{"title":"The prehistory of the Balto-Slavic accent by Jay H. Jasanoff (review)","authors":"Ronald F. Feldstein","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47955621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Studies in phonological theory and historical linguistics by Bill J. Darden (review)","authors":"R. Derksen","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42873822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Phonological words play a crucial role in phonology, but where exactly they are produced in syntax is not clear. I propose a theory whereby the syntax issues phonological word diacritics to the complex constituents it creates. Additionally, certain morphemes can be specified in the lexicon as possessing these diacritics. The phonology then interprets the diacritics—sometimes it ignores them, and other times it makes phonological words to satisfy language-specific prosodic requirements. The resulting theory is demonstrated on the complex patterning of prepositions in Russian. The class of prepositions in Russian has certain syntactic traits in common, but there are many patterns where prepositions diverge according to their phonological word status. There are correlations between morphosyntactic structure and phonological word status: morphologically complex prepositions are always words. On the other hand, the presence of a morphological root, phonological size, and stress do not align with word status. The large range of phonological and morphosyntactic patterns involving prepositions in Russian demonstrates the need for an explicit and rich theory of word formation at the phonology-syntax interface.
{"title":"Phonological Words in the Syntax and in the Lexicon: A Study of Russian Prepositions","authors":"M. Gouskova","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Phonological words play a crucial role in phonology, but where exactly they are produced in syntax is not clear. I propose a theory whereby the syntax issues phonological word diacritics to the complex constituents it creates. Additionally, certain morphemes can be specified in the lexicon as possessing these diacritics. The phonology then interprets the diacritics—sometimes it ignores them, and other times it makes phonological words to satisfy language-specific prosodic requirements. The resulting theory is demonstrated on the complex patterning of prepositions in Russian. The class of prepositions in Russian has certain syntactic traits in common, but there are many patterns where prepositions diverge according to their phonological word status. There are correlations between morphosyntactic structure and phonological word status: morphologically complex prepositions are always words. On the other hand, the presence of a morphological root, phonological size, and stress do not align with word status. The large range of phonological and morphosyntactic patterns involving prepositions in Russian demonstrates the need for an explicit and rich theory of word formation at the phonology-syntax interface.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48314050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Struktura imennoj gruppy v bezartiklevom jazyke [Structure of the Noun Phrase in an articleless language] by Ekaterina A. Lyutikova (review)","authors":"Nerea Madariaga","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44100922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The long problematic correspondence of North Slavic -ě ~ South Slavic -ę in the jo-stem accusative plural and jā-stem genitive singular and nominative and accusative plural is best explained by positing a Proto-Slavic contrast within the soft jā-stems between gen. sg., nom. pl. *-ē and acc. pl. *-ę̄, which was leveled in different directions as NSl -ě and SSl -ę. With its nasal vowel, the acc. pl. ending must go back to *-jāns, thereby demonstrating that the PIE eh2-stem desinence *-eh2s > *-ās was remade to *-āns after the other declensional classes in the early prehistory of Slavic. The Baltic facts are consistent with a Proto-Balto-Slavic date for this innovation.
{"title":"North Slavic -ě vs. South Slavic -ę: A Problem of Forward Reconstruction","authors":"Ronald I. Kim","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0000","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Abstract:</p><p>The long problematic correspondence of North Slavic <i>-ě</i> ~ South Slavic <i>-ę</i> in the <i>jo</i>-stem accusative plural and <i>jā</i>-stem genitive singular and nominative and accusative plural is best explained by positing a Proto-Slavic contrast within the soft <i>jā</i>-stems between gen. sg., nom. pl. *<i>-ē</i> and acc. pl. *<i>-ę̄</i>, which was leveled in different directions as NSl <i>-ě</i> and SSl <i>-ę</i>. With its nasal vowel, the acc. pl. ending must go back to *<i>-jāns</i>, thereby demonstrating that the PIE <i>eh2</i>-stem desinence *<i>-eh2s</i> > *<i>-ās</i> was remade to *<i>-āns</i> after the other declensional classes in the early prehistory of Slavic. The Baltic facts are consistent with a Proto-Balto-Slavic date for this innovation.</p>","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41688224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This study investigates how givenness and animacy influence object order (IO-DO vs. DO-IO) in ditransitive constructions in Croatian child language. We have conducted an elicitation task with 59 monolingual Croatian children (mean age = 4;4) and 36 adult controls (mean age = 21), in which the participants were asked to describe images depicting ditransitive actions. These actions differed with regard to givenness (DO given, or IO given) and animacy (IO animate, or both IO and DO animate). Both groups demonstrated an animacy effect, manifested as a significant increase of DO-IO productions when both objects were animate, compared to when only the IO was; adults presented DO-IO preference at ceiling level. Givenness had a statistically significant effect (p-value < 0.01) only in adults, but both groups were affected by the givenness of the DO. This paper supplies arguments to support previous indications that (1) DO-IO is the underlying order in Croatian ditransitives, and (2) that children do not have an IO-DO preference as has been reported by previous studies conducted on case-marking languages.
{"title":"The Effects of Animacy and Givenness on Object Order in Croatian Child Language","authors":"M. Velnić","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This study investigates how givenness and animacy influence object order (IO-DO vs. DO-IO) in ditransitive constructions in Croatian child language. We have conducted an elicitation task with 59 monolingual Croatian children (mean age = 4;4) and 36 adult controls (mean age = 21), in which the participants were asked to describe images depicting ditransitive actions. These actions differed with regard to givenness (DO given, or IO given) and animacy (IO animate, or both IO and DO animate). Both groups demonstrated an animacy effect, manifested as a significant increase of DO-IO productions when both objects were animate, compared to when only the IO was; adults presented DO-IO preference at ceiling level. Givenness had a statistically significant effect (p-value < 0.01) only in adults, but both groups were affected by the givenness of the DO. This paper supplies arguments to support previous indications that (1) DO-IO is the underlying order in Croatian ditransitives, and (2) that children do not have an IO-DO preference as has been reported by previous studies conducted on case-marking languages.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46162960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The paper describes the linear placement of Serbian clitics syntactically depending on an infinitive in the role of verbal, nominal, or adjectival complement (for short, infinitive clitics). Two linear placement options are in principle available for the infinitive clitics: local placement (in the second linear position [2P] of the infinitive phrase, where they form a cluster of their own) and clause-level placement (in the 2P of the clause, where they join clause-level clitics). Syntactic and prosodic conditions licensing these placement options are discussed and the corresponding clitic linearization rules proposed within a Meaning-Text dependency-based approach to syntax (Mel′čuk 1988, 2013; Polguère and Mel′čuk 2009). It is shown that clause-level placement of 2P clitics (unlike that of ad-verbal clitics of the Romance type) does not require the change of the syntactic governor of the clitics and should therefore be set apart from genuine clitic climbing. This is why the corresponding phenomenon is termed "clitic pseudo-climbing".
{"title":"Clitic Pseudo-Climbing out of Dependent Infinitive Phrases in Serbian","authors":"Jasmina Milicevic","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The paper describes the linear placement of Serbian clitics syntactically depending on an infinitive in the role of verbal, nominal, or adjectival complement (for short, infinitive clitics). Two linear placement options are in principle available for the infinitive clitics: local placement (in the second linear position [2P] of the infinitive phrase, where they form a cluster of their own) and clause-level placement (in the 2P of the clause, where they join clause-level clitics). Syntactic and prosodic conditions licensing these placement options are discussed and the corresponding clitic linearization rules proposed within a Meaning-Text dependency-based approach to syntax (Mel′čuk 1988, 2013; Polguère and Mel′čuk 2009). It is shown that clause-level placement of 2P clitics (unlike that of ad-verbal clitics of the Romance type) does not require the change of the syntactic governor of the clitics and should therefore be set apart from genuine clitic climbing. This is why the corresponding phenomenon is termed \"clitic pseudo-climbing\".","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46128224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Heritage languages and their speakers by Maria Polinsky (review)","authors":"D. Šipka","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41553055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Collocations in the Croatian language have been described in detail (Blagus Bartolec 2014). However, research on collocational competence in Croatian as a first or foreign language is still sparse. Previously, only the factors that influence the collocational competence of Croatian native speakers (NSs) were investigated, showing that NSs have the best knowledge of collocations with high frequency and associative strength (Ordulj and Cvikić 2017). The most extensive research on collocational acquisition in Croatian as a foreign language (CFL) in heterogeneous groups was done by Ordulj (2017). This research showed that participants with lower proficiency had very poor collocational competence, while participants with higher proficiency showed an equal knowledge of noun collocations in the nominative case and in oblique cases. This paper aims to deepen previous findings and to examine productive knowledge of noun collocations based on their frequency, associative strength, morphological features, and the proficiency level of Polish students of Croatian. Collocations used in this research were collected from essays written by students of Croatian at B1 and B2 CEFR (2005) proficiency levels. The hrWaC corpus was used to count the frequency of collocations, and the associative strength of collocational constituents was assessed by native speakers of Croatian. The respondent sample comprised 27 students of Croatian in Krakow, Poland, who were divided into two proficiency level groups: lower (2nd and 3rd year of studies) and higher (4th and 5th year of studies). The influence of morphological features on collocational knowledge was tested with two fill-in-the-blank tasks containing collocations in the nominative and oblique cases. The analysis of productive tasks showed that morphological features do not influence collocational knowledge at the lower or higher proficiency level. In both cases participants produced the best results in tasks with collocations of high frequency.
{"title":"Collocational Competence among Polish Students of Croatian as a Foreign Language","authors":"Antonia Ordulj, Nikolina Sokolić","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2019.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Collocations in the Croatian language have been described in detail (Blagus Bartolec 2014). However, research on collocational competence in Croatian as a first or foreign language is still sparse. Previously, only the factors that influence the collocational competence of Croatian native speakers (NSs) were investigated, showing that NSs have the best knowledge of collocations with high frequency and associative strength (Ordulj and Cvikić 2017). The most extensive research on collocational acquisition in Croatian as a foreign language (CFL) in heterogeneous groups was done by Ordulj (2017). This research showed that participants with lower proficiency had very poor collocational competence, while participants with higher proficiency showed an equal knowledge of noun collocations in the nominative case and in oblique cases. This paper aims to deepen previous findings and to examine productive knowledge of noun collocations based on their frequency, associative strength, morphological features, and the proficiency level of Polish students of Croatian. Collocations used in this research were collected from essays written by students of Croatian at B1 and B2 CEFR (2005) proficiency levels. The hrWaC corpus was used to count the frequency of collocations, and the associative strength of collocational constituents was assessed by native speakers of Croatian. The respondent sample comprised 27 students of Croatian in Krakow, Poland, who were divided into two proficiency level groups: lower (2nd and 3rd year of studies) and higher (4th and 5th year of studies). The influence of morphological features on collocational knowledge was tested with two fill-in-the-blank tasks containing collocations in the nominative and oblique cases. The analysis of productive tasks showed that morphological features do not influence collocational knowledge at the lower or higher proficiency level. In both cases participants produced the best results in tasks with collocations of high frequency.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2019.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41552674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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