Since the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, East Asia has gone from having virtually no regional financial cooperation to having multiple cooperative arrangements. This article focuses on the issue area of emergency liquidity provision, where global (International Monetary Fund), regional (Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization), and bilateral arrangements co-exist and overlap in complicated ways, forming a regime complex. While the overall system offers more options and greater funding than were available in 1997, it also raises questions about how those levels will operate in a crisis. This article shows how national preferences of likely creditor and likely borrower countries have interacted to create the current regime complex, as well as the political compromises and remaining uncertainties about how they will work together. It argues that the evolution and current shape of the regime complex have been driven by the efforts of key states to take advantage of or thwart power asymmetries.
{"title":"Financial cooperation in the Asia-Pacific as regime complex: explaining patterns of coverage, membership, and rules","authors":"William W Grimes, Yaechan Lee, William Kring","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad015","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, East Asia has gone from having virtually no regional financial cooperation to having multiple cooperative arrangements. This article focuses on the issue area of emergency liquidity provision, where global (International Monetary Fund), regional (Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization), and bilateral arrangements co-exist and overlap in complicated ways, forming a regime complex. While the overall system offers more options and greater funding than were available in 1997, it also raises questions about how those levels will operate in a crisis. This article shows how national preferences of likely creditor and likely borrower countries have interacted to create the current regime complex, as well as the political compromises and remaining uncertainties about how they will work together. It argues that the evolution and current shape of the regime complex have been driven by the efforts of key states to take advantage of or thwart power asymmetries.","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"14 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139272969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article explores the role of China’s ideational and discursive power in shaping the interest perceptions of target states and in determining the formation of a new institution. Using the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) as a case study, this article illustrates how China framed the idea of institutionalization, and how such idea was proposed, articulated, deliberated, and accepted in the interactions with partner countries. Relying on a collection and coding of over 700 Chinese official texts on the LMC and extensive interviews, we analyze how the Chinese authorities have used ideas and discourses to garner support from states in the Mekong region for the establishment of the institution. This article demonstrates that China’s ideational and discursive power helps generate three outcomes: preference denying, preference cultivating, and preference empowering. Such Chinese power has helped align Mekong countries’ interest perceptions with China’s expectations in three ways: transforming water security into developmental issues, accepting Chinese proposals through tactical persuasion, and constraining alternative policies.
{"title":"Taking ideas and words seriously: explaining the institutionalization of the Lancang-Mekong cooperation","authors":"Xue Gong, Mingjiang Li","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the role of China’s ideational and discursive power in shaping the interest perceptions of target states and in determining the formation of a new institution. Using the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) as a case study, this article illustrates how China framed the idea of institutionalization, and how such idea was proposed, articulated, deliberated, and accepted in the interactions with partner countries. Relying on a collection and coding of over 700 Chinese official texts on the LMC and extensive interviews, we analyze how the Chinese authorities have used ideas and discourses to garner support from states in the Mekong region for the establishment of the institution. This article demonstrates that China’s ideational and discursive power helps generate three outcomes: preference denying, preference cultivating, and preference empowering. Such Chinese power has helped align Mekong countries’ interest perceptions with China’s expectations in three ways: transforming water security into developmental issues, accepting Chinese proposals through tactical persuasion, and constraining alternative policies.","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136294185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Journal Article Practicing Peace: Conflict Management in Southeast Asia and South America Get access Aarie Glas, Oxford University Press, New York, 2022, ISBN: 9780197633229, 256 pages, $55 Kimikazu Shigemasa Kimikazu Shigemasa Kwansei Gakuin University, Japan Email: shigemasa@kwansei.ac.jp Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, lcad011, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad011 Published: 06 October 2023
{"title":"Practicing Peace: Conflict Management in Southeast Asia and South America","authors":"Kimikazu Shigemasa","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad011","url":null,"abstract":"Journal Article Practicing Peace: Conflict Management in Southeast Asia and South America Get access Aarie Glas, Oxford University Press, New York, 2022, ISBN: 9780197633229, 256 pages, $55 Kimikazu Shigemasa Kimikazu Shigemasa Kwansei Gakuin University, Japan Email: shigemasa@kwansei.ac.jp Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, lcad011, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad011 Published: 06 October 2023","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135303808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Since coming to power in 2016, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has pledged to safeguard Taiwan’s sovereignty amidst Beijing’s aggressive imposition of the one-China principle. This article assesses the impact of the DPP’s recognition for survival strategy which involves using free trade agreements (FTAs) to boost Taiwan’s legal standing and recognition in the international community. The strategy entails a two-pronged plan: retaining Taiwan’s status as a vital regional economic player to ultimately advance its de jure sovereignty via regional FTAs. Drawing on Taiwan’s past FTA experiences, we analyze the possible outcomes of the government’s application to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the likely consequences of these outcomes on the country’s sovereign claims and status. We argue that while the DPP’s strategy plays a crucial role in renegotiating Taiwan’s political self as an unrecognized state, failure to mitigate the negative externalities of the one-China principle while negotiating and implementing the CPTPP will further undermine the country’s facto sovereignty.
{"title":"The CPTPP, cross-strait tensions, and Taiwan’s <i>recognition for survival strategy</i> under the democratic progressive party","authors":"Tian He, Michael Magcamit","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since coming to power in 2016, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has pledged to safeguard Taiwan’s sovereignty amidst Beijing’s aggressive imposition of the one-China principle. This article assesses the impact of the DPP’s recognition for survival strategy which involves using free trade agreements (FTAs) to boost Taiwan’s legal standing and recognition in the international community. The strategy entails a two-pronged plan: retaining Taiwan’s status as a vital regional economic player to ultimately advance its de jure sovereignty via regional FTAs. Drawing on Taiwan’s past FTA experiences, we analyze the possible outcomes of the government’s application to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the likely consequences of these outcomes on the country’s sovereign claims and status. We argue that while the DPP’s strategy plays a crucial role in renegotiating Taiwan’s political self as an unrecognized state, failure to mitigate the negative externalities of the one-China principle while negotiating and implementing the CPTPP will further undermine the country’s facto sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135770014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article explains migration governance in East and Southeast Asia by comparing guestworker programs that have institutionalized labor migration flows between Southeast Asian countries (especially Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam) and the two largest Northeast Asian recipients of labor migration, Japan and South Korea. It demonstrates how these programs have led to heightened competition for skilled labor between countries of destination, while facilitating greater migration flows between countries in Southeast and Northeast Asia. Bilateral economic agreements have engendered highly uneven, underdeveloped frameworks for protecting migrant rights and facilitating migrant integration in countries of destination. The analysis also provides insights into theories of complex interdependence and global migration governance, and shows how migration interdependence (MI) can lead to both cooperation and conflict.
{"title":"Migration governance in East and Southeast Asia","authors":"Erin Chung, James F Hollifield, Yunchen Tian","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explains migration governance in East and Southeast Asia by comparing guestworker programs that have institutionalized labor migration flows between Southeast Asian countries (especially Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam) and the two largest Northeast Asian recipients of labor migration, Japan and South Korea. It demonstrates how these programs have led to heightened competition for skilled labor between countries of destination, while facilitating greater migration flows between countries in Southeast and Northeast Asia. Bilateral economic agreements have engendered highly uneven, underdeveloped frameworks for protecting migrant rights and facilitating migrant integration in countries of destination. The analysis also provides insights into theories of complex interdependence and global migration governance, and shows how migration interdependence (MI) can lead to both cooperation and conflict.","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135394213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Japan’s defense cooperation agreements (DCAs) have been proliferating in recent years. Despite Japan’s harsh security environment, rather than expanding formal military alliances beyond its sole US ally, DCAs have emerged as a crucial instrument deployed by Japan to strengthen bilateral and minilateral defense relations with various partners. How do we make sense of Japan’s growing activism in forging DCAs? Yet, there does not currently exist a framework to systematically evaluate these DCAs, nor is there a detailed assessment of the utility of these DCAs in transforming Japan’s partnerships with like-minded states. This article proposes an analytical matrix derived from several key performance indicators and applies it to evaluate how Japan’s use of DCAs has transformed its defense relationships with two key strategic partners, Australia and the UK.
{"title":"Evaluating Japan’s defense cooperation agreements and their transformative potential: upgrading strategic partnerships with Australia and the UK","authors":"Nanae Baldauff, Yee-Kuang Heng","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Japan’s defense cooperation agreements (DCAs) have been proliferating in recent years. Despite Japan’s harsh security environment, rather than expanding formal military alliances beyond its sole US ally, DCAs have emerged as a crucial instrument deployed by Japan to strengthen bilateral and minilateral defense relations with various partners. How do we make sense of Japan’s growing activism in forging DCAs? Yet, there does not currently exist a framework to systematically evaluate these DCAs, nor is there a detailed assessment of the utility of these DCAs in transforming Japan’s partnerships with like-minded states. This article proposes an analytical matrix derived from several key performance indicators and applies it to evaluate how Japan’s use of DCAs has transformed its defense relationships with two key strategic partners, Australia and the UK.","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135394668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Global Policymaking: The Patchwork of Global Governance","authors":"Azusa Uji","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48248875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Journal Article Ideology and mass killing: the radicalized security politics of genocides and deadly atrocities Get access Jonathan Leader Maynard, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022, ISBN: 978-0-1987-7679-6, £90.00, 400pp. Hisashi Shigematsu Hisashi Shigematsu The Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, Japan Email: hisashishigematsu@gmail.com Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, lcad007, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad007 Published: 06 June 2023 Article history Accepted: 25 May 2023 Published: 06 June 2023
期刊文章《意识形态和大规模杀戮:种族灭绝和致命暴行的激进安全政治》获取乔纳森·里德·梅纳德，牛津:牛津大学出版社，2022,ISBN: 978-0-1987-7679-6, 90.00英镑，400页。Shigematsu Shigematsu Hisashi Shigematsu日本科学促进协会，日本电子邮件:hisashishigematsu@gmail.com查找作者的其他作品，网址:Oxford Academic b谷歌Scholar International Relations of Asia-Pacific, lcad007, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad007出版日期:2023年6月6日文章历史接受日期:2023年5月25日出版日期:2023年6月6日
{"title":"Ideology and mass killing: the radicalized security politics of genocides and deadly atrocities","authors":"Hisashi Shigematsu","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad007","url":null,"abstract":"Journal Article Ideology and mass killing: the radicalized security politics of genocides and deadly atrocities Get access Jonathan Leader Maynard, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022, ISBN: 978-0-1987-7679-6, £90.00, 400pp. Hisashi Shigematsu Hisashi Shigematsu The Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, Japan Email: hisashishigematsu@gmail.com Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, lcad007, https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad007 Published: 06 June 2023 Article history Accepted: 25 May 2023 Published: 06 June 2023","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135601618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Why has the United States delegated most of its crisis lending to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in recent years, although it provided large-scale bilateral bailouts to strategically important countries until the mid-1990s? Previous research on the choice of bailout strategy has failed to explain this important change, and a major problem with such research is that it has focused on executive branch preferences, overlooking those of the legislative branch. The legislature can significantly influence the choice of bailout policies, and existing research also implies that the US Congress has steered the recent change. This article hypothesizes that, caught in a dilemma between the need for bailouts and voters’ opposition caused by widening inequality, Congress delegated bailouts to the IMF for blame avoidance. To test this hypothesis, the study conducts a statistical analysis of the IMF’s capital increase votes and case analyses of the Mexican and Asian crises.
{"title":"Why delegate to the IMF? Congressional preference and blame avoidance","authors":"Masafumi Fujita","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Why has the United States delegated most of its crisis lending to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in recent years, although it provided large-scale bilateral bailouts to strategically important countries until the mid-1990s? Previous research on the choice of bailout strategy has failed to explain this important change, and a major problem with such research is that it has focused on executive branch preferences, overlooking those of the legislative branch. The legislature can significantly influence the choice of bailout policies, and existing research also implies that the US Congress has steered the recent change. This article hypothesizes that, caught in a dilemma between the need for bailouts and voters’ opposition caused by widening inequality, Congress delegated bailouts to the IMF for blame avoidance. To test this hypothesis, the study conducts a statistical analysis of the IMF’s capital increase votes and case analyses of the Mexican and Asian crises.","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48370358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Nexus of Naval Modernization in India and China: Strategic Rivalry and the Evolution of Maritime Power (Oxford International Relations in South Asia)","authors":"Tomoko Kiyota","doi":"10.1093/irap/lcad005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcad005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51799,"journal":{"name":"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48746157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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