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Corrigendum to: Conceptualizing equidistant diplomacy in international relations: the case of Singapore 国际关系中等距外交的概念:以新加坡为例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab016
A. Teo, K. Koga
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引用次数: 0
Asymmetrical Neighbors: Borderland State Building between China and Southeast Asia Enze Han 不对称邻居:中国与东南亚的边疆国家建设
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-13 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab007
Hiromoto Kaji
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引用次数: 0
Diaspora organizations, political settlements, and the migration-development nexus: the case of the Indonesian Diaspora Network 侨民组织、政治解决和移民与发展的关系:以印度尼西亚侨民网络为例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-12 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab017
A. Rosser
This article examines the Indonesian Diaspora Network (IDN), an organization that seeks to ‘facilitate’ and ‘empower’ Indonesia’s diaspora and enhance its contribution to the country’s development. IDN portrays itself as an expression of the collective will of a unified and coherent Indonesian diaspora that is working to promote development-for-all, while critics suggest it is the instrument of elite and professional elements within the diaspora pursuing narrower interests and agendas. By contrast, this article suggests that IDN is a political settlement between these and other elements within the diaspora, each of which has distinct interests and agendas with regard to Indonesia’s development. Its impact on Indonesia’s development is consequently much less clear-cut than existing analyses suggest while also being contingent on processes of political and social struggle. In theoretical terms, the article encourages an understanding of diaspora organizations in terms of political settlements analysis.
本文检视印尼侨民网络(Indonesian Diaspora Network, IDN),这个组织旨在“协助”与“赋权”印尼侨民,并提升他们对国家发展的贡献。IDN将自己描述为致力于促进全民发展的团结一致的印尼侨民的集体意愿的表达,而批评者则认为它是侨民中追求狭隘利益和议程的精英和专业人士的工具。相比之下,这篇文章表明,IDN是这些人和侨民中的其他因素之间的政治解决方案,每个因素都对印度尼西亚的发展有不同的利益和议程。因此,它对印度尼西亚发展的影响远不如现有分析所显示的那么明确,同时也取决于政治和社会斗争的进程。在理论方面,本文鼓励从政治解决分析的角度来理解侨民组织。
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引用次数: 1
Why is Japan shamed for whaling more than Norway? International Society and its barbaric others 为什么日本捕鲸比挪威更让人感到羞耻?国际社会和其他野蛮的组织
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-06 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab012
Michal Kolmaš
Although Norwegian and Japanese fishermen killed almost identical numbers of whales in the last two decades, they were subject to a largely uneven attention from the international community. While Japan was significantly shamed by all actors, the attention on Norwegian whalers was much smaller. Why is that? The article first conceptualizes the gaps in contemporary shaming literature and shows that whereas lots has been written on why and how states shame, much less has been written about why some actors are shamed more and some less. To remedy that, it then adopts post-structural theoretical position and the methodology of discourse analysis to deconstruct anti-whaling campaigns against Japan and Norway. The analysis shows that whereas Japanese culture was often depicted as cruel and barbarous, and its science as faulty and illegitimate, Norway was largely spared of this discourse. I argue that this difference can be ascribed to differing identities between the Euro-American anti-whaling camp and Japan.
尽管在过去20年里,挪威和日本渔民捕杀的鲸鱼数量几乎相同,但国际社会对它们的关注却大相径庭。虽然日本受到所有参与者的极大羞辱,但对挪威捕鲸船的关注要小得多。为什么呢?这篇文章首先对当代羞辱文学中的差距进行了概念化,并表明尽管有很多关于国家为什么以及如何羞辱的文章,但关于为什么一些演员受到更多羞辱而另一些人受到更少羞辱的文章却少得多。为了弥补这一点,本文采用后结构理论立场和话语分析的方法解构了针对日本和挪威的反捕鲸运动。分析表明,尽管日本文化经常被描述为残酷和野蛮,其科学是错误的和非法的,但挪威在很大程度上幸免于这种论述。我认为,这种差异可以归因于欧美反捕鲸阵营和日本的不同认同。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond India and China: Bhutan as a Small State in International Relations 超越印度和中国:国际关系中的小国不丹
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB010
N. Kaul
This article makes a novel contribution to the literature on Bhutan’s International Relations (IR) by shifting the focus away from an exclusively India–China framing. First, it points out how small states are increasingly salient but under-studied in IR and how non-European non-island states like Bhutan are even more so, and why we gain by addressing this. Second, it shows how the conventional study of Bhutan has solely focused on its friendship with India and the threat to it/this from China, and why it is important that these conventional narratives be critically examined. In doing so, we perceive the endogenous drivers of Bhutan’s foreign policies, for instance via Bhutan’s stance on the Doklam issue. Third, going beyond the three typical determinants (economic factors, bilateral relations with India, and threats from China), the article provides two additional axes of understanding Bhutan’s foreign policies – bridging of attributional distances and learning from experience.
这篇文章对不丹国际关系(IR)的文献做出了新颖的贡献,将焦点从印度-中国的框架中转移出来。首先,它指出小国如何在国际关系中日益突出但研究不足,以及像不丹这样的非欧洲非岛屿国家如何更加突出,以及为什么我们通过解决这个问题而获益。其次,它显示了不丹的传统研究如何仅仅关注它与印度的友谊以及来自中国对它的威胁,以及为什么对这些传统叙述进行批判性审查是很重要的。在此过程中,我们看到了不丹外交政策的内生驱动因素,例如不丹在洞朗问题上的立场。第三,除了三个典型的决定因素(经济因素、与印度的双边关系和来自中国的威胁)之外,本文还提供了理解不丹外交政策的两个额外轴——弥合归因距离和从经验中学习。
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引用次数: 3
The EU in Southeast Asian Security: The Role of External Perceptions (Routledge Studies in European), Ronja Scheler 欧盟在东南亚安全中的作用:外部认知(欧洲劳特利奇研究),Ronja Scheler
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-12 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB005
Sanae Suzuki
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引用次数: 0
Overcoming Isolationism: Japan’s Leadership in East Asian Multilateralism Paul Midford 克服孤立主义:日本在东亚多边主义中的领导作用保罗·米德福德
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-12 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB006
Takeshi Yuzawa
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引用次数: 0
Orchestration: China’s Economic Statecraft Across Asia and Europe James Reilly 《协调:中国在亚洲和欧洲的经济治国方略》詹姆斯·赖利著
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-11 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB008
Steven Jackson
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引用次数: 7
International Relations of East Asia: Structures, Institutions and International Order 东亚国际关系:结构、制度与国际秩序
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-23 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAA015
D. Arase
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引用次数: 0
The Chinese government’s management of anti-Japan nationalism during Hu-Wen era 胡温时期中国政府对反日民族主义的管理
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB002
Oana Burcu
China and Japan continue to partly live in the shadow of World War II (WWII) with recurrent expressions of anti-Japanese nationalism in China periodically ebbing bilateral relations. How does the Chinese government manage anti-Japan public manifestations of nationalism and what factors explain it? The government has to walk a fine line by managing the nationalism it has bred without undermining its own rule and considering elite divisions, heightened public nationalism, and the developments in its external environment. Six case studies from the Hu-Wen era provide a comprehensive understanding of what pertains to Chinese nationalism, the means used to express it, and more importantly the way the government chose to tackle them. While nationalism can be a mean of garnering legitimacy and exercising pressure on Japan to bend to its wishes, the Chinese government is embarked on the sinuous task of preventing an escalation beyond its control at both the domestic and international levels.
中国和日本继续在一定程度上生活在第二次世界大战(二战)的阴影下,中国反复出现的反日民族主义情绪导致双边关系周期性恶化。中国政府是如何处理反日民族主义的公开表现的?原因是什么?政府必须在不破坏自身统治、考虑精英阶层分化、公众民族主义加剧和外部环境发展的情况下,管理好自己培育出来的民族主义。胡温时代的六个案例研究提供了一个关于什么是中国民族主义的全面理解,用来表达它的手段,更重要的是政府选择解决它们的方式。虽然民族主义可以成为获得合法性和向日本施压、迫使其屈服的一种手段,但中国政府正着手在国内和国际层面防止事态在其控制范围之外升级的复杂任务。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
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