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International Relations of the Asia-Pacific最新文献

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OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab015
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab011
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引用次数: 1
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab009
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引用次数: 2
‘Chinese’ hegemony from a Koreanshiperspective: aretocracy in the early modern East Asia 韩朝视角下的“中国”霸权——近代东亚早期的军事统治
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa019
Inho Choi
The study of pre-modern Chinese hegemony is crucial for both theorizing hegemony and envisioning a new global order. I argue the pre-modern Chinese hegemony was a reciprocal rule of virtue, or aretocracy, driven by the transnational sociocultural elites shi. In contrast to the prevailing models of Chinese hegemony, the Early Modern East Asia was not dominated by the unilateral normative influence of the Chinese state. The Chinese and non-Chinese shi as non-statist sociocultural elites co-produced, through their shared civilizational heritage, a hegemonic order in which they had to show excellence in civil virtues to wield legitimate authority. In particular, the Ming and Chosŏn shi developed a tradition of envoy poetry exchanges as a medium for co-constructing Chinese hegemony as aretocracy. The remarkable role of excellent ethos for world order making in Early Modern East Asia compels us to re-imagine how we conduct our global governance.
对前现代中国霸权的研究,对于霸权理论化和全球新秩序的构想都具有重要意义。我认为,前现代中国的霸权是一种由跨国社会文化精英施推动的美德互惠规则。与当时盛行的中国霸权模式相反,近代早期的东亚并没有受到中国国家单方面规范性影响的支配。中国人和非中国人作为非国家主义的社会文化精英,通过他们共同的文明遗产,共同创造了一种霸权秩序,在这种秩序中,他们必须表现出卓越的公民美德才能行使合法的权威。特别是,明和周氏发展了使者诗歌交流的传统,作为共同构建中国霸权的媒介。优秀的精神气质在早期现代东亚的世界秩序建设中所起的显著作用迫使我们重新想象我们如何进行全球治理。
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引用次数: 0
Japan’s Relations with Muslim Asia 日本与亚洲穆斯林的关系
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa022
H. Envall
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引用次数: 0
Japan’s environmental diplomacy and the future of Asia-Pacific environmental cooperation 日本环境外交与亚太环境合作的未来
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-06 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa020
I. Sakaguchi, A. Ishii, Y. Sanada, Yasuko Kameyama, A. Okubo, K. Mori
Asia-Pacific lacks an environmental leader. Japan, a forerunner of environmental regulation in the 1970s, started to engage in active environmental diplomacy in the post-Cold War era by hosting conferences of parties to multilateral environmental agreements such as the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) as well as providing a massive amount of environmental aid. Then, in the 2000s, Japan’s initiatives became substantially weakened and have gained a negative international reputation as the country took a considerably passive position to the Paris Agreement, filed many reservations to the CITES listing decisions, and withdrew from the International Whaling Commission. This article explores, through six brief case studies, the factors and structures that systemically impede Japan’s environmental leadership and norm internalization. It highlights the constraining factors behind Japan’s devolution including its closed bureaucratic system and the lack of positive engagement of Japanese scientists. Finally, it addresses the future prospects of environmental cooperation in the Asia-Pacific.
亚太地区缺乏一位环保领袖。上世纪70年代率先实行环境规制的日本,在后冷战时代开始积极开展环境外交,主办了《濒危野生动植物种国际贸易公约》(CITES)、《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)等多边环境协定的缔约方会议,并提供了大量的环境援助。然后,在21世纪初,日本的倡议被大大削弱,并获得了负面的国际声誉,因为该国对《巴黎协定》采取了相当被动的立场,对CITES的列入决定提出了许多保留意见,并退出了国际捕鲸委员会。本文通过六个简短的案例研究,探讨了系统地阻碍日本环境领导和规范内部化的因素和结构。它突出了日本权力下放背后的制约因素,包括其封闭的官僚体系和缺乏日本科学家的积极参与。最后,展望亚太地区环境合作的未来前景。
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引用次数: 4
Introduction: competition and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region 引言:亚太地区的竞争与合作
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-12-03 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa021
Keisuke Iida
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引用次数: 0
China’s grand strategy and Myanmar’s peace process 中国的大战略与缅甸和平进程
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-10-25 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa012
Chiraag Roy
Despite growing interest in China, scholars continue to grapple with its reemergence as a major power, offering gloomy predictions of a fraught geopolitical landscape. More recent analyses, however, stemming from constructivist thinking, explore the relevance of China’s history, geography, and culture in shaping its foreign policy. Encapsulated in the grand strategy concept, this perspective highlights China’s long-standing preoccupation with its periphery and emphasis on peace. Problematically, current scholarship offers little insight as to whether periphery countries also share this benign view of China. Aimed at addressing this gap, this article explores China’s role in Myanmar’s peace process, using ‘grand strategy’ to analyze over 50 interviews with diverse stakeholders in Myanmar. Based on the data, this article finds that China’s support for Myanmar is perceived to be economically driven, often at the expense of peace, implying that the historically inclined perspective of grand strategy requires rethinking.
尽管人们对中国越来越感兴趣,但学者们仍在努力应对中国作为一个大国的重新崛起,对令人担忧的地缘政治前景做出了悲观的预测。然而,最近的分析源于建构主义思维,探讨了中国历史、地理和文化在制定外交政策中的相关性。这一观点包含在大战略概念中,突显了中国长期以来对周边地区的关注和对和平的重视。有问题的是,目前的学术界对周边国家是否也认同这种对中国的善意看法几乎没有什么见解。为了解决这一差距,本文探讨了中国在缅甸和平进程中的作用,使用“大战略”分析了对缅甸不同利益攸关方的50多次采访。基于这些数据,本文发现,中国对缅甸的支持被认为是经济驱动的,往往是以牺牲和平为代价的,这意味着历史倾向的大战略视角需要重新思考。
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引用次数: 4
How states react to the international regime complexities on migration: a study of cases in South East Asia and beyond 各国如何应对国际移民制度的复杂性:对东南亚及其他地区案例的研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-10-23 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa013
Midori Okabe
This article provides a holistic analysis of the ‘migration regime complex’ in Asia, which is distinguished from other regions of the world in the absence of a refugee protection regime. The ‘refugee regime complexity’ argument (Betts) fails to take into consideration the deviant behaviors of Asian states that have been excluded from the core institution building. The immigration control policies of Asian countries reflect their respective strategies that seek to take advantage of the economic opportunities provided by the international environment within the domestic sociopolitical constraints. The case studies show that Asian states while rejecting the UN-led refugee regime, tolerate irregular migration not only to protect their vital interest in economic development but also to maintain political stability at both national and regional levels.
这篇文章对亚洲的“移民制度复合体”进行了全面分析,在没有难民保护制度的情况下,亚洲有别于世界其他地区。“难民制度复杂性”论点(Betts)没有考虑到被排除在核心制度建设之外的亚洲国家的越轨行为。亚洲国家的移民管制政策反映了它们各自的战略,即在国内社会政治制约下,寻求利用国际环境提供的经济机会。案例研究表明,亚洲国家在拒绝联合国领导的难民制度的同时,容忍非正常移民,不仅是为了保护其在经济发展中的重要利益,也是为了维护国家和地区层面的政治稳定。
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引用次数: 1
Great power rivalry and the agency of secondary states: a study based on China’s relations with Southeast Asian countries 大国竞争与次级国家的代理——基于中国与东南亚国家关系的研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-10-22 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAA018
Wenyuan Zha
In recent years, many observers perceive ascendant Chinese influence in Southeast Asia. Existing research attributes China’s recent advances in the region to Beijing’s successful implementation of a dual strategy of coercion and inducement or Washington’s lack of commitments to the region. In a departure from the literature, this article emphasizes the agency of Southeast Asian states. It argues that great power competition empowers the secondary states by reducing their vulnerability, increasing available resources, and lending credibility to their threat of exists. As a result, domestic agenda plays a predominant role in determining a secondary state’s foreign policy orientation. To illustrate this proposition, the changing dynamics of China’s relations with Myanmar and the Philippines are examined closely. This article demonstrates that although the two states had realigned away from China since 2010–11, new agendas that emerged from their domestic politics in late 2016 tipped the balance in favor of China.
近年来,许多观察家认为中国在东南亚的影响力正在上升。现有的研究将中国最近在该地区的进步归因于北京成功实施了胁迫和诱导的双重战略,或者华盛顿缺乏对该地区的承诺。与文献不同,本文强调东南亚国家的代理作用。它认为,大国竞争通过减少次要国家的脆弱性、增加可用资源和增强其存在威胁的可信度,赋予它们权力。因此,国内议程在决定一个次要国家的外交政策取向方面起着主导作用。为了说明这一命题,本文仔细研究了中国与缅甸和菲律宾关系的变化动态。本文表明,尽管自2010-11年以来,这两个国家已经重新结盟,远离中国,但2016年底,两国国内政治出现的新议程打破了有利于中国的平衡。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
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