Abstract:On the basis of experimental evidence this paper shows that in Serbian pre-nominal possessive modifiers modifying a noun phrase in subject position can be interpreted as coreferential with a clitic or a strong pronoun in object position. This finding speaks against a condition B violation in these contexts as has been assumed in previous analyses of Serbian (cf. Despić 2013). It implies that possessive noun phrases in article-languages like English and articleless languages like Serbian may receive a parallel analysis (Universal DP hypothesis, Bašić 2004; Progovac 1998): in both languages, the modifier occupies a position in the noun phrase structure from where it does not c-command out of the noun phrase, leading to free covaluation in these contexts (cf. Reinhart 2006). Interestingly, clitics are more likely than strong pronouns to be interpreted as coreferential with the possessive modifier in our test. This may be attributed to the fact that clitic forms in general are more easily bound in non-c-command configurations. In addition, the discourse conditions in the test, where the possessor represented given information, could have contributed to the fact that it was more likely associated with a clitic than with a strong pronoun.
{"title":"Possessive Modifiers in Serbian: Coreference with Clitics and Strong Pronouns","authors":"Sanja Srdanović, E. Rinke","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:On the basis of experimental evidence this paper shows that in Serbian pre-nominal possessive modifiers modifying a noun phrase in subject position can be interpreted as coreferential with a clitic or a strong pronoun in object position. This finding speaks against a condition B violation in these contexts as has been assumed in previous analyses of Serbian (cf. Despić 2013). It implies that possessive noun phrases in article-languages like English and articleless languages like Serbian may receive a parallel analysis (Universal DP hypothesis, Bašić 2004; Progovac 1998): in both languages, the modifier occupies a position in the noun phrase structure from where it does not c-command out of the noun phrase, leading to free covaluation in these contexts (cf. Reinhart 2006). Interestingly, clitics are more likely than strong pronouns to be interpreted as coreferential with the possessive modifier in our test. This may be attributed to the fact that clitic forms in general are more easily bound in non-c-command configurations. In addition, the discourse conditions in the test, where the possessor represented given information, could have contributed to the fact that it was more likely associated with a clitic than with a strong pronoun.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41934149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper applies the listener-oriented approach (Andersen 1973, 1978; Ohala 1981, 1992) to two diachronic changes in Kashubian: diphthongization and the contextual preservation and loss of the jers. It is shown that acoustic and perceptual factors provide a plausible explanation for the consecutive stages in the evolution of the two phenomena. The Kashubian changes illustrate two major types of the listener-oriented mechanism: changes resulting from hypocorrection and hypercorrection. It is shown that while both mechanisms rely on a phonological reanalysis of ambiguous phonetic properties, the outcome differs in each case: (i) a coarticulatory property is reanalyzed as phonological and (ii) a phonetic element is associated with a phonological source that is distinct from the source assumed by the speaker. While this discussion provides support for the non-deterministic nature of sound change, conditions that promote one type of change while inhibiting the other are identified. In hypocorrective changes, the prior existence of a certain structure in the language facilitates the emergence of this structure in other contexts. Hypercorrective changes, on the other hand, are predicted to occur when a feature with a long acoustic span is involved. Similar processes in other, mostly Slavic, languages are identified and compared with the Kashubian changes, with the aim of filling some gaps in the typology and providing a uniform explanation for these and similar mechanisms of change.
{"title":"A Listener-Oriented Account of the Evolution of Diphthongs and Changes in the Jers in Kashubian","authors":"Bartłomiej Czaplicki","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper applies the listener-oriented approach (Andersen 1973, 1978; Ohala 1981, 1992) to two diachronic changes in Kashubian: diphthongization and the contextual preservation and loss of the jers. It is shown that acoustic and perceptual factors provide a plausible explanation for the consecutive stages in the evolution of the two phenomena. The Kashubian changes illustrate two major types of the listener-oriented mechanism: changes resulting from hypocorrection and hypercorrection. It is shown that while both mechanisms rely on a phonological reanalysis of ambiguous phonetic properties, the outcome differs in each case: (i) a coarticulatory property is reanalyzed as phonological and (ii) a phonetic element is associated with a phonological source that is distinct from the source assumed by the speaker. While this discussion provides support for the non-deterministic nature of sound change, conditions that promote one type of change while inhibiting the other are identified. In hypocorrective changes, the prior existence of a certain structure in the language facilitates the emergence of this structure in other contexts. Hypercorrective changes, on the other hand, are predicted to occur when a feature with a long acoustic span is involved. Similar processes in other, mostly Slavic, languages are identified and compared with the Kashubian changes, with the aim of filling some gaps in the typology and providing a uniform explanation for these and similar mechanisms of change.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42016374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Slavic languages in psycholinguistics: Chances and challenges for empirical and experimental research ed. by Tanja Anstatt et al. (review)","authors":"O. Parshina","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46674227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article presents new data on allophonic variation of the Polish vowel commonly transcribed as /ɨ/ and frequently analyzed as phonologically back (e.g., Rubach 1984; Gussmann 2007). The new data were collected using 3D ultrasound images from ten native speakers of Polish. While vowels in the context of labial and dental stops do not differ significantly, being articulated with a high front position of the tongue in both environments, the /ɨ/ assimilates to preceding velar stop consonants and is produced with relatively more raising of the tongue body and with a constriction extending further back. This is to be expected if /ɨ/ is taken to be a front vowel that assimilates to a [+back] consonant. This finding has potential consequences for the analysis of palatalization in Polish.
{"title":"Allophonic Variation in the Polish Vowel /ɨ/: Results of a 3D Ultrasound Study and their Phonological Implications","authors":"Malgorzata E Ćavar, Steven M. Lulich","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article presents new data on allophonic variation of the Polish vowel commonly transcribed as /ɨ/ and frequently analyzed as phonologically back (e.g., Rubach 1984; Gussmann 2007). The new data were collected using 3D ultrasound images from ten native speakers of Polish. While vowels in the context of labial and dental stops do not differ significantly, being articulated with a high front position of the tongue in both environments, the /ɨ/ assimilates to preceding velar stop consonants and is produced with relatively more raising of the tongue body and with a constriction extending further back. This is to be expected if /ɨ/ is taken to be a front vowel that assimilates to a [+back] consonant. This finding has potential consequences for the analysis of palatalization in Polish.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43039424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Slavic on the language map of Europe: Historical and areal-typological dimensions ed. by Andrii Danylenko and Motoki Nomachi (review)","authors":"Jasmina Grković-maJor","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48503234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nominalizations, double genitives, and possessives: Evidence for the DP-hypothesis in Serbian by Anja Šarić (review)","authors":"Petra Mišmaš","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49056899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Remarks on the phonological evolution of Russian in comparison with the other Slavic languages by Roman Jakobson (review)","authors":"Ronald I. Kim","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43729839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The evolution of the Slavic dual: A biolinguistic perspective by Tatyana G. Slobodchikoff (review)","authors":"B. Dvorak","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46101881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The present paper reports two ERP experiments in Polish that examined the processing of mismatches between perfective and imperfective verbs and temporal modifiers, which preceded the VP (Experiment 1) and followed it (Experiment 2). The mismatch between perfective verb and a preceding durative adverbial elicited an N400 on the object. No ERP effect was found for the analogous mismatch between imperfective verbs and a preceding time-span adverbial. The mismatching temporal adverbial elicited an early positivity (potentially an early P600) when it followed a perfective VP and a LAN when it followed an imperfective VP. The results suggest that: (i) the domain of aspectual interpretation in Polish is a VP; (ii) mismatches with perfective and imperfective verbs are resolved differently depending on the degree of their semantic specificity (only semantically underspecified imperfective verbs can be easily adjusted to the requirements of the preceding context); (iii) the position of the temporal adverbial plays a role in that a preverbal adverbial sets up a frame within which the eventuality should be interpreted and the aspectual value computed on AspP can be potentially adjusted to it (semantic integration reflected in N400), whereas a post-verbal adverbial must agree with the aspectual value already computed on AspP (syntactic integration reflected in an early positivity or a LAN).
{"title":"How Incremental is the Processing of Perfective and Imperfective Aspect in Polish? An Exploratory Event-Related Potential Study","authors":"Dorota Klimek-Jankowska, J. Błaszczak","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The present paper reports two ERP experiments in Polish that examined the processing of mismatches between perfective and imperfective verbs and temporal modifiers, which preceded the VP (Experiment 1) and followed it (Experiment 2). The mismatch between perfective verb and a preceding durative adverbial elicited an N400 on the object. No ERP effect was found for the analogous mismatch between imperfective verbs and a preceding time-span adverbial. The mismatching temporal adverbial elicited an early positivity (potentially an early P600) when it followed a perfective VP and a LAN when it followed an imperfective VP. The results suggest that: (i) the domain of aspectual interpretation in Polish is a VP; (ii) mismatches with perfective and imperfective verbs are resolved differently depending on the degree of their semantic specificity (only semantically underspecified imperfective verbs can be easily adjusted to the requirements of the preceding context); (iii) the position of the temporal adverbial plays a role in that a preverbal adverbial sets up a frame within which the eventuality should be interpreted and the aspectual value computed on AspP can be potentially adjusted to it (semantic integration reflected in N400), whereas a post-verbal adverbial must agree with the aspectual value already computed on AspP (syntactic integration reflected in an early positivity or a LAN).","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46626126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Aspect is a syntactic feature of the sentence predicate, the Infl head of which is generated +Pfv or –Pfv and +Past or –Past. Verb forms comply with these features or are Inflected for them. Prefix-verb compounds are not stored in the lexicon but are base-generated in the sentence. They provide the environment for the Secondary Imperfective Rule, which assigns the feature +Iter to V when it contains a prefix. This feature governs the introduction of themes between the verb root and the ending. The +Iter feature can also be generated with the verb independently of the SIR, thus yielding the so-called procedurals. With unprefixed verbs aspectual patterning is a matter of their form (thematization) and their meaning. Those that are grammatical in +Pfv predicates are +Telic (have a telos or goal). This depends on their formal and semantic properties and ultimately on the intention of the speaker.
{"title":"On the Morphosyntax of Russian Verbal Aspect","authors":"F. Gladney","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Aspect is a syntactic feature of the sentence predicate, the Infl head of which is generated +Pfv or –Pfv and +Past or –Past. Verb forms comply with these features or are Inflected for them. Prefix-verb compounds are not stored in the lexicon but are base-generated in the sentence. They provide the environment for the Secondary Imperfective Rule, which assigns the feature +Iter to V when it contains a prefix. This feature governs the introduction of themes between the verb root and the ending. The +Iter feature can also be generated with the verb independently of the SIR, thus yielding the so-called procedurals. With unprefixed verbs aspectual patterning is a matter of their form (thematization) and their meaning. Those that are grammatical in +Pfv predicates are +Telic (have a telos or goal). This depends on their formal and semantic properties and ultimately on the intention of the speaker.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42680432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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