Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820052
D. Ussishkin
The stratigraphy and chronology of the Iron Age gates at Megiddo, particularly the so-called ‘Solomonic’, six-chambered Gate 2156, have been the subject of a long scholarly debate. In a recent issue of Tel Aviv, Finkelstein et al. (2019) described the results of their recent soundings in the area of these gates and suggested a new interpretation of their history. The present paper argues that—contrary to the conclusions of Finkelstein et al.—the stratigraphy and history of this gatehouse should be understood as suggested at the time by the University of Chicago excavators.
{"title":"The ‘Solomonic’, Six-chambered Gate 2156 at Megiddo Once Again","authors":"D. Ussishkin","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820052","url":null,"abstract":"The stratigraphy and chronology of the Iron Age gates at Megiddo, particularly the so-called ‘Solomonic’, six-chambered Gate 2156, have been the subject of a long scholarly debate. In a recent issue of Tel Aviv, Finkelstein et al. (2019) described the results of their recent soundings in the area of these gates and suggested a new interpretation of their history. The present paper argues that—contrary to the conclusions of Finkelstein et al.—the stratigraphy and history of this gatehouse should be understood as suggested at the time by the University of Chicago excavators.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"246 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820052","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42390848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820040
Vanessa Workman, A. Maeir, A. Dagan, Johanna Regev, E. Boaretto, Adi Eliyahu-Behar
An iron and bronze workshop in the lower city of Tell es-Safi/Gath, dated to the mid-late Iron IIA, contributes new data on the chronology, organization, and practice of metal production in the urban Philistine setting. Analyses show that iron objects were likely produced and maintained on a large scale, alongside bronze, employing regionally unique forms of crucibles and tuyères. The material culture of metalworking is discussed in relation to contemporaneous iron production sites in the region, building a more robust picture of the adoption of iron metallurgy in the Levant versus the status of bronze and iron.
{"title":"An Iron IIA Iron and Bronze Workshop in the Lower City of Tell es-Safi/Gath","authors":"Vanessa Workman, A. Maeir, A. Dagan, Johanna Regev, E. Boaretto, Adi Eliyahu-Behar","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820040","url":null,"abstract":"An iron and bronze workshop in the lower city of Tell es-Safi/Gath, dated to the mid-late Iron IIA, contributes new data on the chronology, organization, and practice of metal production in the urban Philistine setting. Analyses show that iron objects were likely produced and maintained on a large scale, alongside bronze, employing regionally unique forms of crucibles and tuyères. The material culture of metalworking is discussed in relation to contemporaneous iron production sites in the region, building a more robust picture of the adoption of iron metallurgy in the Levant versus the status of bronze and iron.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"208 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820040","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44944995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820021
Yoram Cohen, E. Torrecilla
The article analyses the border descriptions of the land of Karkemis according to the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza (CTH 51). We argue that the toponyms that establish the boundaries of Hanigalbat and Karkemis in the treaty were excluvisely on the east bank of the Euphrates; this is contrary to what is usually proposed by scholarship, which locates some of the toponyms on the west bank of the river. Thus, the territory of Karkemis significantly expanded beyond the Euphrates after the establishment of Hanigalbat, while the east bank was subsequently controlled by Suppiluliuma’s son, Piyassili. Pushing the borders beyond the natural limits of the river was groundbreaking, albeit eventually an unfeasible enterprise.
{"title":"Forging an Empire: The Borders of the Land of Karkemiš According to the Treaty between Šuppiluliuma and Šattiwaza","authors":"Yoram Cohen, E. Torrecilla","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820021","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the border descriptions of the land of Karkemis according to the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza (CTH 51). We argue that the toponyms that establish the boundaries of Hanigalbat and Karkemis in the treaty were excluvisely on the east bank of the Euphrates; this is contrary to what is usually proposed by scholarship, which locates some of the toponyms on the west bank of the river. Thus, the territory of Karkemis significantly expanded beyond the Euphrates after the establishment of Hanigalbat, while the east bank was subsequently controlled by Suppiluliuma’s son, Piyassili. Pushing the borders beyond the natural limits of the river was groundbreaking, albeit eventually an unfeasible enterprise.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"193 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820021","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44308971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820046
M. Richey
This article deals with an inscribed amulet in the form of an animal that was acquired by the British Museum in 1883 with the claim that its provenience was Tartus, opposite the ancient Phoenician city of Arwad. The five graphemes of the inscription, trztn, are interpreted as written in early Aramaic script, dated to the 9th or 8th centuries BCE. Most plausibly the graphemes constitute a flora-derived personal name, Tirzatan, likely that of the onetime owner of the amulet. Strengths and weaknesses of other interpretative options are also considered.
{"title":"A Figurine with a Possible Early Aramaic Inscription","authors":"M. Richey","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820046","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with an inscribed amulet in the form of an animal that was acquired by the British Museum in 1883 with the claim that its provenience was Tartus, opposite the ancient Phoenician city of Arwad. The five graphemes of the inscription, trztn, are interpreted as written in early Aramaic script, dated to the 9th or 8th centuries BCE. Most plausibly the graphemes constitute a flora-derived personal name, Tirzatan, likely that of the onetime owner of the amulet. Strengths and weaknesses of other interpretative options are also considered.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"237 - 245"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820046","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42388569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820006
A. Ben-Tor
Abstract Building 7050, located at the centre of the acropolis of Hazor, was constructed in the mid-14th century BCE and, like the rest of the city, was ravaged by fire sometime in the middle of the 13th century. Was this building a temple, as suggested by some, or a ceremonial palace, as advocated by the author? The plan of Building 7050 is clearly different from that of contemporaneous temples in the region and very similar to that of Niqmepah’s palace at Alalakh. Details of the plans of the two structures place them as forerunners of the Bit-Hilani type of palace, typical of Iron Age edifices in Syria, such as at Zinjirli and Tell Tayinat. A large number of pithoi was found in Building 7050, as well as in the administrative palace located nearby, yet none was found in any of the four temples uncovered at Hazor. Storage facilities containing a large number of pithoi and storage jars are typical of palaces all over the ancient Near East. Other finds, such as inscribed clay tablets and Egyptian statue fragments, originated from Building 7050 and the administrative palace, but none was found in any of the four Hazor temples. It is suggested here that one of the main functions of Building 7050 was to stage banquets for the local elite where profuse food and drink were offered. Such feasts were an important part of the political, religious and social life of the palaces of Canaan in the second millennium BCE.
{"title":"Building 7050 at the Acropolis of Late Bronze Hazor: A Palace After All","authors":"A. Ben-Tor","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Building 7050, located at the centre of the acropolis of Hazor, was constructed in the mid-14th century BCE and, like the rest of the city, was ravaged by fire sometime in the middle of the 13th century. Was this building a temple, as suggested by some, or a ceremonial palace, as advocated by the author? The plan of Building 7050 is clearly different from that of contemporaneous temples in the region and very similar to that of Niqmepah’s palace at Alalakh. Details of the plans of the two structures place them as forerunners of the Bit-Hilani type of palace, typical of Iron Age edifices in Syria, such as at Zinjirli and Tell Tayinat. A large number of pithoi was found in Building 7050, as well as in the administrative palace located nearby, yet none was found in any of the four temples uncovered at Hazor. Storage facilities containing a large number of pithoi and storage jars are typical of palaces all over the ancient Near East. Other finds, such as inscribed clay tablets and Egyptian statue fragments, originated from Building 7050 and the administrative palace, but none was found in any of the four Hazor temples. It is suggested here that one of the main functions of Building 7050 was to stage banquets for the local elite where profuse food and drink were offered. Such feasts were an important part of the political, religious and social life of the palaces of Canaan in the second millennium BCE.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"173 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43303013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820057
David Gurevich
In the Early Roman period the High-Level Aqueduct conveyed water to Jerusalem. The widely accepted view has been that before reaching the city, the aqueduct made a detour to the Mamilla Pool and then merged with the Mamilla Street Aqueduct on its way to the city. The article argues that this route is implausible. It presents data from excavations that set a consistent dating of the Mamilla water system to the Byzantine period. The Mamilla Pool and the Mamilla Street Aqueduct constituted a stand-alone water supply system that merely collected run-off water outside the urban area. The final stretch of the High-Level Aqueduct remains unknown.
{"title":"The Enigma of the High-Level Aqueduct to Jerusalem and the Mamilla Water System","authors":"David Gurevich","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820057","url":null,"abstract":"In the Early Roman period the High-Level Aqueduct conveyed water to Jerusalem. The widely accepted view has been that before reaching the city, the aqueduct made a detour to the Mamilla Pool and then merged with the Mamilla Street Aqueduct on its way to the city. The article argues that this route is implausible. It presents data from excavations that set a consistent dating of the Mamilla water system to the Byzantine period. The Mamilla Pool and the Mamilla Street Aqueduct constituted a stand-alone water supply system that merely collected run-off water outside the urban area. The final stretch of the High-Level Aqueduct remains unknown.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"268 - 281"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820057","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49262099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/03344355.2020.1820068
Yarden Pagelson, Eran Arie, Y. Goren
An investigation of the three Achaemenid throne parts housed in The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, reported to be from Samaria, found that they were made of bronze but with ceramic material that adhered to their interior. The purpose of the study was to determine their provenance, provenience and manufacturing techniques. As museum pieces, this had to be done in a minimally destructive manner. The methods employed were pXRF, SEM-EDS and petrography. All three items were cast from a leaded high-tin copper alloy, using the lost wax technique. However, the artefacts were cast in two workshops, neither of which was in the Samaria region. In conjunction with their Achaemenid characteristics, it is likely that the thrones were manufactured as part of the Achaemenid imperial policy, thus, granting royal credence to the individual occupying the throne, perhaps the governor of a province.
{"title":"Microarchaeological Study of the Achaemenid Throne Legs from the Israel Museum Collection","authors":"Yarden Pagelson, Eran Arie, Y. Goren","doi":"10.1080/03344355.2020.1820068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820068","url":null,"abstract":"An investigation of the three Achaemenid throne parts housed in The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, reported to be from Samaria, found that they were made of bronze but with ceramic material that adhered to their interior. The purpose of the study was to determine their provenance, provenience and manufacturing techniques. As museum pieces, this had to be done in a minimally destructive manner. The methods employed were pXRF, SEM-EDS and petrography. All three items were cast from a leaded high-tin copper alloy, using the lost wax technique. However, the artefacts were cast in two workshops, neither of which was in the Samaria region. In conjunction with their Achaemenid characteristics, it is likely that the thrones were manufactured as part of the Achaemenid imperial policy, thus, granting royal credence to the individual occupying the throne, perhaps the governor of a province.","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"47 1","pages":"256 - 267"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03344355.2020.1820068","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46323175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“The Real Tel Aviv”","authors":"","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv14rmpp8.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv14rmpp8.17","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41410265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Notes","authors":"","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv14rmpp8.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv14rmpp8.18","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43311169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Illustrations","authors":"","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv14rmpp8.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv14rmpp8.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51839,"journal":{"name":"Tel Aviv-Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43505196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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