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Characteristics of overseas Chinese residents and the background behind the formation of their settlements in the Song period 宋代海外华人的特点及其聚落形成的背景
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000389
Eun-mi Go
Abstract To date, the research on Chinese figures residing or settling abroad and their residential settlements has mainly focused on trade merchants. Merchants frequently traveled abroad due to the characteristics of their occupation and were therefore more likely to reside in foreign countries for varying periods of time in the process. Song-era records that document figures staying overseas, however, largely center around intellectuals and bureaucrats who were trained in the Chinese systems of knowledge or administration, as opposed to merchants. Examining the records concerned, it is difficult to conclude that merchants accounted for the majority of overseas Chinese citizens at that time. This paper strived to focus on the emergence of people who looked for opportunities overseas as the background for the formation of Chinese communities in the Song period, as opposed to trade voyages by merchants. This situation is clearly revealed through the Song's ban on overseas travel for those with different traits from merchants. This indicates that the emergence of people who sought to journey abroad for new opportunities had begun even before 1078. As Chinese citizens sailed abroad to look for new opportunities, Chinese communities began to form in foreign countries around the twelfth century.
迄今为止,对中国侨居人物及其居住聚落的研究主要集中在贸易商人身上。商人由于其职业特点,经常出国旅行,因此在此过程中更有可能在国外居住不同时期。然而,宋代记录留洋的人物主要集中在知识分子和官僚身上,他们接受过中国知识或管理体系的培训,而不是商人。考察有关记录,很难得出商人占当时海外华人的大多数的结论。本文力图把重点放在宋代华人社区形成的背景上,即寻找海外机会的人的出现,而不是商人的贸易航行。这种情况在宋朝禁止与商人有不同特征的人出国旅行中得到了明显的体现。这表明,甚至在1078年之前,就开始出现寻求到国外寻找新机会的人。随着中国公民出海寻找新的机会,大约在12世纪,中国社区开始在国外形成。
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引用次数: 0
The Manchukuo Young Girl Envoys and their visit to Japan: an underestimated prelude of Japan–Manchukuo interactions, June 22–July 12, 1932 满洲国少女使节及其访日:日本与满洲国交往的一个被低估的前奏,1932年6月22日至7月12日
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000390
Jian-hua Yuan
Abstract This study analyzes the little known Manchukuo Young Girl Envoys – Manchukuo's first government-appointed diplomats – and their official visit to Japan between June 22 and July 12, 1932. Existing studies on the Envoys tend to interpret them from an angle of contemporary Japanese people's national sentiment and deem their visit to Japan a show that the Japanese authorities in Manchukuo and Japan orchestrated together, to render Japan a strong world power. This study problematizes that view and considers the Envoys more of a product of intense power struggles inside Manchukuo's highest Japanese ruling strata, suggesting that Manchukuo's decision-making circle in 1932 was far from being a unified entity. Examining the Envoys' interactions in Japan and comparing relevant Japanese- and Chinese-language news coverage on them, this study argues for the possibility of tracing the intertwined national ideals of Manchukuo's Chinese and Japanese government leaders based on the inspiring example of the Envoys.
摘要本研究分析了1932年6月22日至7月12日期间,鲜为人知的满洲国少女使节——满洲国第一批政府任命的外交官——对日本的正式访问。现有的研究倾向于从当代日本人的民族情感的角度来解读使节,认为使节访日是日本满洲国当局与日本共同策划,使日本成为世界强国的表现。这项研究对这种观点提出了质疑,认为使节更多地是日本满洲国最高统治阶层内部激烈权力斗争的产物,表明1932年满洲国的决策圈远非一个统一的实体。通过考察使节在日本的互动,并比较相关的日语和中文新闻报道,本研究认为,基于使节的鼓舞人心的例子,有可能追踪满洲国中国和日本政府领导人纠缠在一起的民族理想。
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引用次数: 0
Forgotten leaders: Chinese Hui Muslim merchants in the Yangzi River region, 1880s–1940s 被遗忘的领袖:19世纪80年代至40年代长江地区的中国回族穆斯林商人
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000304
Bin Chen
Abstract Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a commercial network of Chinese Hui Muslims emerged in China's mid and lower Yangzi River region. Through this commercial network, Muslim merchants achieved economic success and positioned themselves as Muslim community leaders and leading reformers of Chinese society. Past scholarship on Chinese Hui Muslims has focused on intellectuals or warlords and missed this important group of Muslim leaders – a group that, with the rising prominence and influence of entrepreneurs in the early twentieth century, had growing political clout. Chen Jingyu, a Muslim merchant from Nanjing, symbolized the culmination of the Muslim commercial network. Indeed, Chen's economic achievements were the direct result of the coordinated effort of Muslim merchants. With sufficient financial backing, Chen then invested in charitable activities and gained unprecedented influence in Muslim communities and Chinese society at large.
19世纪末至20世纪初,中国回族穆斯林在长江中下游地区形成了一个商业网络。通过这种商业网络,穆斯林商人取得了经济上的成功,并将自己定位为穆斯林社区的领袖和中国社会的主要改革者。过去关于中国回族穆斯林的研究主要集中在知识分子或军阀身上,而忽略了这一重要的穆斯林领袖群体——随着20世纪初企业家的崛起和影响,这一群体的政治影响力越来越大。来自南京的穆斯林商人陈景宇代表了穆斯林商业网络的顶峰。事实上,陈的经济成就是穆斯林商人协同努力的直接结果。有了足够的资金支持,陈随后投入慈善活动,在穆斯林社区和整个中国社会获得了前所未有的影响力。
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引用次数: 0
A Century of Development in Taiwan: From Colony to Modern State Edited by Peter C. Y. Chow. Edward Elgar, 2022. 400 pages. Hardback, £108.00, ISBN: 978-1-80088-015-3. Ebook, £25.00, ISBN: 978-1-80088-016-0. 《台湾百年发展:从殖民地到现代国家》,周正英主编。爱德华·埃尔加,2022年。400页。精装本,108.00英镑,ISBN: 978-1-80088-015-3。电子书,25英镑,ISBN: 978-1-80088-016-0。
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1017/S147959142200033X
Edward Vickers
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引用次数: 0
The candidate's dilemma: anticorruptionism and money politics in Indonesian election campaigns By Elisabeth Kramer. Southeast Asia Program Publications/Cornell University Press, 2022. 216 pages. Hardback, $125.00 USD, ISBN: 9781501764028. Paperback, $29.95, ISBN: 9781501764059. Ebook, $19.99, ISBN: 候选人的困境:印尼竞选中的反腐败和金钱政治东南亚项目出版/康奈尔大学出版社,2022年。216页。精装本,125美元,ISBN: 9781501764028。平装本,29.95美元,ISBN: 9781501764059。电子书,19.99美元,ISBN:
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000316
Djayadi Hanan
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引用次数: 0
Writing Yunnan into China: a case study on Li Yuanyang 李元陽 (1497–1580), a Yunnanese scholar 把云南写进中国——以云南学者李元阳(1497-1580)为例
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000262
Yangang Xing
Abstract This article is a case study on the Yunnanese scholar Li Yuanyang under the background of the Ming's incorporating and sinicizing Yunnan, exploring how he views the Ming's actions and writes Yunnan's becoming a part of China. First, it retells Li's life experiences and examines the Yunnan native things and Chinese traditions in his writings. Then, after noting his emphasis of Yunnan's belonging to China, it concentrates on his comments on the Ming's military campaigns. As it analyzes, on the one hand, he justifies these campaigns against indigenous rebellions, on the other hand, he also criticizes unnecessary wars and some imperial officials' selfish deeds. Besides, he considers the constructing and reconstructing projects as a symbol of the central state's righteous governance, which should also bring benefit and benevolence to the indigenes. In a word, Li's case reflects the deep impact of the Ming's invasion on the local elites, as well as how they react to this.
摘要本文以云南学者李元阳为个案,探讨他在明朝对云南的吞并和汉化背景下,是如何看待明朝的行为和书写云南成为中国一部分的。首先,它重述了李的生活经历,并在他的作品中审视了云南本土事物和中国传统。然后,在注意到他强调云南属于中国之后,集中在他对明朝军事行动的评论上。在分析中,他一方面为这些镇压本土叛乱的运动辩护,另一方面,他也批评了不必要的战争和一些帝国官员的自私行为。此外,他认为建设和重建工程是中央国家正义治理的象征,也应该给当地人带来利益和仁慈。总之,李的案例反映了明朝入侵对当地精英的深刻影响,以及他们对此的反应。
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引用次数: 0
How regime legitimation influences Vietnam's strategy toward US–China strategic rivalry 政权合法性如何影响越南对美中战略对抗的战略
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1479591422000286
Phan Xuan Dung, B. Ho
Vietnam has tried to maintain a delicate balance between the United States and China by pursuing a hedging strategy. In a shifting strategic environment marked by structural uncertainty caused by the rise of China, weaker Southeast Asian states like Vietnam are projecting a non-alignment posture. However, this rational behavior is not the product of systemic factors alone but also certain domestic political dynamics. We argue that regime legitimation – how the Vietnam Communist Party seeks to generate and sustain internal and external legitimacy – weighs heavily on Vietnam's strategy toward US–China competition. In particular, three legitimation strategies employed by the Vietnam Communist Party – performance-based legitimation, nationalism-based legitimation vis-à-vis China, and defensive legitimation vis-à-vis “hostile forces” – produce dynamics that ensure Hanoi does not get inadvertently pulled into the orbit of either Beijing or Washington. Theoretically, this article contributes to the literature on domestic determinants of foreign policy with a focus on regime legitimation. Empirically, we seek to supplement the discussion on the salience and relevance of domestic politics in informing Southeast Asian states' strategic calculation amid great-power competition.
越南试图通过采取对冲策略,在美国和中国之间保持微妙的平衡。在一个以中国崛起造成的结构性不确定性为特征的战略环境中,越南等较弱的东南亚国家正表现出不结盟的姿态。然而,这种理性行为并不仅仅是体制因素的产物,而是一定的国内政治动态的产物。我们认为,政权合法性——越南共产党如何寻求产生和维持内部和外部合法性——对越南应对美中竞争的战略至关重要。特别是,越南共产党采用的三种合法化策略——基于绩效的合法化,针对-à-vis中国的基于民族主义的合法化,以及针对-à-vis“敌对势力”的防御性合法化——产生了确保河内不会无意中被拉入北京或华盛顿轨道的动力。从理论上讲,本文有助于研究外交政策的国内决定因素,重点关注政权合法性。在经验上,我们试图补充国内政治在为东南亚国家在大国竞争中的战略计算提供信息方面的重要性和相关性的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Bodies and environmental matters in Maoism and Gandhism 毛主义和甘地主义的身体和环境问题
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000298
Kwai-Cheung Lo
Abstract When the global material reality has already been reshaped and determined by western modernity, Gandhism and Maoism stand for attempts to discover a material world other than the existing one. I examine the ways in which the theory and practice of the body in Mao and Gandhi resonates with new materialisms' views of the body and matter as dynamic multitude and anti-dualistic open system. Gandhi and Mao share the concerns of new materialism in terms of seeing human bodies, environments, (in)organic matters and systems as configurations of multiple influences and dependencies. To put Maoism and Gandhism in the perspective of today's new materialism, the entanglement of human, nature and matter in their ideas also functions as a kind of agency in connection to other socio-political forces (instead of deploying ethics, as current new materialist ontologies have done) to enact changes. The ways in which the two formidable Asian thinkers grasp materials sound more like an abstraction, revealing that materialisms – either old or new – may be something other than what they define themselves as.
当全球的物质现实已经被西方现代性重塑和决定时,甘地主义和毛主义代表着发现一个超越现有世界的物质世界的尝试。我考察了毛和甘地关于身体的理论和实践如何与新唯物主义关于身体和物质的观点产生共鸣,这些观点认为身体和物质是动态的,是反二元论的开放系统。甘地和毛在将人体、环境、有机物质和系统视为多重影响和依赖的配置方面分享了新唯物主义的关注。把毛主义和甘地主义放在今天的新唯物主义的角度来看,在他们的思想中,人、自然和物质的纠缠也作为一种联系其他社会政治力量的代理(而不是像当前的新唯物主义本体论所做的那样部署伦理)来实施变革。这两位令人敬畏的亚洲思想家掌握材料的方式听起来更像是一种抽象,揭示了唯物主义——无论是旧的还是新的——可能与他们对自己的定义不同。
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引用次数: 1
Rupture, Evolution, and Continuity: The Shandong Peninsula in East Asian Maritime History During the Yuan-Ming Transition By Ma Guang. Harrassowitz, 2021. 230 pages. Hardback, €68.00 USD, ISBN: 978-3-447-11700-5. Ebook, €68.00, ISBN: 978-3-447-39202-0. 断裂、演化与延续:元明时期东亚海洋史中的山东半岛Harrassowitz, 2021年。230页。精装本,68.00欧元,ISBN: 978-3-447-11700-5。电子书,68.00欧元,ISBN: 978-3-447-39202-0。
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/s1479591422000274
Kenneth M. Swope
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引用次数: 0
Face in late imperial China's diplomacy with the United States: Minister Cui Guoyin's approach to Chinese exclusion 晚清中国对美外交的面貌:部长崔国印对排华的态度
IF 0.6 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1479591422000250
Tao Zhang
Abstract As the Chinese minister to the United States between 1889 and 1893, Cui Guoyin faced unprecedented pressures from the Qing government to achieve an alleviation of Chinese exclusion. However, American discrimination against Chinese escalated despite his tireless effort to stem it. The failure made him frustrated and especially sensitive to the issue of face. While finding it a useful tool to exonerate himself, Cui believed that face could also be helpful to Chinese bargaining with the United States over immigration. He incorporated this belief into his exchanges with the U.S. Department of State. At Cui's suggestion or at least agreeing with him, the Zongli Yamen referred to America's reputation as a pressure for concessions in its communications with the U.S. legation in Beijing as well. Such “weaponization” of face represents both an often ignored backward turn in late Qing's diplomatic mentality and the limit of its diplomatic leverage with the United States.
作为1889年至1893年的中国驻美公使,崔国印面临着清政府前所未有的缓解排华压力。然而,尽管他孜孜不倦地努力阻止,美国人对中国人的歧视仍在升级。这次失败使他感到沮丧,对面子问题特别敏感。在发现这是一个为自己开脱的有用工具的同时,崔认为这张脸也可以帮助中国在移民问题上与美国讨价还价。他将这一信念融入了与美国国务院的交流中。在崔的建议或至少同意他的意见下,宗理衙门在与美国驻华使馆的沟通中也提到了美国的声誉是一种迫使其让步的压力。这种“武器化”的面子既代表了晚清外交心态的一个经常被忽视的倒退,也代表了晚清对美外交影响力的极限。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Asian Studies
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