Women & Criminal Justice最新文献

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An Exploration of Officer Gender and Use of Force Incidents in a Transit Police Department 交通警察部门警员性别与使用武力事件的探讨

4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2023.2271464

Natalie Schell-Busey, Carla Lewandowski, Kimberly Houser, Evan Sorg

AbstractThe literature is unclear about whether male officers engage in more use of force incidents than female officers. One limitation of the research is that studies tend to focus on local police and have ignored other law enforcement. To address this, we explore potential gender differences among transit police officers using use of force data from 2009 to 2016. The results revealed a similar level of force used by male and female officers, but there appear to be some noteworthy differences by weapon type. While they were equally likely to use tasers, male officers were more likely to use batons and hand control and female officers were more likely to use firearms and OC spray. Additionally, we found some interesting differences in the predictors for taser use as compared to other weapons, particularly OC spray. Policy implications and directions for future research are discussed.Keywords: Gender use of forcetransit policetasers DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 We used the same scale as Ready and White (Citation2011) to determine size of the police department, which was: small (<75 officers), medium (75–299 officers) and large (300+ officers).2 Since our data is limited to use of force incidents, officer presence and verbal direction are eliminated from our force factor values.3 Officer age and time on the force were highly and significantly correlated so we chose to use days on the force as a measure of experience seemed more important than the officer’s age.4 This limitation is true of most research examining gender differences given the lower representation of women in police agencies. However, the SEPTAPD sample had a lower percentage of female officer use of force incidents compared to other research.Additional informationFundingThe data collection for this study was supported by Rowan University seed funding.

摘要关于男性警官是否比女性警官更多地使用武力事件，文献尚不清楚。这项研究的一个局限是，研究往往集中在当地警察身上，而忽略了其他执法部门。为了解决这个问题，我们利用2009年至2016年的武力使用数据探讨了交通警察之间潜在的性别差异。结果显示，男性和女性警官使用的武力水平相似，但武器类型似乎存在一些值得注意的差异。虽然他们同样可能使用泰瑟枪，但男性警官更可能使用警棍和手控，而女性警官更可能使用枪支和OC喷雾。此外，我们发现与其他武器相比，泰瑟枪使用的预测因素存在一些有趣的差异，尤其是OC喷雾。最后讨论了未来研究的政策意义和方向。关键词:性别使用武力过境政策披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:我们使用了与Ready and White (Citation2011)相同的量表来确定警察部门的规模，即小型(<75名警官)，中型(75 - 299名警官)和大型(300多名警官)由于我们的数据仅限于使用武力的事件，因此从我们的武力因素值中排除了警官在场和口头指示警官的年龄和在职时间高度且显著相关，因此我们选择使用在职天数作为经验的衡量标准，因为这似乎比警官的年龄更重要鉴于妇女在警察机构中的代表性较低，大多数审查性别差异的研究都存在这种局限性。然而，与其他研究相比，SEPTAPD样本中女性警察使用武力事件的比例较低。本研究的数据收集由罗文大学种子基金支持。

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引用次数: 0

Safekeeping of Pregnant People Experiencing Incarceration. 对经历监禁的孕妇的保护。

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2023-01-01 Epub Date: 2022-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2104986

Zoe King, Anne D Lyerly, Andrea K Knittel

Safekeeping involves transferring individuals from jails to prisons without the presence of a conviction. In North Carolina, safekeeping is used for pregnant people with the aim of providing better prenatal care. We interviewed 14 stakeholders in the safekeeping process including sheriffs, clinicians, advocates, and lawyers. Three key themes emerged: jails' inability to provide care for pregnant individuals; safekeeping as an additional punishment to incarceration; and differing attitudes on the necessity of safekeeping. Participants perceived that while there may be some benefits of safekeeping such as enhanced prenatal care, safekeeping can also lead to worsened conditions for pregnant people experiencing incarceration.

保护包括在没有定罪的情况下将个人从监狱转移到监狱。在北卡罗来纳州，为了提供更好的产前护理，对孕妇进行了保管。我们采访了保管过程中的14位利益相关者，包括警长、临床医生、辩护人和律师。出现了三个关键主题：监狱无法为孕妇提供护理；将保管作为监禁的额外惩罚；以及对保管必要性的不同态度。参与者认为，虽然安全保管可能有一些好处，比如加强产前护理，但安全保管也会导致被监禁的孕妇的情况恶化。

引用次数: 0

"We don't wanna birth it here": A qualitative study of Southern jail personnel approaches to pregnancy. “我们不想在这里生”:南方监狱人员怀孕方式的定性研究

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2023-01-01 Epub Date: 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2040693

Andrea K Knittel, Ella G Ferguson, Vidhya Balasubramanian, Jessica Carda-Auten, Elena DiRosa, David L Rosen

Each year, approximately 55,000 pregnant people are incarcerated in US jails. To learn about pregnancy and postpartum care in jails, we analyzed 34 qualitative interviews with jail personnel from facilities in five Southeastern US states. Themes included jail processes unique to pregnancy and burden on jails produced by liability and limited resources. Societal attitudes such as stigma, distrust of pregnant people, and a focus on fetal well-being were also important themes. Jail-community partnerships may mitigate the effects of scarce resources and improve jail perinatal care. Better community safety nets that decrease contact with jails are needed to improve pregnancy outcomes.

美国每年大约有5.5万名孕妇被关进监狱。为了了解监狱中的怀孕和产后护理，我们对来自美国东南部五个州的监狱人员进行了34次定性访谈。主题包括怀孕特有的监狱程序以及责任和有限资源给监狱带来的负担。污名化、对孕妇的不信任以及对胎儿健康的关注等社会态度也是重要的主题。监狱-社区伙伴关系可以减轻资源稀缺的影响，改善监狱围产期护理。改善怀孕结果需要更好的社区安全网，减少与监狱的接触。

引用次数: 0

Psychopathy and Reoffending Among Incarcerated Women 被监禁妇女的精神病和再犯

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2094525

M. Pinheiro, R. Gonçalves, Olga Cunha

Abstract Several studies found that psychopathy is an important predictor of general reoffending/recidivism. However, these conclusions are often based on male samples. This study analyzes the association between psychopathic traits and the four facets of psychopathy (i.e., interpersonal, affective, lifestyle, antisocial) and general reoffending among incarcerated women. The Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) was applied to a sample of 63 incarcerated women from Portugal who were retrospectively classified as committed repeated versus first-time offenses. Two separate binary logistic regression analyses were conducted, controlling for age and criminal variables. PCL-R total scores did not postdict reoffending, but sentence length did. As for the four facets, only PCL-R antisocial facet postdicted reoffending. Sentence length was also negatively associated with reoffending. Despite the relationship between PCL-R antisocial facet and general reoffending, results raise some questions regarding the applicability of psychopathy construct in the prediction of reoffending among women.

多项研究发现，精神病是一般再犯/再犯的重要预测因子。然而，这些结论往往是基于男性样本。本研究分析了在押女性精神病态特征与精神病态的四个方面(人际、情感、生活方式、反社会)和总体再犯之间的关系。精神病检查表-修订(PCL-R)应用于来自葡萄牙的63名被监禁的女性样本，这些女性被回顾性地分为多次犯罪和首次犯罪。进行了两次单独的二元逻辑回归分析，控制了年龄和犯罪变量。PCL-R总分与再犯无关，但句子长度与再犯有关。在四个方面中，只有PCL-R反社会方面会导致再犯。刑期长短也与再犯呈负相关。尽管PCL-R反社会方面与一般再犯之间存在关系，但研究结果对精神病构建在预测女性再犯中的适用性提出了一些问题。

引用次数: 2

How to Start over: Coping Mechanisms during Individual Women Displacement by Organized Crime 如何重新开始:有组织犯罪导致妇女流离失所的应对机制

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2133558

Maria del Pilar Fuerte-Celis, Daniel Zizumbo-Colunga

Abstract Every year, thousands of innocent victims—often women—leave their communities individually and in silence to escape the direct and indirect violence that criminal organizations exert. We explore and catalog the coping strategies these victims implement during what we call individual displacement. Then, we analyze in-depth interviews with women in Mexico—a country going through a severe insecurity crisis—to illustrate how individual, familial, social, and institutional coping occurs. We conclude by discussing how making visible individual displacement and understanding coping strategies can help governmental and non-governmental organizations develop interventions aimed at helping women going through this harrowing experience.

摘要每年，成千上万的无辜受害者——通常是妇女——单独而沉默地离开自己的社区，以逃避犯罪组织施加的直接和间接暴力。我们探索并列举了这些受害者在我们所称的个人流离失所期间实施的应对策略。然后，我们分析了对墨西哥女性的深入采访，这个国家正经历着严重的不安全危机，以说明个人、家庭、社会和机构是如何应对的。最后，我们讨论了让人们看到个人流离失所和了解应对策略如何帮助政府和非政府组织制定干预措施，以帮助经历这一痛苦经历的妇女。

引用次数: 1

Investing in Women’s Educational Outcomes: An Examination of Educational Enrollment and Terrorism in Africa 投资于妇女的教育成果:对非洲教育招生和恐怖主义的考察

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2110850

Orlandrew E. Danzell, Yao‐Yuan Yeh, Naaborle Sackeyfio

Abstract This research examines the nexus between educational opportunities and incidences of domestic terrorism. Focusing on 50 African countries over the period 1970–2018, this article provides several novel contributions to the discourse. First, the article finds that differences in educational enrollment between women and men is likely to exacerbate domestic terrorism. This outcome is especially dire for women than that anticipated by well-meaning policymakers. Second, this article juxtaposes recent narratives which posit that increasing educational opportunities presents favorable outcomes. Instead, our article illustrates that the positive derivatives from a more equitable female-to-male educational enrollment is conditional. In particular, in some African countries where there is inadequate or an absence of consistent structures such as socioeconomic and labor market opportunities post–educational attainment, the intended positive consequences of education is often unrealized. Saliently, the relationship between increases in women’s education and poor economic opportunities is likely to contribute to grievance-based domestic political violence.

摘要本研究考察了教育机会与国内恐怖主义事件之间的关系。本文聚焦于1970年至2018年期间的50个非洲国家，为这篇文章提供了一些新颖的贡献。首先，文章发现，男女教育入学率的差异可能会加剧国内恐怖主义。这一结果对女性来说比善意的政策制定者预期的更可怕。其次，这篇文章并列了最近的叙述，这些叙述认为增加教育机会会带来有利的结果。相反，我们的文章表明，从更公平的女性到男性的教育入学的积极衍生物是有条件的。特别是，在一些非洲国家，教育后的社会经济和劳动力市场机会等结构不足或缺乏一致性，教育的预期积极后果往往无法实现。值得注意的是，妇女受教育程度的提高与经济机会的减少之间的关系可能会助长基于不满的家庭政治暴力。

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引用次数: 0

“Go and Look in the Mirror and Make a Change, Mum”: Motherhood and Identity Change in Women’s Desistance in New Zealand “妈妈，去照照镜子，做出改变”:新西兰妇女反抗中的母性和身份变化

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2074613

Grace Low

Abstract This article is derived from the first New Zealand-based study to examine in detail the potential role of motherhood in women’s desistance. Narrative interviews were carried out with 13 mothers, predominantly Māori,1 with histories of incarceration. For one woman, becoming a mother for the first time was a clear turning point in her desistance. For most of the women, motherhood did not function as an initial turning point but was instrumental in facilitating desistance later in life. The article illuminates some of the socio-structural factors which can limit the potential for motherhood to positively influence the desistance process. It also examines the internal mechanisms by which motherhood inspired or cemented the women’s later desistance with a specific focus on the change-driving effects of critical self-reflection. Finally, this article suggests that, for mothers, the journey toward tertiary (relational) desistance requires their children to accept, or at least recognize, their changed identities.

摘要本文来源于新西兰的第一项研究，该研究详细探讨了母亲在女性意愿中的潜在作用。对13名母亲进行了叙述性访谈，其中主要是毛利人，1名有监禁史。对一位女性来说，第一次成为母亲是她放弃的一个明显转折点。对大多数女性来说，做母亲并不是一个最初的转折点，但有助于促进以后的生活。这篇文章阐明了一些社会结构因素，这些因素可以限制母亲积极影响退出过程的潜力。它还考察了母性激发或巩固女性后来放弃的内在机制，特别关注批判性自我反思的变革驱动效应。最后，这篇文章表明，对于母亲来说，走向第三（关系）意愿的旅程需要他们的孩子接受，或者至少承认他们改变的身份。

引用次数: 1

Children of Mothers in Jail: Where Do They Go? How Do Mothers Perceive Their Placements? 狱中母亲的孩子：他们去哪里？母亲如何感知她们的位置？

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2060897

S. Rose, Thomas P. Lebel

Abstract The perceptions of 145 incarcerated mothers of minor children in a large Midwestern jail were examined to understand the correlation between where their children are living during their incarceration and the mothers’ feelings about these placements and relationships with their children. Mothers were most satisfied if children lived with maternal grandparents, and least satisfied if children were in foster care. Women with higher scores for the relationship with close relatives, those having contact with their child(ren) while incarcerated, and mothers with no children in foster care reported feeling better about these placements. The findings highlight the importance of women maintaining contact with their children and their children’s caretakers while incarcerated.

摘要对中西部一所大型监狱中145名被监禁的未成年儿童母亲的看法进行了调查，以了解他们的孩子在监禁期间居住的地方与母亲对这些安置的感受以及与孩子的关系之间的相关性。如果孩子和外祖父母住在一起，母亲们最满意，如果孩子在寄养家庭，母亲们则最不满意。与近亲关系得分较高的女性、在监禁期间与孩子有过接触的女性以及在寄养中没有孩子的母亲报告说，她们对这些安置感觉更好。研究结果强调了女性在被监禁期间与孩子及其看护人保持联系的重要性。

引用次数: 0

Far-Right Violent Extremist Women: Threats and Security Considerations 极右翼暴力极端主义妇女:威胁和安全考虑

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-02-26 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2040696

Sarah Samuels, Ardian Shajkovci

Abstract Far-right violent extremism is the most pressing form of domestic violent extremism (DVE) facing the United States. While there is a consensus that far-right violent extremism poses a genuine risk to the United States, the relevance of women within far-right violent extremism remains understated and under-researched. The misinformed perceptions about women and their propensities for violence must be acknowledged and rectified to ensure a proper analysis of the state of far-right violent extremism in the United States. The far-right social media platform Gab has been utilized to explore underlying conceptions about women in far-right extremism as well as fill the gap in the perceptions about women’s roles in extremism and violent extremism that are currently held by practitioners. A stronger commitment to the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, a framework that reconceptualizes women within discourses about security, promises to rectify the widely held misconceptions about women’s involvement in far-right violent extremism. By reviewing the conceptual shortcomings of those tasked with protecting against far-right violent extremism, the larger goal of securing the United States and beyond can be realized.

摘要极右翼暴力极端主义是美国面临的最紧迫的国内暴力极端主义形式。尽管人们一致认为，极右翼暴力极端主义对美国构成了真正的风险，但女性在极右翼暴力极端分子中的相关性仍然被低估，研究不足。必须承认并纠正对妇女及其暴力倾向的错误认识，以确保对美国极右翼暴力极端主义的状况进行适当分析。极右翼社交媒体平台Gab被用来探索关于极右翼极端主义中女性的基本概念，并填补目前从业者对女性在极端主义和暴力极端主义中的角色的认知空白。对妇女、和平与安全议程的更有力承诺，有望纠正人们对妇女参与极右翼暴力极端主义的普遍误解。通过审查那些负责防范极右翼暴力极端主义的人在概念上的缺陷，可以实现保卫美国及其他国家安全的更大目标。

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引用次数: 1

Legal and Political Challenges of Gender Equality and Crimes Against Women in Turkey: The Question of Istanbul Convention 土耳其性别平等和对妇女犯罪的法律和政治挑战:伊斯坦布尔公约问题

IF 1 4区社会学 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY

Women & Criminal Justice

Pub Date : 2022-02-24 DOI: 10.1080/08974454.2022.2040695

A. Güneş, Çağlar Ezikoğlu

Abstract Although the AKP government has made much legal and political progress on women’s rights, such as becoming the first government to ratify the Istanbul Convention, crimes against women in Turkey have dramatically risen in the last two decades. This is a notable step forward on women’s rights, in particular on violence against women. However, this step backwards for women’s rights with Turkey’s withdrawal from the Convention on 1 July 2021. This paper argues to what extent the shift from Europeanization to de-Europeanization and liberalism to conservatism in Turkey after 2011 directly affects its withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. The first part of this paper analyses how the AKP government has taken many steps legally and politically on gender equality as part of Turkey’s Europeanization and EU accession process. The second part of this paper shows that, while many women’s rights organizations and society recognize that progress has been made, the AKP government’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention reveals Turkey’s transformation from liberalism to conservatism regarding women’s rights.

尽管正义与发展党(AKP)政府在妇女权利方面取得了许多法律和政治进展，例如成为第一个批准《伊斯坦布尔公约》的政府，但在过去20年里，针对妇女的犯罪在土耳其急剧上升。这是在妇女权利，特别是对妇女的暴力行为方面向前迈出的显著一步。然而，随着土耳其于2021年7月1日退出《公约》，这是妇女权利的倒退。本文论述了2011年后土耳其从欧洲化到去欧洲化、从自由主义到保守主义的转变在多大程度上直接影响了其退出《伊斯坦布尔公约》。本文的第一部分分析了正义与发展党政府如何在法律和政治上采取许多措施来促进性别平等，这是土耳其欧洲化和加入欧盟进程的一部分。本文的第二部分表明，虽然许多女权组织和社会承认已经取得了进展，但AKP政府退出伊斯坦布尔公约揭示了土耳其在女权方面从自由主义向保守主义的转变。

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