The scarcely attested Proto-Slavic *cěty *-ъve ‘respect’ appears to be a mostly overlooked member of the small class of abstracts in *-y *-ъve; no precise accounts of the noun’s origin have been proposed so far. Two complementary approaches are put forth in the article: 1) inheritance from a PIE animate s-stem *keyt-ōs >> *koyt-ōs (paralleling a recent analysis of *ljuby ‘love’ < PIE *lewbh-ōs as well as its presumed secondary association with a verb in *-i-ti) or 2) inner-Slavic origin based on the formally similar *ljuby ‘love’ and *cěly ‘healing (subst.)’. The study also offers novel analyses—based on hitherto unexploited philological and lexicographical data—concerning various related issues (e.g., the status of PSl nominal *cětъ, verbal *cětiti, and personal names in *Cěto/i-; the adposition *cětja; the semantic and pragmatic developments in *cěly ‘greeting, kiss’; the secondary rise of masculine *cělovъ/*cělyvъ ‘kiss’) with the purpose of integrating the entirety of the material concerning the root *cět- and the abstract type in *-y *-ъve into coherent pictures.
{"title":"With All Due Respect, on Slavic Abstracts in -y: The History of Proto-Slavic cěty ‘respect’ and Some Comparative Notes on its Congeners (ljuby ‘love’, cěly ‘healing, greeting’)*","authors":"Rafał Szeptyński, Marek Majer","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2021.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2021.0001","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Abstract:</p><p>The scarcely attested Proto-Slavic *<i>cěty</i> *<i>-ъve</i> ‘respect’ appears to be a mostly overlooked member of the small class of abstracts in *<i>-y</i> *<i>-ъve</i>; no precise accounts of the noun’s origin have been proposed so far. Two complementary approaches are put forth in the article: 1) inheritance from a PIE animate <i>s</i>-stem *<i>keyt-ōs</i> >> *<i>koyt-ōs</i> (paralleling a recent analysis of *<i>ljuby</i> ‘love’ < PIE *<i>lewbh-ōs</i> as well as its presumed secondary association with a verb in *<i>-i-ti</i>) or 2) inner-Slavic origin based on the formally similar *<i>ljuby</i> ‘love’ and *<i>cěly</i> ‘healing (subst.)’. The study also offers novel analyses—based on hitherto unexploited philological and lexicographical data—concerning various related issues (e.g., the status of PSl nominal *<i>cětъ</i>, verbal *<i>cětiti</i>, and personal names in *<i>Cěto/i-</i>; the adposition *<i>cětja</i>; the semantic and pragmatic developments in *<i>cěly</i> ‘greeting, kiss’; the secondary rise of masculine *<i>cělovъ</i>/*<i>cělyvъ</i> ‘kiss’) with the purpose of integrating the entirety of the material concerning the root *<i>cět-</i> and the abstract type in *<i>-y</i> *<i>-ъve</i> into coherent pictures.</p>","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"100 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43323321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Polish has three quasi-synonymous impersonal constructions: the -no/-to construction, the reflexive impersonal, and the 3pl impersonal. This raises the question of what the differences between them are and how one of them is selected. This paper presents the results of an acceptability judgment test, which is informed by an explorative corpus study and examines the following factors: colloquial vs. neutral register; perfective vs. imperfective aspect; present tense vs. preterite; and generic vs. specific reading. The main findings are that the 3pl impersonal turned out to be better in colloquial discourse and the reflexive impersonal is much more acceptable with the imperfective than with the perfective aspect. Furthermore, the corpus data and the acceptability judgments show numerically that both reflexive and 3pl impersonal have a certain tendency towards present tense and generic reading, and that the -no/-to construction is more typical with the perfective than the imperfective aspect.
{"title":"The Competition of ARB Constructions in Polish","authors":"Maria Katarzyna Prenner, Daniel Bunčić","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2021.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2021.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Polish has three quasi-synonymous impersonal constructions: the -no/-to construction, the reflexive impersonal, and the 3pl impersonal. This raises the question of what the differences between them are and how one of them is selected. This paper presents the results of an acceptability judgment test, which is informed by an explorative corpus study and examines the following factors: colloquial vs. neutral register; perfective vs. imperfective aspect; present tense vs. preterite; and generic vs. specific reading. The main findings are that the 3pl impersonal turned out to be better in colloquial discourse and the reflexive impersonal is much more acceptable with the imperfective than with the perfective aspect. Furthermore, the corpus data and the acceptability judgments show numerically that both reflexive and 3pl impersonal have a certain tendency towards present tense and generic reading, and that the -no/-to construction is more typical with the perfective than the imperfective aspect.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"201 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46864679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper gives a comprehensive overview of how impersonalization is expressed in Slavic. It presents the results of a comparative corpus study, outlining all possible strategies for expressing impersonalization in six Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, and Polish), using German man as a filter. This paper shows on the basis of a random sample of over 5,000 translated sentences which impersonalization means Slavic languages use to express propositional content expressed by the pronoun man in German. Additionally, this pilot study answers two questions: (1) How do Slavic languages differ in the distribution of these impersonalization strategies? and (2) Are there major translation effects? The main findings are an outline of a cross-Slavic set of impersonalization strategies that reveals significant differences between the Slavic languages in the distribution of man-equivalents and a highly significant impact of the source language on the choice of the impersonalization strategy in translation.
{"title":"Impersonalization in Slavic: A Corpus-Based Study of Impersonalization Strategies in Six Slavic Languages","authors":"Anastasia Bauer","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2021.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2021.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper gives a comprehensive overview of how impersonalization is expressed in Slavic. It presents the results of a comparative corpus study, outlining all possible strategies for expressing impersonalization in six Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, and Polish), using German man as a filter. This paper shows on the basis of a random sample of over 5,000 translated sentences which impersonalization means Slavic languages use to express propositional content expressed by the pronoun man in German. Additionally, this pilot study answers two questions: (1) How do Slavic languages differ in the distribution of these impersonalization strategies? and (2) Are there major translation effects? The main findings are an outline of a cross-Slavic set of impersonalization strategies that reveals significant differences between the Slavic languages in the distribution of man-equivalents and a highly significant impact of the source language on the choice of the impersonalization strategy in translation.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"123 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48079781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper discusses the origin and development of constructions with ē-statives denoting sensation, emotion, perception, and cognition, which exhibit traces of non-nominative alignment in the history of Slavic languages. Patterns where the experiencer is encoded by the accusative or dative case were inherited from an earlier semantically aligned system, whose relics are found in other Indo-European languages as well. These structures have been subjected to various syntactic, morphological, and semantic changes in the history of Slavic, leading to the establishment of transitive constructions and thus the strengthening of syntactic alignment. The analysis shows that the pace of this process and the types of changes that ē-stative constructions underwent were determined by the level of the participant's volitivity and control.
{"title":"Slavic \"Quirky Subject\" Constructions with ē-Statives: Origin and Development","authors":"Jasmina Grković-maJor","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2021.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2021.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper discusses the origin and development of constructions with ē-statives denoting sensation, emotion, perception, and cognition, which exhibit traces of non-nominative alignment in the history of Slavic languages. Patterns where the experiencer is encoded by the accusative or dative case were inherited from an earlier semantically aligned system, whose relics are found in other Indo-European languages as well. These structures have been subjected to various syntactic, morphological, and semantic changes in the history of Slavic, leading to the establishment of transitive constructions and thus the strengthening of syntactic alignment. The analysis shows that the pace of this process and the types of changes that ē-stative constructions underwent were determined by the level of the participant's volitivity and control.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"179 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48297752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In Russian, agreement with quantified subjects varies between plural (= semantic) and singular (= grammatical, default, impersonal) agreement, and there is ample evidence that this variation is governed by semantic and pragmatic factors (such as topicality and animacy of the subject). Although Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian follows stricter normative rules, variation does occur and is motivated similarly to Russian. Polish seems at odds with the paradigm of these languages. First, the grammar of contemporary Polish does not allow for variation in agreement with quantified subjects. Second, semantic agreement is available only with non-virile nouns in paucal numbers, while virile nouns require grammatical agreement (e.g., dwie kobiety przyszłyPL 'two women came' but dwóch mężczyzn przyszłoSG 'two men came'). This paper offers a way to integrate the Polish data into the Russian and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian picture by drawing on historical and contemporary empirical evidence. Specifically, it offers a short analysis of variation between the nominative and oblique masculine forms of paucal numbers (dwaj vs. dwóch).
摘要：在俄语中，与量化主语的一致性在复数（=语义）和单数（=语法、默认、非人格）一致性之间存在差异，有充分证据表明这种差异受语义和语用因素（如主语的话题性和动物性）的支配。尽管波斯尼亚语/克罗地亚语/塞尔维亚语遵循更严格的规范性规则，但变化确实会发生，其动机与俄语类似。波兰语似乎与这些语言的范式不一致。首先，当代波兰语的语法不允许在与量化主题一致的情况下发生变化。其次，语义一致性仅适用于数量较少的非男性化名词，而男性化名词需要语法一致性（例如，dwie kobiety przyszłyPL“两个女人来了”，但dwóch mÉżczyzn-pzysz 322; oSG“两个男人来了”）。本文通过借鉴历史和当代的经验证据，提供了一种将波兰数据整合到俄罗斯和波斯尼亚/克罗地亚/塞尔维亚图像中的方法。具体来说，它对贫困数字的主格和斜阳性形式之间的变化进行了简短的分析（dwaj与dwóch）。
{"title":"Why dwóch panów przyszło, but dwaj panowie przyszli and dwie kobiety przyszły? Agreement with Quantified Subjects in Polish versus Russian and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian","authors":"Katrin Schlund","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2021.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2021.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In Russian, agreement with quantified subjects varies between plural (= semantic) and singular (= grammatical, default, impersonal) agreement, and there is ample evidence that this variation is governed by semantic and pragmatic factors (such as topicality and animacy of the subject). Although Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian follows stricter normative rules, variation does occur and is motivated similarly to Russian. Polish seems at odds with the paradigm of these languages. First, the grammar of contemporary Polish does not allow for variation in agreement with quantified subjects. Second, semantic agreement is available only with non-virile nouns in paucal numbers, while virile nouns require grammatical agreement (e.g., dwie kobiety przyszłyPL 'two women came' but dwóch mężczyzn przyszłoSG 'two men came'). This paper offers a way to integrate the Polish data into the Russian and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian picture by drawing on historical and contemporary empirical evidence. Specifically, it offers a short analysis of variation between the nominative and oblique masculine forms of paucal numbers (dwaj vs. dwóch).","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"221 - 256"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43737409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article analyzes Russian aspectual prefixes from the perspective of cognitive linguistics. First, a general schema is advanced that involves a trajector, a landmark, and a relation connecting the two. Second, it is argued that there are conditions on the trajector involving an observer and a domain of accessibility and that the trajector of the prefix is not necessarily the same as the trajector of the verb. Third, landmarks are shown to come in four types, involving the image schemas POINT, LINE, PLANE, and CONTAINER. Fourth, the PATH image schema is demonstrated to represent the prototypical relation between trajector and landmark, although the prefix po- represents an important exception to the generalization that prefixes encode a PATH. Fifth, it is shown that motion verbs provide strong empirical evidence for po- as a pathless prefix. Finally, it is proposed that the aspectual meaning of prefixes is the result of metaphorical extension of their basic spatial senses. Taken together, the article presents a small inventory of conceptual building blocks and advances the hypothesis that these building blocks are sufficient to describe all the meanings of the aspectual prefixes in Russian.
{"title":"What's in a Russian Aspectual Prefix? A Cognitive Linguistics Approach to Prefix Meanings","authors":"T. Nesset","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article analyzes Russian aspectual prefixes from the perspective of cognitive linguistics. First, a general schema is advanced that involves a trajector, a landmark, and a relation connecting the two. Second, it is argued that there are conditions on the trajector involving an observer and a domain of accessibility and that the trajector of the prefix is not necessarily the same as the trajector of the verb. Third, landmarks are shown to come in four types, involving the image schemas POINT, LINE, PLANE, and CONTAINER. Fourth, the PATH image schema is demonstrated to represent the prototypical relation between trajector and landmark, although the prefix po- represents an important exception to the generalization that prefixes encode a PATH. Fifth, it is shown that motion verbs provide strong empirical evidence for po- as a pathless prefix. Finally, it is proposed that the aspectual meaning of prefixes is the result of metaphorical extension of their basic spatial senses. Taken together, the article presents a small inventory of conceptual building blocks and advances the hypothesis that these building blocks are sufficient to describe all the meanings of the aspectual prefixes in Russian.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":"141 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47857627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Krugovi Irene Grickat: Gramatičko-semantička istraživanja savremenog srpskog jezika ed. by Rajna Dragićević (review)","authors":"D. Šipka","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0012","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":"199 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43615979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:
From the Editors
Franc Marušič and Rok Žaucer
We thank the following colleagues who generously served as reviewers for the last two volumes (four issues) of JSL (listed in alphabetical order): Tanja Anstatt, Andrei Antonenko, Boban Arsenijević, John David Benjamin, Adam Biały, Andreas Blümel, Tatiana Bondarenko, Krzysztof Borowski, Željko Bošković, Patricia Cabredo-Hofherr, Malgorzata Ćavar, Bożena Cetnarowska, Lída Dutková Cope, Miloje Despić, Stephen M. Dickey, Tom Dickins, Dominika Dziubała-Szrejbrowska, Anna Endresen, Maria Gouskova, Jadranka Gvozdanović, Stephanie Harves, Marie Huffman, Laura A. Janda, Łukasz Jędrzejowski, Darya Kavitskaya, Kamil Kaźmierski, Ronald Kim, Ivona Kučerová, Jadwiga Linde-Usiekniewicz, Beata Łukaszewicz, Marek Majer, Christina Manouilidou, Marijana Marelj, Ora Matushansky, Olav Mueller-Reichau, Andrew Murphy, Stefan-Michael Newerkla, Asya Pereltsvaig, Hagen Pitsch, Ljiljana Progovac, Zorica Puškar-Gallien, Bożena Rozwadowska, Marta Katarzyna Ruda, Pawel Rutkowski, Danko Šipka, Svetlana Sokolova, Mateusz-Milan Stanojević, Peter Svenonius, Adam Szczegielniak, Alan Timberlake, Johanna Viimaranta, Ruprecht von Waldenfels, Zvjezdana Vrzić, Michael Weiss, Björn Wiemer, Ewa Willim, Steve Young, Elizabeth Zsiga. We apologize if we have missed anyone. [End Page 103]
Abstract:On the basis of experimental evidence this paper shows that in Serbian pre-nominal possessive modifiers modifying a noun phrase in subject position can be interpreted as coreferential with a clitic or a strong pronoun in object position. This finding speaks against a condition B violation in these contexts as has been assumed in previous analyses of Serbian (cf. Despić 2013). It implies that possessive noun phrases in article-languages like English and articleless languages like Serbian may receive a parallel analysis (Universal DP hypothesis, Bašić 2004; Progovac 1998): in both languages, the modifier occupies a position in the noun phrase structure from where it does not c-command out of the noun phrase, leading to free covaluation in these contexts (cf. Reinhart 2006). Interestingly, clitics are more likely than strong pronouns to be interpreted as coreferential with the possessive modifier in our test. This may be attributed to the fact that clitic forms in general are more easily bound in non-c-command configurations. In addition, the discourse conditions in the test, where the possessor represented given information, could have contributed to the fact that it was more likely associated with a clitic than with a strong pronoun.
{"title":"Possessive Modifiers in Serbian: Coreference with Clitics and Strong Pronouns","authors":"Sanja Srdanović, E. Rinke","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2020.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2020.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:On the basis of experimental evidence this paper shows that in Serbian pre-nominal possessive modifiers modifying a noun phrase in subject position can be interpreted as coreferential with a clitic or a strong pronoun in object position. This finding speaks against a condition B violation in these contexts as has been assumed in previous analyses of Serbian (cf. Despić 2013). It implies that possessive noun phrases in article-languages like English and articleless languages like Serbian may receive a parallel analysis (Universal DP hypothesis, Bašić 2004; Progovac 1998): in both languages, the modifier occupies a position in the noun phrase structure from where it does not c-command out of the noun phrase, leading to free covaluation in these contexts (cf. Reinhart 2006). Interestingly, clitics are more likely than strong pronouns to be interpreted as coreferential with the possessive modifier in our test. This may be attributed to the fact that clitic forms in general are more easily bound in non-c-command configurations. In addition, the discourse conditions in the test, where the possessor represented given information, could have contributed to the fact that it was more likely associated with a clitic than with a strong pronoun.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":"163 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2020.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41934149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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