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Security cooperation in the Pacific Islands: architecture, complex, community, or something else? 太平洋岛屿的安全合作:架构、综合体、社区还是其他?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-16 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcac005
Joanne Wallis, Henrietta McNeill, James Batley, A. Powles
In the 2018 Boe Declaration, Pacific Islands Forum leaders recognized that the region is facing ‘an increasingly complex regional security environment’ and committed to ‘strengthening the existing regional security architecture’. Given uncertainty about the existence and nature of this architecture, we address the question: is there a security architecture in the region, or does security cooperation take a different shape? We find that security cooperation in the Pacific Islands does not constitute a security architecture, as there is no ‘overarching, coherent and comprehensive security structure for a geographically-defined area’. We also find that the region is neither a security complex nor a community, due to the extensive involvement of metropolitan powers and external partners. Instead, we argue that security cooperation in the Pacific Islands is best described as a patchwork of bilateral, minilateral, and multilateral, formal and informal agencies, agreements, and arrangements, across local, national, regional, and international levels
在2018年的《太平洋岛国论坛宣言》中,太平洋岛国论坛领导人认识到该地区正面临“日益复杂的地区安全环境”,并致力于“加强现有的地区安全架构”。鉴于这一架构的存在及其性质尚不确定,我们要探讨的问题是:本地区是否存在一个安全架构,还是安全合作的形式有所不同?我们发现,太平洋岛屿的安全合作不构成一个安全架构,因为没有“一个地理上确定的区域的总体、连贯和全面的安全结构”。我们还发现,由于大国和外部伙伴的广泛参与,该地区既不是一个安全综合体,也不是一个社区。相反,我们认为,太平洋岛屿的安全合作最好被描述为双边、多边、多边、正式和非正式机构、协议和安排的拼凑,跨越地方、国家、区域和国际层面
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引用次数: 2
Strategic psychology and the study of China’s whole-of-nation strategy 战略心理学与中国整体战略研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-02 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcac004
Y. Chung
This study explores conceptual variants underpinning the prolific threat of China’s global information operations, shedding light on the under-examined role of strategic psychology in China’s quest for global primacy. Ancient stratagems underlying the Chinese cultural identity and character are applied through a framework to provide clarifying insights into the motivations, intentions, and capacities of China’s pre- and nonkinetic actions. The aim is to identify the individual rationales and cognitive mechanisms that underlie the vast array of China’s national instruments short of war and provide an indigenous, localized perspective to fully understand China’s whole-of-nation strategy.
本研究探讨了支撑中国全球信息行动的大量威胁的概念变体,揭示了战略心理学在中国寻求全球主导地位中未被充分研究的作用。中国文化身份和特征背后的古代战略通过一个框架来应用,以提供对中国前动力和非动力行动的动机、意图和能力的澄清见解。其目的是确定中国大量国家工具(不包括战争)背后的个体原理和认知机制,并提供一个本土的、本地化的视角,以充分理解中国的整体国家战略。
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcac002
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引用次数: 2
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcac001
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcac003
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引用次数: 0
Middle power hedging in the era of security/economic disconnect: Australia, Japan, and the ‘Special Strategic Partnership’ 安全/经济脱节时代的中等大国对冲:澳大利亚、日本和“特殊战略伙伴关系”
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-19 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB023
T. Wilkins
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引用次数: 14
A critique of Chinese diplomatic modernization narratives: reinterpreting shifts in Qing foreign affairs institutions in the early 1860s from the Qing perspective 中国外交现代化叙事批判——从清代视角解读19世纪60年代初清外交体制的变迁
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab022
Kazumasa Hayamaru
Scholars have long read the shifts in late Qing China’s institutional framework for diplomatic interactions through a lens derived from the Western European diplomatic paradigm. However, such a methodology fails to accommodate the autochthonous perspective of the Qing bureaucrats who initiated these shifts in the first place. Drawing upon two case studies from the 1860s, the Zongli Yamen and the proposed Superintendent of Trade for the Yangzi, this article attempts to understand the motivations and priorities of the Qing in establishing new frameworks for diplomatic interactions in this period. The article argues that, for the Qing, it was not the establishment and the efficacy of these new institutions that was important. What mattered to them in this period was how these new institutions could eventually be abolished and an older, idealized form of practice reinstated in their place.
长期以来,学者们一直通过西欧外交范式的视角来解读晚清中国外交互动制度框架的变化。然而,这种方法论未能适应最初发起这些转变的清朝官僚的本土视角。通过19世纪60年代的两个案例研究,即宗理衙门和拟议中的长江通商督抚,本文试图了解清朝在这一时期建立外交互动新框架的动机和优先事项。文章认为,对清朝来说,重要的不是这些新机构的建立和效力。在这一时期,对他们来说重要的是,这些新制度最终如何被废除,一种更古老、更理想化的实践形式如何在它们的位置上恢复。
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引用次数: 1
Deep engagement and public opinion toward the United States: U.S. military presence and threat perceptions 对美国的深度接触和公众舆论:美国军事存在和威胁感知
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab018
Sou Shinomoto
Under what conditions are a country’s residents likely to express favorable or unfavorable attitudes toward the United States? I discuss this question using survey data from 38 countries, focusing on the possible impacts that the active approach by the United States toward security threats has on the psychology of countries’ residents. The results show that the larger the U.S. military presence in a country, the more likely that its residents are to express negative attitudes toward the United States. Meanwhile, citizens who feel threatened by specific types of global actors that the U.S. government actively confronts as security threats are less likely to express negative attitudes toward the United States, and particularly less likely to do so the larger the U.S. military presence in their country. These findings contribute significantly to understanding the shifts in the socio-political dynamics of regions such as the Asia-Pacific, where the United States has long implemented an active approach.
在什么条件下,一个国家的居民可能对美国表示赞成或不赞成的态度?我使用来自38个国家的调查数据来讨论这个问题,重点关注美国对安全威胁的积极态度对各国居民心理的可能影响。结果显示,美国在一个国家的军事存在越大,该国居民对美国的负面态度就越有可能。与此同时,受到美国政府作为安全威胁积极对抗的特定类型的全球行动者威胁的公民不太可能表达对美国的负面态度,特别是美国在本国的军事存在越大,他们就越不可能这样做。这些发现有助于理解亚太等地区的社会政治动态变化,而美国长期以来一直在这些地区采取积极措施。
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引用次数: 1
Hedging between the United States and China? South Korea’s ideology-driven behavior and its implications for national security 美国和中国之间的对冲?韩国意识形态驱动的行为及其对国家安全的影响
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-20 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab020
Min-hyung Kim
Given the limits of the prevailing hedging account for Seoul’s puzzling behavior that is in conformity with the interests of its adversary (i.e. North Korea) and potential threat (i.e. China) rather than those of its principal ally (i.e. the United States) and security cooperation partner (i.e. Japan), this article emphasizes the impact of the progressive ideology on Seoul’s security policy. In doing so, it calls for attention to a domestic source of ideology in explaining the security behaviors of a secondary state, which is under-researched and thus is poorly understood.
考虑到与主要盟友(如美国)和安全合作伙伴(如日本)的利益不一致,而与对手(如朝鲜)和潜在威胁(如中国)的利益相一致的令人困惑的韩国行为的现行对冲解释的局限性,本文强调了进步意识形态对韩国安全政策的影响。在这样做的过程中,它要求在解释二级国家的安全行为时注意意识形态的国内来源,这方面的研究不足,因此理解不足。
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引用次数: 4
China’s motives, influence and prospects in Pacific Island countries: views of Chinese scholars 中国在太平洋岛国的动机、影响和前景——中国学者的观点
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab019
Denghua Zhang
China’s rise in the Pacific has brought the region into the limelight, but research into the views of Chinese scholars of Pacific Studies is limited. Building on a survey and interviews of 39 Chinese scholars, this article analyses China’s motives, influence, and prospects in the Pacific. It finds out that Chinese scholars list China’s diplomatic strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, and economic interests as the three main causes of China’s Pacific diplomacy. The majority of these scholars rate the performance of China’s Pacific diplomacy as pass/average. Most Chinese scholars are cautiously optimistic about the Belt and Road Initiative in the Pacific, and they expect China to both compete and cooperate with traditional powers in the Pacific in the foreseeable future. Some of these scholars’ views on issues like the China–Taiwan diplomatic competition and the impact of Chinese aid on local corruption contradict the official Chinese line strikingly.
中国在太平洋地区的崛起使该地区成为人们关注的焦点,但对中国太平洋研究学者观点的研究却很有限。本文基于对39位中国学者的调查和访谈,分析了中国在太平洋地区的动机、影响和前景。研究发现,中国学者将中国外交战略、“一带一路”倡议和经济利益列为中国太平洋外交的三个主要原因。这些学者中的大多数对中国太平洋外交的表现评价为及格或一般。大多数中国学者对太平洋地区的“一带一路”倡议持谨慎乐观态度,他们预计在可预见的未来,中国将与太平洋地区的传统大国既竞争又合作。其中一些学者对大陆与台湾的外交竞争以及中国援助对当地腐败的影响等问题的看法与中国官方的立场大相径庭。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
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