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International Relations of the Asia-Pacific最新文献

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China’s Challenges and International Order Transition: Beyond the “Thucydides’s Trap” Huiyun Feng and Kai He eds 中国的挑战与国际秩序转型:超越“修昔底德陷阱”冯慧云、何凯主编
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB001
T. Wilkins
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引用次数: 1
Clash of Powers: US–China Rivalry in Global Trade Governance Kristen Hopewell 权力的冲突:美中在全球贸易治理中的竞争
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB004
J. Rae
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引用次数: 1
Hedging and grand strategy in Southeast Asian foreign policy 对冲与东南亚外交政策的大战略
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAB003
D. Jones, Nicole Jenne
This article examines recent interest in hedging as a feature of international politics in the Asia Pacific. Focusing on the small states of Southeast Asia, we argue that dominant understandings of hedging are misguided for two reasons. Despite significant advances in the literature, hedging has remained a vague concept rendering it a residual category of foreign policy behavior. Moreover, current accounts of hedging tend to overstate the strategic intentions of ostensible hedgers. This article proposes that a better understanding of Southeast Asia’s foreign policy behavior needs to dissociate hedging from neorealist concepts of international politics. Instead, we locate the concept in the context of classical realism and the diplomatic practice of second-tier states. Exploring Southeast Asia’s engagement with more powerful actors from this perspective reveals the strategic limitations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the dilemma that Southeast Asian states face from a rising China challenging the status quo in the western Pacific.
本文考察了最近对对冲作为亚太地区国际政治特征的兴趣。关注东南亚小国,我们认为对对冲的主流理解是错误的,原因有两个。尽管在文献上取得了重大进展,但对冲仍然是一个模糊的概念,使其成为外交政策行为的残余类别。此外,对冲的经常账户往往夸大了表面上的对冲者的战略意图。本文提出,要更好地理解东南亚的外交政策行为,需要将对冲与新现实主义的国际政治概念分离开来。相反,我们将这一概念置于古典现实主义和二线国家外交实践的背景下。从这一角度探讨东南亚与更强大的参与者的接触,揭示了东南亚国家联盟的战略局限性,以及东南亚国家面临的中国崛起挑战西太平洋现状的困境。
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引用次数: 21
Development and strategic competition in Asia: toward polarization? 亚洲的发展与战略竞争:走向两极分化?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAA016
Ken Masujima
The prioritization of economic development, considered as a key in understanding the co-existence of heightened security situations and growing economic interdependence in Asia, should be considered as a political strategy among many chosen by political elites in their own political context rather than a consensus implying general acquiescence to the idea. The recent competition between the Belt and Road Initiative by China and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific by the United States, Japan, Australia, and India confirms and reinforces the tendency toward the mobilization of development policy for increasingly strategic purposes in the context of rising tension between the United States and China. At the same time, there is some cooperative element in prioritizing development in Asia.
经济发展的优先次序被认为是理解亚洲安全局势加剧和经济相互依存日益加剧共存的关键,应该被视为政治精英在自己的政治背景下选择的一种政治战略,而不是意味着普遍默许这一想法的共识。最近,中国提出的“一带一路”倡议与美国、日本、澳大利亚和印度提出的自由开放的印度洋太平洋之间的竞争,证实并强化了在美中紧张局势加剧的背景下,为越来越具有战略目的而调动发展政策的趋势。与此同时,在优先考虑亚洲发展方面也有一些合作因素。
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引用次数: 2
How has ASEAN+3 financial cooperation affected global financial governance? 东盟+3金融合作如何影响全球金融治理?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcaa017
William Kring, W. Grimes
In the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis, East Asia’s efforts to enhance regional financial cooperation raised the possibility of East Asia playing a more assertive role in global financial governance. However, despite the region’s increased voice in governance and economic weight, East Asian financial systems and markets have mostly adapted to global norms developed in New York, London, and Washington, DC. We argue that the failure of East Asia to push an alternative vision of financial governance reflects both the lack of regional political unity and, more crucially, the divisions of interests both between and within key East Asian economies. Despite nearly universal regional dissatisfaction with global standards and institutions in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis, these two factors have combined to prevent the development of a distinctive regional model that could be promoted at the global level.
亚洲金融危机后,东亚加强区域金融合作,为东亚在全球金融治理中发挥更大作用提供了可能。然而,尽管该地区在治理和经济影响力方面的话语权不断增强,但东亚金融体系和市场基本上已经适应了纽约、伦敦和华盛顿特区制定的全球规范。我们认为,东亚未能推动另一种金融治理愿景,既反映了区域政治团结的缺乏,更重要的是,也反映了东亚主要经济体之间和内部的利益分歧。尽管在亚洲金融危机之后,该地区几乎普遍对全球标准和制度感到不满,但这两个因素加在一起,阻碍了可以在全球层面推广的独特区域模式的发展。
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引用次数: 2
Erratum to: Japan Rearmed: The Politics of Military Power 《重新武装的日本:军事力量的政治》的勘误
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAA006
Andrew L. Oros
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引用次数: 0
The ‘ASEANization’ of non-ASEAN stakeholders in regional climate change cooperation 非东盟利益相关者在区域气候变化合作中的“东盟化”
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-08 DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/LCAA023
Guangyu Qiao-Franco
This article examines the inward–out influence from Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) to extra-regionally based actors, here defined as non-ASEAN stakeholders, in regional cooperation on climate change. The case study on the ASEAN Multi-Sectoral Framework on Climate Change (AFCC) indicates that non-ASEAN stakeholders underwent ‘ASEANization’ when adapting their rhetoric and practices in line with regional normative contexts and interests. In the forestry sector of AFCC where power asymmetry favored non-ASEAN actors, a relatively low level of ASEANization occurred as non-ASEAN stakeholders glossed over complex issues and constructed coherence between local and outside agendas. In the agricultural sector where power asymmetry was not as prevalent, a higher level of ASEANization unfolded where non-ASEAN stakeholders became more flexible on mitigation agendas, given strong regional resistance to go beyond adaptation. Moreover, inward–out influence existed in both sectors as long-term socialization led to coordination and adjustments of expectations and practices concerning cooperation efforts on both sides.
本文考察了东南亚国家联盟(东盟)在气候变化区域合作中对区域外行为者(此处定义为非东盟利益相关者)的内外影响。关于东盟气候变化多部门框架的案例研究表明,非东盟利益攸关方在根据区域规范背景和利益调整其言论和做法时,经历了“东盟化”。在AFCC的林业部门,权力不对称有利于非东盟行为者,由于非东盟利益相关者掩盖了复杂的问题,并在地方和外部议程之间建立了一致性,东盟化程度相对较低。在权力不对称不那么普遍的农业部门,非东盟利益攸关方在缓解议程上变得更加灵活,这体现了更高水平的东盟化,因为区域对超越适应的强烈抵制。此外,由于长期的社会化导致了双方对合作努力的期望和实践的协调和调整,这两个部门都存在内外影响。
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab021
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引用次数: 3
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab014
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/irap/lcab013
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引用次数: 0
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