Pub Date : 2024-05-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-11027365
Gail Pheterson
{"title":"Reflections on the Whore Stigma","authors":"Gail Pheterson","doi":"10.1215/01636545-11027365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-11027365","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141141697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846837
Spencer Beswick
This article analyzes how anarcha-feminists in the United States critiqued the state and attempted to build feminist dual power in response to the New Right’s attacks on reproductive freedom. Anarcha-feminists in the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (1989–98) argued that petitioning the state for reproductive rights was a dead end because, as their political statement put it, patriarchy “operates as a foundation of state power, used to justify a paternalistic relationship between the rulers and the ruled.” Anything the state gives—including Roe v. Wade—can be taken away, for it is ultimately a tool of sexual and class violence in the hands of the patriarchal, capitalist ruling class. Building on the legacy of anarcha-feminists in the women’s liberation movement, Love and Rage argued that the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom was to struggle for autonomy against the state rather than reform within it. This article explores how anarcha-feminists sought to build grassroots infrastructure, knowledge, and organizations with an orientation toward establishing feminist dual power. Ultimately, Love and Rage argued, the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom and women’s liberation is the revolutionary construction of a libertarian socialist society.
{"title":"“To Repulse the State from Our Uteri”","authors":"Spencer Beswick","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846837","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyzes how anarcha-feminists in the United States critiqued the state and attempted to build feminist dual power in response to the New Right’s attacks on reproductive freedom. Anarcha-feminists in the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (1989–98) argued that petitioning the state for reproductive rights was a dead end because, as their political statement put it, patriarchy “operates as a foundation of state power, used to justify a paternalistic relationship between the rulers and the ruled.” Anything the state gives—including Roe v. Wade—can be taken away, for it is ultimately a tool of sexual and class violence in the hands of the patriarchal, capitalist ruling class. Building on the legacy of anarcha-feminists in the women’s liberation movement, Love and Rage argued that the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom was to struggle for autonomy against the state rather than reform within it. This article explores how anarcha-feminists sought to build grassroots infrastructure, knowledge, and organizations with an orientation toward establishing feminist dual power. Ultimately, Love and Rage argued, the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom and women’s liberation is the revolutionary construction of a libertarian socialist society.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140525620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846865
Heather Berg
Refusing both sex workers’ state-produced vulnerability to violence and the state’s monopoly on protection, sex worker radicals articulate community defense as a practice of care. Grounded in interviews with thinkers of the sex worker Left and in sex workers’ cultural production, this article explores sex worker community defense with an eye to its relationship to past struggles and contributions to future ones. Chief among those is the abolitionist struggle for a world beyond prisons and policing. Sex worker abolitionists identify a tension between a vision of transformative justice that rejects violence and the understanding that transformation might not come without injury to those who do violence on behalf of the state. Sex worker abolitionists seek resources for navigating this tactical ambivalence in Black radical, decolonial, and queer and feminist traditions. Many wonder if building new worlds will require a transitional program of militant community defense, even retribution.
{"title":"“If You’re Going to Be Beautiful, You Better Be Dangerous”","authors":"Heather Berg","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846865","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Refusing both sex workers’ state-produced vulnerability to violence and the state’s monopoly on protection, sex worker radicals articulate community defense as a practice of care. Grounded in interviews with thinkers of the sex worker Left and in sex workers’ cultural production, this article explores sex worker community defense with an eye to its relationship to past struggles and contributions to future ones. Chief among those is the abolitionist struggle for a world beyond prisons and policing. Sex worker abolitionists identify a tension between a vision of transformative justice that rejects violence and the understanding that transformation might not come without injury to those who do violence on behalf of the state. Sex worker abolitionists seek resources for navigating this tactical ambivalence in Black radical, decolonial, and queer and feminist traditions. Many wonder if building new worlds will require a transitional program of militant community defense, even retribution.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140525100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846907
Jennifer Mogannam
Highlighting twenty-first-century Palestinian feminist formations, this essay chronicles a trajectory of over a century of women’s organizing that led to the contemporary moment. The essay argues that women and feminist praxis have been exemplified in each moment of Palestinian intifada, though national anticolonial liberation politics did not always accommodate feminist language or ideas. Palestinian women have played an instrumental role in each phase of contestation and community organizing against colonial, military, and state formations. Whether creating a women’s front, making space for women within the national movement, or developing a communal politics of care from within, the labor women have performed for the Palestinian liberation struggle can be read through a feminist ethos. The essay argues that feminist praxis was always present and that, while the language of feminism is contested in Palestinian social and political spheres, Palestinian feminist trajectories are compatible with and necessary for the actualization of Palestinian liberation and freedom from Zionist rule.
{"title":"Feminist Intifada","authors":"Jennifer Mogannam","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846907","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Highlighting twenty-first-century Palestinian feminist formations, this essay chronicles a trajectory of over a century of women’s organizing that led to the contemporary moment. The essay argues that women and feminist praxis have been exemplified in each moment of Palestinian intifada, though national anticolonial liberation politics did not always accommodate feminist language or ideas. Palestinian women have played an instrumental role in each phase of contestation and community organizing against colonial, military, and state formations. Whether creating a women’s front, making space for women within the national movement, or developing a communal politics of care from within, the labor women have performed for the Palestinian liberation struggle can be read through a feminist ethos. The essay argues that feminist praxis was always present and that, while the language of feminism is contested in Palestinian social and political spheres, Palestinian feminist trajectories are compatible with and necessary for the actualization of Palestinian liberation and freedom from Zionist rule.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140522471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846808
Kaysha Corinealdi
By the mid-twentieth century a core group of feminist educators in Panama had cemented their reputations as community organizers invested in the empowerment of poor and working-class women. Yet this was a state that rejected calls for female suffrage, labeled attempts at worker organizing as threats to the nation, neglected to provide basic infrastructure and financing for education, and protected the rights of an elite few over those of most citizens. This article offers a window on the work of these feminist educators by examining the organizational leadership of Felicia Santizo and Sara Sotillo, two Afro-descendant contemporaries who taught and organized within predominantly Black and working-class communities while demanding greater access for all poor and working people throughout the country. Through their organizing in the realms of education, labor, community welfare, and politics, including the creation of Panama’s largest teacher’s association and leadership of a pro–working people’s party, both women challenged sexism and looked to education in and outside the classroom as a vital force of transformation. Their work placed them at odds with a state more willing to ignore or silence outspoken feminist organizers and community leaders than to center them in national agendas.
{"title":"Feminist Educators against State Neglect","authors":"Kaysha Corinealdi","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846808","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 By the mid-twentieth century a core group of feminist educators in Panama had cemented their reputations as community organizers invested in the empowerment of poor and working-class women. Yet this was a state that rejected calls for female suffrage, labeled attempts at worker organizing as threats to the nation, neglected to provide basic infrastructure and financing for education, and protected the rights of an elite few over those of most citizens. This article offers a window on the work of these feminist educators by examining the organizational leadership of Felicia Santizo and Sara Sotillo, two Afro-descendant contemporaries who taught and organized within predominantly Black and working-class communities while demanding greater access for all poor and working people throughout the country. Through their organizing in the realms of education, labor, community welfare, and politics, including the creation of Panama’s largest teacher’s association and leadership of a pro–working people’s party, both women challenged sexism and looked to education in and outside the classroom as a vital force of transformation. Their work placed them at odds with a state more willing to ignore or silence outspoken feminist organizers and community leaders than to center them in national agendas.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140516174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846822
Romina A. Green Rioja
This article argues that Argentina’s recent feminist “green wave” emerged from the political militancy of working-class women responding to the economic violence of the 1990s neoliberal reforms and the nation’s financial collapse in 2001. The first section details the gendered experience of the 1990s neoliberal crisis from the “feminization” of the workforce, the rise in child mortality due to malnutrition, and, as a result, the increase in deaths from clandestine abortions. The second section details the development of gendered consciousness among working-class women through the formation of espacios de mujeres (women’s spaces) after 2001. The espacios allowed piqueteras (unemployed women) to organize against patriarchal violence and gendered marginalization in their homes and organizations. The third section examines how working-class women’s participation in the yearly National Women’s Encounter transformed it from a small women’s gathering to a conference that brought together social movements under a shared feminist abortion rights banner.
{"title":"From “Armies of Love” to Demanding Legal Abortion","authors":"Romina A. Green Rioja","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846822","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article argues that Argentina’s recent feminist “green wave” emerged from the political militancy of working-class women responding to the economic violence of the 1990s neoliberal reforms and the nation’s financial collapse in 2001. The first section details the gendered experience of the 1990s neoliberal crisis from the “feminization” of the workforce, the rise in child mortality due to malnutrition, and, as a result, the increase in deaths from clandestine abortions. The second section details the development of gendered consciousness among working-class women through the formation of espacios de mujeres (women’s spaces) after 2001. The espacios allowed piqueteras (unemployed women) to organize against patriarchal violence and gendered marginalization in their homes and organizations. The third section examines how working-class women’s participation in the yearly National Women’s Encounter transformed it from a small women’s gathering to a conference that brought together social movements under a shared feminist abortion rights banner.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140526663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846922
Jessie B. Ramey, Catherine A. Evans
For over sixty years Kipp Dawson has built coalitions on the front lines of the civil rights movement, Vietnam antiwar movement, women’s movement, gay liberation movement, labor movement, and education justice movement, confronting state-sponsored violence and challenging systems of active harm and death. Her astonishing career—and marginalized identities as a lesbian, Jewish, working-class woman from a multiracial family—demonstrates the radical power of ordinary people engaged in collective, transformative action. In this visual essay, the authors share material from two new archival collections spanning the remarkable breadth and depth of Dawson’s intersectional feminist activism. They suggest rethinking movement leadership as women’s radical collaboration and demonstrate its role in organizing both resistance to state violence and alternative visions for the nation.
{"title":"“We Came Together and We Fought”","authors":"Jessie B. Ramey, Catherine A. Evans","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846922","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 For over sixty years Kipp Dawson has built coalitions on the front lines of the civil rights movement, Vietnam antiwar movement, women’s movement, gay liberation movement, labor movement, and education justice movement, confronting state-sponsored violence and challenging systems of active harm and death. Her astonishing career—and marginalized identities as a lesbian, Jewish, working-class woman from a multiracial family—demonstrates the radical power of ordinary people engaged in collective, transformative action. In this visual essay, the authors share material from two new archival collections spanning the remarkable breadth and depth of Dawson’s intersectional feminist activism. They suggest rethinking movement leadership as women’s radical collaboration and demonstrate its role in organizing both resistance to state violence and alternative visions for the nation.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140527265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846893
M. Moradian
This essay considers the 2022–23 feminist uprising in Iran through a transnational feminist lens, as part of a global revolt against patriarchal, homophobic, and transphobic state violence. After first placing the Women, Life, Freedom movement in the context of modern Iranian history, the essay analyzes the dramatic changes in revolutionary politics and consciousness that have resulted in the shift of gender and sexual liberation from the periphery to the center of the freedom struggle in Iran. These novel developments have also opened up new possibilities for diasporic and transnational feminist solidarities that can cut against Iran’s relative isolation from other social movements in the global South. The essay focuses on Iranian iterations of the Chilean feminist song “A Rapist in Your Path” as examples of how affective desires for revolution are transmitted across borders and embodied at the same time, rendering these performances situated acts of resistance as well as sites of South-South solidarity.
这篇文章通过跨国女权主义视角，将伊朗 2022-23 年的女权运动视为全球反抗父权制、仇视同性恋和变性者的国家暴力的一部分。文章首先将 "妇女、生命、自由 "运动置于伊朗现代史的背景下，然后分析了革命政治和意识的巨大变化，这些变化导致性别和性解放从伊朗自由斗争的边缘转向中心。这些新的发展也为散居国外和跨国的女权主义团结开辟了新的可能性，从而打破了伊朗相对孤立于全球南方其他社会运动的局面。文章重点讨论了智利女权主义歌曲 "A Rapist in Your Path "在伊朗的迭代，以此为例说明对革命的情感渴望是如何跨越国界传播并同时体现出来的，从而使这些表演既是抵抗行动，又是南南团结的场所。
{"title":"Embodying Revolution","authors":"M. Moradian","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846893","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This essay considers the 2022–23 feminist uprising in Iran through a transnational feminist lens, as part of a global revolt against patriarchal, homophobic, and transphobic state violence. After first placing the Women, Life, Freedom movement in the context of modern Iranian history, the essay analyzes the dramatic changes in revolutionary politics and consciousness that have resulted in the shift of gender and sexual liberation from the periphery to the center of the freedom struggle in Iran. These novel developments have also opened up new possibilities for diasporic and transnational feminist solidarities that can cut against Iran’s relative isolation from other social movements in the global South. The essay focuses on Iranian iterations of the Chilean feminist song “A Rapist in Your Path” as examples of how affective desires for revolution are transmitted across borders and embodied at the same time, rendering these performances situated acts of resistance as well as sites of South-South solidarity.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140522065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1215/01636545-10846766
Anne Gray Fischer, Sara Matthiesen, Marisol LeBrón
The massive and multiscaled scope of state violence—religious and racist genocide, medical apartheid, colonial dispossession, global austerity, and capitalist resource extraction that accelerates our climate catastrophe—indexes the immense potential of state infrastructures. Global systems that can accumulate and wield such sprawling powers might instead be used to redistribute resources on that same scale. This issue of Radical History Review, organized around the theme “Feminists Confront State Violence,” asks about the capacity of the state to affirm life given its structural investments in violence, paying specific attention to how activists have theorized and devised strategies to win redress from extant institutions. Ultimately, contributing authors document how feminists have negotiated a fundamental contradiction: how, and why, does one make demands for the equitable distribution of care, safety, and life on a state that unequally distributes violence, immiseration, and death? Together, these essays provide an archival toolkit of Black, abolitionist, anarchist, anticolonial, and anticapitalist feminist strategies to radically remake worlds inside this one.
{"title":"Making Our Way Out","authors":"Anne Gray Fischer, Sara Matthiesen, Marisol LeBrón","doi":"10.1215/01636545-10846766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846766","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The massive and multiscaled scope of state violence—religious and racist genocide, medical apartheid, colonial dispossession, global austerity, and capitalist resource extraction that accelerates our climate catastrophe—indexes the immense potential of state infrastructures. Global systems that can accumulate and wield such sprawling powers might instead be used to redistribute resources on that same scale. This issue of Radical History Review, organized around the theme “Feminists Confront State Violence,” asks about the capacity of the state to affirm life given its structural investments in violence, paying specific attention to how activists have theorized and devised strategies to win redress from extant institutions. Ultimately, contributing authors document how feminists have negotiated a fundamental contradiction: how, and why, does one make demands for the equitable distribution of care, safety, and life on a state that unequally distributes violence, immiseration, and death? Together, these essays provide an archival toolkit of Black, abolitionist, anarchist, anticolonial, and anticapitalist feminist strategies to radically remake worlds inside this one.","PeriodicalId":51725,"journal":{"name":"RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140521541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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