prisoners, activists, or supporters. No international organizations or national bodies have developed a shared description of what constitutes a political prisoner. Instead, as this essay and the articles that follow illustrate, the subject is a matter of debate and discussion.
{"title":"Editors’ Introduction","authors":"Marc Goulding, Teresa Meade, Margaret Power","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10302793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302793","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This essay explores several key themes regarding political imprisonment and confinement. Neither governments nor activists agree on who is and who is not a political prisoner. Governments routinely deny they imprison people for political reasons. Instead, they consistently seek to criminalize those they detain as part of their effort to maintain the legitimacy of their rule and delegitimize those who act against it. A common definition of who is and who is not a political prisoner does not exist among prisoners, activists, or supporters. No international organizations or national bodies have developed a shared description of what constitutes a political prisoner. Instead, as this essay and the articles that follow illustrate, the subject is a matter of debate and discussion.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134903610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10302905
A. Godoy
This article shares insights from participatory research conducted with former political prisoners, all of whom survived torture during El Salvador’s armed conflict (1980–92). An analysis of declassified documents reveals that while US officials generally resisted efforts to examine abuses against guerrilla supporters, they advocated behind the scenes for international oversight of prisons, and, in doing so, helped save lives. However, former prisoners’ analyses of the documents shows that US advocacy perpetuated grave misrepresentations about the nature of state repression, further empowering the apparatus of institutional violence even as it spared selected actors. Participatory research projects like this one can offer victims of human rights abuses abetted by US foreign policy an opportunity to reckon with the records of empire. Not only does this process generate new knowledge, but it contributes to survivor-led processes of healing. This is important to counter the imperialist epistemologies that often characterize scholarship on US foreign policy.
{"title":"“A Form of Reparation”","authors":"A. Godoy","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10302905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302905","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article shares insights from participatory research conducted with former political prisoners, all of whom survived torture during El Salvador’s armed conflict (1980–92). An analysis of declassified documents reveals that while US officials generally resisted efforts to examine abuses against guerrilla supporters, they advocated behind the scenes for international oversight of prisons, and, in doing so, helped save lives. However, former prisoners’ analyses of the documents shows that US advocacy perpetuated grave misrepresentations about the nature of state repression, further empowering the apparatus of institutional violence even as it spared selected actors. Participatory research projects like this one can offer victims of human rights abuses abetted by US foreign policy an opportunity to reckon with the records of empire. Not only does this process generate new knowledge, but it contributes to survivor-led processes of healing. This is important to counter the imperialist epistemologies that often characterize scholarship on US foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42994608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10302877
S. Wilson
Calling some prisoners political prisoners and others social prisoners classifies the former as worthy of support and the latter undeserving of it. Instead of labeling prisoners this way, it is important to recognize the political nature of incarceration and that all prisoners deserve people’s solidarity.
{"title":"Political Prisoner or Politicized Prisoner","authors":"S. Wilson","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10302877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302877","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Calling some prisoners political prisoners and others social prisoners classifies the former as worthy of support and the latter undeserving of it. Instead of labeling prisoners this way, it is important to recognize the political nature of incarceration and that all prisoners deserve people’s solidarity.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48088670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10302835
Rüstem Ertuğ Altınay
The iconification of political prisoners enhances their visibility, credibility, and power. Nevertheless, iconification may also reduce, reimagine, or otherwise distort the biographies and experiences of political prisoners. Moreover, iconicity’s blurring of prisoners’ views and activities may result in the recirculation of their stories in the service of political projects that do not fully align with their own. The incarceration of the Islamist icon Şule Yüksel Şenler (1938–2019) in 1971 presents an excellent vantage point from which to analyze these dynamics and how gender informs them in fundamental ways. The diverse media representations of Şule Yüksel Şenler demonstrate how historical tropes became entangled with critical references to the law, religion, and the discourses of freedom and democracy in the iconification of an Islamist political prisoner in Cold War Turkey. Şenler’s legacy and the recent references to her story show how the tendency of iconification to occlude or distort prisoners’ ideological investments and activities may in fact enhance their ability to integrate into new political projects. This case study of a right-wing political prisoner exposes how the histories of political incarceration, combined with the discourses of injustice and victimization, may also be used to legitimize authoritarian political regimes and new incarcerations.
{"title":"“A Clean Conscience behind the Dark Bars”","authors":"Rüstem Ertuğ Altınay","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10302835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302835","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The iconification of political prisoners enhances their visibility, credibility, and power. Nevertheless, iconification may also reduce, reimagine, or otherwise distort the biographies and experiences of political prisoners. Moreover, iconicity’s blurring of prisoners’ views and activities may result in the recirculation of their stories in the service of political projects that do not fully align with their own. The incarceration of the Islamist icon Şule Yüksel Şenler (1938–2019) in 1971 presents an excellent vantage point from which to analyze these dynamics and how gender informs them in fundamental ways. The diverse media representations of Şule Yüksel Şenler demonstrate how historical tropes became entangled with critical references to the law, religion, and the discourses of freedom and democracy in the iconification of an Islamist political prisoner in Cold War Turkey. Şenler’s legacy and the recent references to her story show how the tendency of iconification to occlude or distort prisoners’ ideological investments and activities may in fact enhance their ability to integrate into new political projects. This case study of a right-wing political prisoner exposes how the histories of political incarceration, combined with the discourses of injustice and victimization, may also be used to legitimize authoritarian political regimes and new incarcerations.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41783997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10302821
Kathleen E. Alfin
This article examines the confinement of Liberian women by US Army Forces in Liberia (USAFIL) for the purpose of regulated prostitution during World War II. The racial makeup of USAFIL as an overwhelmingly African American unit and its deployment to the only sovereign Black republic in Africa created what US Army officials called “an exceptional situation.” This essay explores what army leaders meant by “exceptional” and the resultant creation of “exceptional measures” to control sexual liaisons between American soldiers and women in Liberia. Sexual relations between Black GIs and Liberian women defied the racist segregationist logic used by American military leaders to police Black GIs’ sexuality elsewhere during the war. USAFIL officials consequently racialized venereal disease and prostitution to justify confining and regulating Black Liberian women’s bodies in the name of soldiers’ health, as well as to uphold their racial and military authority. Shifting perspectives, this case study then considers how women in Liberia resisted army regulation of their sexuality and what they gained and lost through sex work, despite their confinement. Finally, this essay analyzes USAFIL’s regulation of prostitution in a transnational comparative context to illuminate the exceptional authority US Army officials assumed and asserted over women and prostitution in Liberia.
{"title":"“Uncle Sugar’s Belles”","authors":"Kathleen E. Alfin","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10302821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302821","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines the confinement of Liberian women by US Army Forces in Liberia (USAFIL) for the purpose of regulated prostitution during World War II. The racial makeup of USAFIL as an overwhelmingly African American unit and its deployment to the only sovereign Black republic in Africa created what US Army officials called “an exceptional situation.” This essay explores what army leaders meant by “exceptional” and the resultant creation of “exceptional measures” to control sexual liaisons between American soldiers and women in Liberia. Sexual relations between Black GIs and Liberian women defied the racist segregationist logic used by American military leaders to police Black GIs’ sexuality elsewhere during the war. USAFIL officials consequently racialized venereal disease and prostitution to justify confining and regulating Black Liberian women’s bodies in the name of soldiers’ health, as well as to uphold their racial and military authority. Shifting perspectives, this case study then considers how women in Liberia resisted army regulation of their sexuality and what they gained and lost through sex work, despite their confinement. Finally, this essay analyzes USAFIL’s regulation of prostitution in a transnational comparative context to illuminate the exceptional authority US Army officials assumed and asserted over women and prostitution in Liberia.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42569895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10063692
Christian Høgsbjerg
This essay explores the Black Trinidadian revolutionary historian C. L. R. James’s little-theorized engagement with questions of the environment and natural world from the 1930s to the 1980s, situating this within his wider oeuvre as a Marxist who not only experienced colonial domination in the Caribbean but also witnessed other catastrophes endemic to twentieth-century capitalism, from the Great War to the Great Depression, the rise of fascism and the Holocaust, the Second World War, and then the use of atomic weapons at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The essay first examines how James might be seen to have helped inspire contemporary theorizing around the “plantationocene” in his classic history of the Haitian Revolution, The Black Jacobins (1938). As early as 1951, James (and his fellow thinkers) noted: “It is not the world of nature that confronts man as an alien power to be overcome. It is the alien power that he has himself created.” The choice ahead, for James, was one of socialism or barbarism, rebellion or extinction. In 1958, evoking biblical language and imagery, he noted that we are already entering “the very valley of the shadow of death.”
{"title":"“The Very Valley of the Shadow of Death”","authors":"Christian Høgsbjerg","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10063692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10063692","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This essay explores the Black Trinidadian revolutionary historian C. L. R. James’s little-theorized engagement with questions of the environment and natural world from the 1930s to the 1980s, situating this within his wider oeuvre as a Marxist who not only experienced colonial domination in the Caribbean but also witnessed other catastrophes endemic to twentieth-century capitalism, from the Great War to the Great Depression, the rise of fascism and the Holocaust, the Second World War, and then the use of atomic weapons at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The essay first examines how James might be seen to have helped inspire contemporary theorizing around the “plantationocene” in his classic history of the Haitian Revolution, The Black Jacobins (1938). As early as 1951, James (and his fellow thinkers) noted: “It is not the world of nature that confronts man as an alien power to be overcome. It is the alien power that he has himself created.” The choice ahead, for James, was one of socialism or barbarism, rebellion or extinction. In 1958, evoking biblical language and imagery, he noted that we are already entering “the very valley of the shadow of death.”","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43390935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10063755
M. Coletta
While the notion of the Anthropocene signals the urgency for a climate transition, it stops short of restructuring the anthropocentric principles of the dominant economic and societal model. Pluriversal decolonial designs being debated and practiced in Latin America treat the crisis of the current civilizational model as an opportunity to propose alternatives that seek to reconceptualize the ways in which we organize social life. This article brings to light nondualistic epistemologies and argues that the anti-extractivist designs needed for building regenerative futures go hand in hand with anti-colonial epistemic resistance. A central part of the analysis focuses on the Aymara-Bolivian thinker Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, whose relational ontology allows us not only to confront the colonial legacy of the Anthropocene but also to acknowledge the global diffusion of coloniality. Through the Aymara linguistic concept of ch’ixi—a parallel coexistence of difference—Rivera Cusicanqui proposes new ways of building community beyond colonial dualisms and around socioecological knowledges.
{"title":"Critical Border Zones and Anti-extractive Thinking","authors":"M. Coletta","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10063755","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10063755","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While the notion of the Anthropocene signals the urgency for a climate transition, it stops short of restructuring the anthropocentric principles of the dominant economic and societal model. Pluriversal decolonial designs being debated and practiced in Latin America treat the crisis of the current civilizational model as an opportunity to propose alternatives that seek to reconceptualize the ways in which we organize social life. This article brings to light nondualistic epistemologies and argues that the anti-extractivist designs needed for building regenerative futures go hand in hand with anti-colonial epistemic resistance. A central part of the analysis focuses on the Aymara-Bolivian thinker Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, whose relational ontology allows us not only to confront the colonial legacy of the Anthropocene but also to acknowledge the global diffusion of coloniality. Through the Aymara linguistic concept of ch’ixi—a parallel coexistence of difference—Rivera Cusicanqui proposes new ways of building community beyond colonial dualisms and around socioecological knowledges.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46742562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10063818
Iva Peša
African experiences have so far not been central to Anthropocene debates. While the Anthropocene usefully theorizes the planetary dimensions of environmental change, how do its propositions hold when applied to specific and widely divergent settings? Drawing from three examples—copper mining in Zambia, gold mining in South Africa, and oil drilling in Nigeria—this article examines varied experiences of environmental change in the Anthropocene. Resource extraction, which moves tons of earth and heavily pollutes the air and soils, epitomizes the Anthropocene. In order to grasp ways of living with extraction and its toxic legacies in African localities, it is necessary to consider situated histories of capitalism and colonialism and how these have generated intersectional positionalities, in terms of gender, socioeconomic status, and race. These histories inform actors’ abilities to envisage alternatives to the Anthropocene in the present and future. Inspired by decolonial frameworks, this article begins to chart more plural ways to write the Anthropocene.
{"title":"Anthropocene Narratives of Living with Resource Extraction in Africa","authors":"Iva Peša","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10063818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10063818","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 African experiences have so far not been central to Anthropocene debates. While the Anthropocene usefully theorizes the planetary dimensions of environmental change, how do its propositions hold when applied to specific and widely divergent settings? Drawing from three examples—copper mining in Zambia, gold mining in South Africa, and oil drilling in Nigeria—this article examines varied experiences of environmental change in the Anthropocene. Resource extraction, which moves tons of earth and heavily pollutes the air and soils, epitomizes the Anthropocene. In order to grasp ways of living with extraction and its toxic legacies in African localities, it is necessary to consider situated histories of capitalism and colonialism and how these have generated intersectional positionalities, in terms of gender, socioeconomic status, and race. These histories inform actors’ abilities to envisage alternatives to the Anthropocene in the present and future. Inspired by decolonial frameworks, this article begins to chart more plural ways to write the Anthropocene.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44867869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10063907
F. Martone, Rosa Jijón
This contribution, inspired by critical debates on the Anthropocene and by the ideas of key Latin American thinkers and academics such as Maristella Svampa, aims at offering an overview of selected works of artists who operate in Latin America. Their work highlights some of the key contradictions and emerging arguments in the debate around the Anthropocene, notably its colonial and patriarchal character. Some of them represent the current systemic crisis induced by extractive capitalism, and underline the relevance of Indigenous peoples’ worldview and traditional knowledge or the connection between the exploitation of feminine bodies and extractivism. Their direct engagement and collaboration with Indigenous communities that resist extractivism visibilizes their agency and active contribution to radical transformation and ecological change, while contributing to challenge the power structures in which these operate.
{"title":"“In Difesa della Natura”","authors":"F. Martone, Rosa Jijón","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10063907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10063907","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This contribution, inspired by critical debates on the Anthropocene and by the ideas of key Latin American thinkers and academics such as Maristella Svampa, aims at offering an overview of selected works of artists who operate in Latin America. Their work highlights some of the key contradictions and emerging arguments in the debate around the Anthropocene, notably its colonial and patriarchal character. Some of them represent the current systemic crisis induced by extractive capitalism, and underline the relevance of Indigenous peoples’ worldview and traditional knowledge or the connection between the exploitation of feminine bodies and extractivism. Their direct engagement and collaboration with Indigenous communities that resist extractivism visibilizes their agency and active contribution to radical transformation and ecological change, while contributing to challenge the power structures in which these operate.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41788097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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