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Social acceptance of policy instrument design during times of crisis 危机时期政策工具设计的社会接受度
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1174
Flavia Fossati, Philipp Trein
Disasters create challenges for governments as they need to design effective and legitimate policy instruments to deal with the crisis. In this paper, we analyze social acceptance of regulations and financial investments in crisis governance, taking the example of the COVID-19 pandemic. By using data from two survey experiments in Switzerland, we show that respondents support rules that temporarily centralize decision-making power to the national level but object to regulations that would make contact tracing efforts mandatory. The data shows also that citizens support financial investments of tax money to prevent future crises. Those who are afraid of the health consequences of the crisis are especially favorable to stricter regulations and financial investment, whereas economic worries related to the crisis specifically and political ideology in general barely explain variance in support for crisis responses. In general, this research contributes to our understanding of how survey experiments can be used to analyze social acceptance of policy instrument design. © 2023 Policy Studies Organization.
灾害给各国政府带来了挑战,因为它们需要设计有效和合法的政策工具来应对危机。本文以新冠肺炎疫情为例,分析了社会对监管和金融投资在危机治理中的接受程度。通过使用瑞士两项调查实验的数据,我们发现受访者支持将决策权暂时集中在国家层面的规定,但反对强制要求追踪接触者的规定。数据还显示,公民支持税收的金融投资,以防止未来的危机。那些担心危机对健康造成影响的人尤其赞成更严格的监管和金融投资,而与危机相关的经济担忧和一般的政治意识形态几乎无法解释对危机应对的支持差异。总的来说,这项研究有助于我们理解如何利用调查实验来分析社会对政策工具设计的接受程度。©2023政策研究组织。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the link between administrative styles and policy output: The case of the Italian Extraordinary Commissioner for the Covid-19 Emergency 探索行政风格与政策产出之间的联系:以意大利应对Covid - 19紧急情况特别专员为例
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1176
Mattia Casula, Anna Malandrino

Administrative style is a central concept in public policy and administration research. Despite the developments in the field, less is known about the effect different administrative styles have on policy output. To contribute to filling this gap, the article offers an original framework to explore the link between administrative styles and policy output based on the consolidated distinction between functional and positional orientations as constitutive elements of administrative styles. This framework is applied to an under-investigated case of public organization in the Italian context, that is, the administrative apparatus headed by the Extraordinary Commissioner for the Covid-19 Emergency, to test the general hypothesis that what makes the difference in determining output performance is an administration's positional orientation, not only its functional one. Doing so, the article contributes to “second generation” administrative style research and provides a theoretical and analytical framework to be tested in future cross-national and cross-sectoral comparisons.

行政风格是公共政策和行政研究的核心概念。尽管该领域取得了进展,但人们对不同的行政风格对政策产出的影响知之甚少。为了填补这一空白,本文提供了一个独创的框架,以探索行政风格与政策产出之间的联系,这是基于作为行政风格组成要素的职能和职位取向之间的综合区别。这一框架适用于意大利一个未经充分研究的公共组织案例,即新冠肺炎紧急情况特别专员领导的行政机构,以检验一种普遍假设,即决定产出绩效的因素是政府的位置取向,而不仅仅是其职能取向。这样,这篇文章有助于“第二代”行政风格的研究,并提供了一个理论和分析框架,以在未来的跨国家和跨部门比较中进行检验。
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引用次数: 2
Trading labor for experience: The role of unpaid internships in shaping Active Labor Market Policies in Ireland since the Great Recession 用劳动力换取经验:大衰退以来无薪实习在爱尔兰积极劳动力市场政策中的作用
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1171
Jonathan Arlow

Active Labor Market Policies (ALMPs), which include state-funded apprenticeships, have long been used as a way of encouraging unemployed youth into skilled and semiskilled trades. However, new forms of “nonstandard” employment are now dominating young people's experience of the labor market. In fact, unpaid internships are becoming a normal part of a modern curriculum vitae and viewed as a necessary rite of passage for a successful school-to-work transfer, especially in the middle-class professions. Through the use of freedom of information requests, policy documents, evaluation reports, and semistructured interviews, this paper examines the role of unpaid internships in shaping the four most recent ALMPs targeted at Irish youth since the Great Recession (2008). It theorizes that the increased prevalence of unpaid internships in the entry-level jobs market leads to Irish policymakers designing youth unemployment ALMPs based on a private-sector unpaid internship model. This paper will first situate youth unemployment policy within the literature on ALMPs and unpaid internships. It will then combine process tracing as a within-case research method with a comparative case study of the four ALMPs. In conclusion, this paper finds that Irish youth unemployment policy designed during periods of economic crisis tends to prioritize the needs of host organizations and mirror employment norms established through unpaid internships. Conversely, during periods of economic growth, the Irish youth unemployment policy reverts to a more regulated model that protects the entry-level jobs market. Furthermore, this paper recommends that European states should prohibit the use of unpaid internships to avoid further entrenching precarious and discriminatory work patterns.

积极劳动力市场政策(ALMPs),包括国家资助的学徒制,长期以来一直被用作鼓励失业青年进入熟练和半熟练行业的一种方式。然而,新形式的“非标准”就业正在主导年轻人在劳动力市场的经历。事实上,无薪实习正在成为现代简历的一个正常组成部分,并被视为成功从学校转到工作岗位的必要步骤,尤其是在中产阶级职业中。通过使用信息自由请求、政策文件、评估报告和半结构化访谈,本文探讨了自经济大衰退(2008年)以来,无薪实习在塑造针对爱尔兰青年的四个最新almp中的作用。该理论认为,入门级就业市场中无薪实习越来越普遍,导致爱尔兰政策制定者基于私营部门无薪实习模式设计青年失业almp。本文将首先将青年失业政策置于almp和无薪实习的文献中。然后,它将过程跟踪作为个案研究方法与四个almp的比较案例研究相结合。总之,本文发现在经济危机期间设计的爱尔兰青年失业政策往往优先考虑主办组织的需求,并反映通过无薪实习建立的就业规范。相反,在经济增长期间,爱尔兰青年失业政策恢复到更规范的模式,保护入门级就业市场。此外,本文建议欧洲各国应禁止使用无薪实习,以避免进一步巩固不稳定和歧视性的工作模式。
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引用次数: 1
Street-level bureaucrats as policy entrepreneurs and collaborators: Findings from Israel and Germany 作为政策企业家和合作者的街头官僚:来自以色列和德国的研究结果
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-27 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1173
Lihi Lahat, Tanja Klenk, Noga Pitowsky-Nave

This comparative paper adds to the literature by exploring the connection between policy entrepreneurship and collaboration among street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) in two countries. We asked if SLBs, as policy entrepreneurs, promote collaborative efforts in their work. If so, in what ways? The study was based on qualitative research and in-depth semistructured interviews with 20 SLBs in social services in Israel and Germany. Our findings suggest that as policy entrepreneurs, SLBs use diverse ways of working together, and a higher level of policy change demands a higher level of collaboration. We offer three generic types of SLB policy entrepreneurs: collaborative policy entrepreneurs, collaborative-coordinator policy entrepreneurs, and coordinator-cooperative entrepreneurs. We suggest administrative cultures and policy styles may shed light on the presence of types of SLB policy entrepreneurs.

本文通过对两国政策企业家精神与街头官僚合作关系的研究,对相关文献进行了补充。我们询问,作为政策企业家的slb是否在其工作中促进协作努力。如果是,以什么方式?该研究基于定性研究和对以色列和德国社会服务部门20名社会服务人员的深入半结构化访谈。我们的研究结果表明,作为政策企业家,slb使用不同的合作方式,更高水平的政策变化需要更高水平的合作。我们提供了三种一般类型的SLB政策企业家:协作型政策企业家、协作-协调型政策企业家和协调-合作型政策企业家。我们认为行政文化和政策风格可能会揭示SLB政策企业家类型的存在。
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引用次数: 4
Advancing the operationalization of national policy styles 推进国家政策风格的可操作性
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-27 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1172
Nikolaos Zahariadis, Vassilis Karokis-Mavrikos, Theofanis Exadaktylos, Alexandros Kyriakidis, Jörgen Sparf, Evangelia Petridou

While national policy styles have (re)gained academic attention in recent comparative public policy work, the concept still needs a widely accepted operationalization that can allow the collection and analysis of data across contexts while steering away from construct validity threats. We build on Tosun and Howlett's (2022) work and employ a mixed-methods approach, which relies on exploratory factor analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis. We put forth an operationalization, using Bertelsmann's Sustainable Governance Indicators (SGI) as proxies, that achieves conceptual clarity and distinctiveness, informational robustness, and statistical power. Ultimately, we construct two composite indicators—mode of problem-solving and inclusiveness—calculate them in 41 countries and present policy style classifications based on their combinations. We report the distribution of countries across four policy styles (administrative, managerial, accommodative, adversarial) and conclude with an analysis of the clusters, assessments of robustness, and comparison with other national policy style classification schemes.

虽然国家政策风格在最近的比较公共政策工作中(重新)获得了学术界的关注,但这一概念仍然需要一个广泛接受的操作化,以便在避免结构有效性威胁的同时,能够收集和分析跨上下文的数据。我们以Tosun和Howlett(2022)的工作为基础,采用了一种混合方法,这种方法依赖于探索性因素分析和分层聚类分析。我们提出了一个操作化,使用贝塔斯曼的可持续治理指标(SGI)作为代理,实现概念的清晰度和独特性,信息稳健性和统计能力。最后,我们构建了两个复合指标——解决问题的模式和包容性,并在41个国家对它们进行了计算,并根据它们的组合提出了政策风格分类。我们报告了各国在四种政策风格(行政、管理、宽松、对抗)上的分布,并对聚类进行了分析,评估了稳健性,并与其他国家政策风格分类方案进行了比较。
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引用次数: 1
Mind the housing inclusion gap: The voice of people with disabilities in German housing politics 关注住房包容性差距:德国住房政治中残疾人的声音
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1170
Melanie Slavici

Accessible housing is essential for disabled and elderly people with physical restraints to live independently. In reality, however, there is a considerable lack of accessible housing in Germany. While investigating the reasons for this insufficient supply, this article discusses the underlying policy mix and scrutinizes German accessible housing politics. Based on 50 semi-structured interviews in the two states Saxony-Anhalt and Hesse, it identifies the weak political influence of disability lobbyists as the primary reason. Lacking structural, organizational, and institutional power, they do not get access to decision-makers in housing politics but are labeled as social policy actors. On the other hand, housing and building industries have considerable resources to push their housing policy agenda. Nevertheless, the empirical findings clearly show the challenging endeavor of integrating social and building policies in accessible housing while contributing to the overarching understanding of politics in minor policy fields.

无障碍住房对于身体受限的残疾人和老年人独立生活至关重要。然而,在现实中,德国相当缺乏无障碍住房。在调查供应不足的原因时,本文讨论了潜在的政策组合,并仔细研究了德国的无障碍住房政策。基于在萨克森-安哈尔特州和黑森州进行的50次半结构化访谈,该报告认为,残疾人游说者的政治影响力较弱是主要原因。由于缺乏结构性、组织性和制度性的权力,他们无法接触到住房政策的决策者,而是被贴上了社会政策参与者的标签。另一方面,住房和建筑行业有相当多的资源来推动其住房政策议程。然而,实证研究结果清楚地表明,在促进对次要政策领域政治的总体理解的同时,在无障碍住房中整合社会和建筑政策是一项具有挑战性的努力。
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引用次数: 1
Political framing, actors, and effects of global issues 全球问题的政治框架、行动者和影响
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1169
Nils C. Bandelow, Johanna Hornung, Fritz Sager, Ilana Schröder
<p>The EPA editorial team wishes our readers, contributors, and supporters a Happy New Year 2023! We are glad to present you this year's first issue of European Policy Analysis which comprises four empirical articles that investigate the political framing, actors, and effects of global issues. These include environmental protection, animal welfare, and migration on the national and supranational levels. The papers present different approaches to study European public policy (Saurugger, <span>2013</span>), including a focus on institutions and discourses.</p><p>In the opening article, Graziano and Domorenok (<span>2023</span>) apply the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF, Jones & McBeth, <span>2010</span>; Shanahan et al., <span>2017</span>) to investigate how the rather controversial European Climate Law (ECL) was passed in a short time after its first proposal by the European Commission in March 2020. Taking into account political preferences, arguments, and involved actors, the paper examines the strategic use of policy narratives and associated power dynamics of EU institutions. The authors conceptualize two research propositions considering competing EU logics (supranational vs. intergovernmental) and NPF components (settings, moral, plot, characters). These propositions are empirically tested with qualitative text analyses of EU institutions' documents and debates during the ECL decision-making process. The results show how the European Commission, presenting itself as the main protagonist and pro-active hero of EU climate policy, strategically constructed and promoted the supranational scenario in ECL discussions. With the support of the European Parliament, the Commission successfully pushed its proposed policy solution against the European Council. The Council, also stressing its importance and leadership, presented positions related to both scenarios but did not succeed with this fragmented narrative and, finally, could not compete with the Commission and the majority of the Parliament. By elaborating on the so far understudied power dimension of narratives and its role in the policy process, the study by Graziano and Domorenok theoretically and empirically enhances NPF scholarship.</p><p>The second paper of this issue by Hårstad and Vik (<span>2023</span>) continues the discussion on political narratives with a study of political parties' framing of farm animal welfare policies in Norway. Building on literature on party political discourses in animal welfare policy (e.g., Vogeler, <span>2019</span>) and institutional theory (e.g., Schmidt, <span>2010</span>), the authors analyze how parties frame problems and solutions and how this relates to the change and stability of Norwegian farm animal welfare policy. The research design combines qualitative in-depth interviews with representatives of Norwegian parliamentary parties and content analyses of party programs. Four main themes were identified that contrast primarily between left-wing/
美国环保署编辑团队祝我们的读者、撰稿人和支持者2023年新年快乐!我们很高兴向您介绍今年的第一期《欧洲政策分析》,其中包括四篇实证文章,探讨了全球问题的政治框架、行动者和影响。这些问题包括环境保护、动物福利以及国家和超国家层面的移民问题。这些论文提出了研究欧洲公共政策的不同方法(Saurugger, 2013),包括对制度和话语的关注。在开篇文章中,Graziano和Domorenok(2023)运用叙事政策框架(NPF, Jones &McBeth, 2010;Shanahan et al., 2017)调查了颇具争议的《欧洲气候法》(ECL)是如何在欧盟委员会于2020年3月首次提出提案后的短时间内通过的。考虑到政治偏好、争论和涉及的行动者,本文考察了欧盟机构的政策叙事和相关权力动态的战略使用。作者将两个研究命题概念化,考虑竞争的欧盟逻辑(超国家与政府间)和NPF组件(设置,道德,情节,人物)。通过对欧盟机构的文件和ECL决策过程中的辩论进行定性文本分析,对这些命题进行了实证检验。研究结果表明,欧盟委员会作为欧盟气候政策的主角和积极主动的英雄,如何在ECL讨论中战略性地构建和促进超国家情景。在欧洲议会的支持下,欧盟委员会成功地将其提出的政策解决方案推向了欧洲理事会。理事会还强调其重要性和领导作用,提出了与这两种情况有关的立场,但这种支离破碎的叙述没有成功,最后无法与委员会和议会的大多数竞争。Graziano和Domorenok的研究从理论上和经验上加强了NPF的研究,通过阐述迄今为止尚未得到充分研究的叙事的权力维度及其在政策过程中的作用。该问题的第二篇论文由ha<s:1> rstad和Vik(2023)继续讨论政治叙事,研究了挪威政党对农场动物福利政策的框架。基于动物福利政策中政党政治话语的文献(例如,Vogeler, 2019)和制度理论(例如,Schmidt, 2010),作者分析了政党如何构建问题和解决方案,以及这与挪威农场动物福利政策的变化和稳定之间的关系。研究设计结合了对挪威议会政党代表的定性深入访谈和政党计划的内容分析。确定了四个主要主题,主要是左翼/绿党和右翼/保守党之间的对比。这些主题包括农场动物福利作为农民的个人问题与挪威农业的结构性问题的框架;了解工业化是导致动物福利不佳的原因,以及优先考虑小型农场的相关解决方案;支持市场解决方案,例如提高证明动物福利的农民产品的价格;理解公众辩论的两极分化和情绪化才是真正的问题。最后,该研究得出结论,尽管公众对动物福利的关注及其在政治议程上的地位日益突出,但政党对实际政策变化的主动性有限。这可以解释为支离破碎的政治格局,那些支持变革的行动者的政治权力较小,以及总体上强调保持挪威已经很好的现状。随后的两篇论文继续这期的全球政治问题主题,研究移民政策及其与欧盟政策制定和福利国家的关系。Krotký(2023)对2014年至2019年欧洲议会的移民话语进行了分析,有助于解决这一问题。作者对36项人类安全言论行为进行了批判性话语分析,以调查欧洲议会议员(MEPs)如何使接受移民、难民和寻求庇护者合法化。理论上,该分析建立在Van Leeuwen(2008)提出的正当性范畴,即授权、道德评价、合理化和神话,以及Kaldor等人(2007)提出的五项人类安全原则的基础上。结果表明,道德合法化,尤其是道德抽象化及其对受害者身份的提及,是大多数政党使移民接受合法化的最主要叙事策略。另一个突出的合法化战略是(工具性)合理化,它强调需要采取行动解决“移徙危机”。 “授权”一词侧重于欧盟保护人权的责任,而“神话”一词则意味着故事和未来场景的创造,它们部分与道德合法化结合使用,但在欧洲议会的移民话语中起着次要作用。这项研究进一步表明,所有五项人类安全原则如何隐含地反映在欧洲议会接受移民的合法性中。然而,有人认为,其中一些话语策略再现了“排斥实践的语言”,例如,对较易受伤害的移民群体进行分类和优先排序。Römer(2023)将移民政策的研究扩展到宏观层面,并对移民在短期和长期内如何影响福利国家进行定量分析。她通过考虑社会支出、政策慷慨、两个不同的子政策领域和时间动态,为这样的研究体系做出了贡献。Römer使用了21个经合组织国家从1980年到2010年的汇总时间序列分析。对于因变量,分析侧重于单位GDP的社会福利支出和与失业救济和公共养老金相关的政策慷慨度。移民是作为一个国家在不同时期的净移民来运作的。包括各种控制变量,如失业、通货膨胀、政治指标、限制性移民政策和人口统计数据,以排除其他解释。作者采用了多种通用误差校正模型(ECM),允许测试短期和长期的影响。分析显示,短期内净移民与社会支出之间存在显著的负相关关系。从长期来看,这种关系没有可靠的结果。此外,有证据表明移民与政策慷慨之间存在正相关关系,特别是在养老金福利方面。移民对各国财政平衡的这种微小总体影响,挑战了移民对福利国家构成威胁的通常框架。作者将这些结果与之前的理论讨论进行了结论性解释。我们很高兴向您介绍今年《欧洲政策分析》杂志的第一期内容,其中包括四篇实证文章,调查了全球问题的政治框架、行动者与影响。研究内容包括环境保护、动物福利、以及国家和超国家层面的移民。(Saurugger, 2013),[中文],[中文]。保罗·格拉齐亚诺·叶卡捷琳娜·多莫雷诺克(2022)McBeth, 2010;沙纳et al ., 2017)来调查颇具争议的“欧洲气候法”(ECL)是如何在欧盟委员会于2020年3月首次提出该法案后不久便被批准的。考虑到政治偏好,论点和相关行动者,文章分析了政策叙事的战略性使用和欧盟机构的相关权力动态。作者将两个研究命题概念化,考量了相互竞争的欧盟逻辑(超国家逻辑和政府间逻辑)与NPF的组成部分(背景,道德,情节,角色)。“”“”“”“”“”“”“”“”“”结果表明,将自身描述为欧盟气候政策主角和积极主动的英雄形象的欧盟委员会如何在ECL讨论中战略性地建构和推动超国家情景。在欧洲议会的支持下,欧盟委员会成功地将其拟议的政策解决方案推向了欧洲理事会。欧洲理事会也强调其重要性和领导力,提出了与这两种情景相关的立场,但这种碎片化的叙事并未取得成功,并最终无法与欧盟委员会以及多数的欧洲议会相竞争。通过阐述迄今为止未被充分研究的叙事权力维度及其在政策过程中的作用,格拉齐亚诺和Domorenok的研究在理论上和实证上加强了NPF学术研究。本期收录的第二篇论文由雷·m·b·哈尔斯塔和Jostein维克(2022)撰写,文章继续探讨了政治叙事,研究了挪威政党对农场动物福利政策的建构。基于动物福利政策中的政党话语文献(例如,沃格尔,2018)和制度理论(例如,施密特,2010),作者分析了政党如何建构问题和解决方案,以及这如何有关于挪威农场动物福利政策的变革与稳定。研究设计结合了对挪威议会政党代表的定性深度访谈和对政党计划的内容分析。识别了四个主要主题,这些主题在左翼/绿党和右翼/保守党之间形成对比。这些主题包括:将农场动物福利建构为农民的个人问题与挪威农业的结构性问题;了解工业化是动物福利不佳的一个原因,以及优先考虑小型农场的相关解决方案;支持市场解决方案,例如提高那些认证动
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the European Green Deal: A narrative policy framework approach 理解欧洲绿色协议:叙事性政策框架方法
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-05 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1168
Ekaterina Domorenok, Paolo Graziano

The 2008 global financial crisis, climate change, and, ultimately, the COVID pandemic have once again challenged the European Union's (EU) capacity to find effective policy solutions to common problems. The article investigates how the novel policy narrative underpinning the European Green Deal (EGD), a new EU growth strategy aimed at transforming the EU into a fair and prosperous society with no net greenhouse gas emissions, has evolved into concrete policy commitments. By combining the theoretical insights of the narrative policy framework and the assumptions of constructivist approaches to the study of politics, we focus on the relevance of strategic narratives for the understanding of power dynamics related to the approval of the EGD' center piece—the European Climate Law. Our findings show how, by effectively using legitimacy arguments, the European Commission and the Parliament managed to secure a swift approval of the Regulation.

2008年的全球金融危机、气候变化,以及最终的新冠肺炎疫情,再次挑战了欧盟为共同问题寻找有效政策解决方案的能力。这篇文章调查了支撑欧洲绿色协议(EGD)的新颖政策叙事是如何演变成具体的政策承诺的。欧洲绿色协议是一项新的欧盟增长战略,旨在将欧盟转变为一个没有温室气体净排放的公平繁荣社会。通过结合叙事政策框架的理论见解和建构主义政治研究方法的假设,我们重点关注战略叙事对理解与批准EGD的核心部分——欧洲气候法相关的权力动态的相关性。我们的调查结果表明,通过有效利用合法性论点,欧盟委员会和议会是如何确保该法规迅速获得批准的。©2023政策研究组织。
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引用次数: 5
Follow the science: The European public health community confronts the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic 遵循科学:欧洲公共卫生界面临第一波新冠肺炎疫情
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-18 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1167
Paulette Kurzer, Darius Ornston

This paper argues that “following the science” is not always the best strategy. It does so by examining the first phase of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in three countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden. All three countries possessed highly respected infectious disease agencies with wide stakeholder involvement. Despite this, Danish, Dutch, and Swedish public health agencies underplayed the threat of the COVID-19 virus, discouraged intrusive mitigation measures, and were slow to admit their mistakes. Countries that trusted their national agencies, specifically the Netherlands and Sweden, witnessed higher mortality. By contrast, the Danish government marginalized its epidemiologists and suppressed the spread of the virus. The paper thus demonstrates the limits of trusting national scientific expertise, even when properly embedded within social networks, during periods of heightened uncertainty.

本文认为,“遵循科学”并不总是最好的策略。它通过研究丹麦、荷兰和瑞典这三个国家2019年冠状病毒病(COVID-19)大流行的第一阶段来实现这一目标。这三个国家都拥有备受尊重的传染病机构,利益攸关方广泛参与。尽管如此,丹麦、荷兰和瑞典的公共卫生机构低估了COVID-19病毒的威胁,不鼓励采取侵入性缓解措施,并且迟迟不承认自己的错误。信任国家机构的国家,特别是荷兰和瑞典,死亡率更高。相比之下,丹麦政府将其流行病学家边缘化,并抑制了病毒的传播。因此,这篇论文证明了在高度不确定的时期,信任国家科学专业知识的局限性,即使在适当地嵌入社会网络时也是如此。©2023政策研究组织。
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引用次数: 2
Complexities of policy design, institutional change, and multilevel governance 政策设计、制度变革和多层次治理的复杂性
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1164
Nils C. Bandelow, Johanna Hornung, Fritz Sager, Ilana Schröder
<p>The first contribution in this issue deals with the complexities of influence, relationships, and demands in academic policy advisory systems. Migone et al. (<span>2022</span>) investigate the provision of academic advice in Canadian policy processes. Using a survey on policy-related activities of university researchers in business, engineering, health, and politics, the authors identify relationships and the reciprocal demand between academics and (non)governmental or private sector actors. Over 80% of respondents partnered at least once with extern stakeholders, mostly from private and nongovernmental institutions. The differentiation between academic disciplines shows that researchers in politics and health are more likely to give policy advice to public institutions and NGOs while academics in business and especially engineering conduct research mostly with and for private sector partners. Academic policy interaction was most frequent between the public sector and health academics, and the private sector and engineering experts. The survey results on these elite groups of so-called “super-users” and “hyper-experts” (May et al., <span>2016</span>) indicate that the academics' field of study drives policy advice more than their rank.</p><p>Contributing to the research on policy formulation and policy adoption, the subsequent article investigates the autonomy of policy instrument attitudes (APIA). Policy instruments can be understood as “techniques of governance that are used to give effect to stated policy objectives” (Howlett, <span>2022</span>, p. 3). Attitudes toward these “techniques of governance” are discussed as changing depending on related policy problems and objectives (“contingentists”) or as universal preferences for an instrument, relatively independent of the context (“instrumentalists”). The latter, as argued by Veselý (<span>2021</span>), suggests that pre-existing attitudes precede and therefore highly influence the decision for policy instruments. To empirically test this argument, Nekola et al. (<span>2022</span>) conducted a cross-sectional survey of students at Czech universities who were asked to assess the suitability of multiple policy instruments to solve problems in five policy domains. In general, information instruments were evaluated as more suitable than finance or regulation instruments across policy domains. However, the individual-level aggregation of policy instrument attitudes showed that most students change their preference depending on the respective policy problem and domain, therefore challenging the APIA concept.</p><p>Neef et al. (<span>2022</span>) transfer the discussion on policy design to the institutional level and contribute to this issue with an investigation of institutional design strategies and their influence on institutional change. The authors build on Ostrom's Institutional Analysis and Development framework (Ostrom, <span>1990</span>; Schlager & Cox, <span>2017</span>) and Teisman'
本期的第一篇文章涉及学术政策咨询系统中影响、关系和需求的复杂性。Migone等人(2022)调查了加拿大政策过程中学术建议的提供。通过对商业、工程、卫生和政治领域大学研究人员的政策相关活动的调查,作者确定了学术界与(非政府)或私营部门行为者之间的关系和相互需求。超过80%的受访者至少与外部利益攸关方合作过一次,这些利益攸关方大多来自私营和非政府机构。学科之间的差异表明,政治和卫生领域的研究人员更有可能向公共机构和非政府组织提供政策咨询,而商业、特别是工程领域的学者则主要与私营部门伙伴合作并为其开展研究。公共部门和卫生学者以及私营部门和工程专家之间的学术政策互动最为频繁。对这些所谓的“超级用户”和“超级专家”精英群体的调查结果(May et al., 2016)表明,学者的研究领域比他们的排名更能推动政策建议。后续文章对政策工具态度的自主性进行了研究,有助于政策制定和政策采纳的研究。政策工具可以被理解为“用于实现既定政策目标的治理技术”(Howlett, 2022,第3页)。对这些“治理技术”的态度被讨论为根据相关政策问题和目标而变化的(“偶然主义者”),或者作为对工具的普遍偏好,相对独立于背景(“工具主义者”)。正如Veselý(2021)所指出的那样,后者表明,既存的态度先于政策工具的决定,因此对政策工具的决定有很大影响。为了对这一论点进行实证检验,Nekola等人(2022)对捷克大学的学生进行了一项横断面调查,要求他们评估多种政策工具在五个政策领域解决问题的适用性。一般来说,在政策领域,信息工具被评价为比金融或监管工具更合适。然而,政策工具态度的个人层面汇总显示,大多数学生根据各自的政策问题和领域改变了他们的偏好,因此对APIA概念提出了挑战。Neef et al.(2022)将对政策设计的讨论转移到制度层面,并通过对制度设计策略及其对制度变革的影响的调查来解决这一问题。作者在Ostrom的制度分析和发展框架(Ostrom, 1990;这样,Cox, 2017)和Teisman的回合模型(2002),通过制度方向、不断变化的规则和决策回合的角度来确定行动者如何使用制度设计策略。包括调研、访谈和文献分析,Neef等人对两个荷兰基础设施管理部门及其为实现集体行动的制度变革所采用的制度设计策略进行了深入的比较研究。分析表明,特定的策略配置、模仿行为和无意识的微观层面策略(迷惑、动力、框架)可以促进制度变革过程。微观层面和中观层面的制度设计策略相互关联的本质进一步凸显了在互动、多因素决策过程中推动制度变革的复杂性。以下文章补充了以前在国家背景下的研究,将决策复杂性的范围扩展到多层次治理。Cunico等人(2022)通过分析欧盟(EU)凝聚力政策的决策机制及其与意大利地区实施问题的关系,加深了对这些复杂性的理解。本文运用系统动力学方法探讨了欧盟结构基金区域吸收率反复偏低的原因。为了制裁那些没有能力使用既定资源的当局,欧盟实施了一项减少未来财政捐助的政策。在他们深入的比较研究中,Cunico和他的同事们表明,这种财政截止日期机制可能会对卡拉布里亚等表现不佳的地区造成意想不到的负面影响,因为他们不得不专注于解决后果(低吸收率),而不是潜在的问题(低管理能力)。文章最后提出了政策干预的建议,以重新思考欧盟凝聚力政策决策的陷阱。在随后的文章中,Dias等。 全球化、技术、社会和政治网络、国际条约以及跨界环境、健康和安全问题只是其中的几个例子。这不仅使个人和社会决策复杂化,而且对区域、国家和多层次的政策制定提出了具体挑战。我们很高兴推出今年最新一期的《欧洲政策分析》(EPA),其中包括六篇关于欧盟政策设计和实施、制度变革和治理复杂性的文章。本期的第一篇文章探讨了学术政策咨询系统中影响、关系和需求的复杂性。Migone等人(2022)调查了加拿大政策过程中的学术建议提供。通过对商业、工程、卫生和政治领域的大学研究人员的政策相关活动的调查,作者确定了学者和(非)政府或私营部门行为者之间的关系和相互需求。超过80%的受访者至少与外部利益相关者有过一次合作关系,其中大多数是私人和非政府机构。区别学术学科间研究表明,更有可能在政治和公共机构和非政府组织提供政策咨询的健康,而商科学术和特别是主要在工程进行了研究和私营部门的合作伙伴。公共部门与卫生学者、私营部门与工程专家之间的学术政策互动更为频繁。对这些所谓的“超级用户”和“超级专家”精英群体的调查结果(May et al., 2016)表明,学者的研究领域比他们的排名更能推动政策建议。对政策制定和采用的研究表明,对政策工具的态度是自主的(APIA)。政策工具可以被理解为“用于实现既定政策目标的治理技术”(Howlett, 2022;对这些“治理技术”的态度被认为是根据相关的政治问题和目标而变化的(“偶然的”),或者是对一种相对独立于环境的工具的普遍偏好(“工具主义者”)。vesely(2021)认为,后者表明,既存的态度先于政策工具的决策,因此在很大程度上影响政策工具的决策。为了实证证明这一论点,Nekola等人(2022)对捷克大学的学生进行了一项横断面调查,要求他们评估多种政策工具在五个政策领域解决问题的适用性。总的来说,在所有政策领域,信息工具被认为比金融或监管工具更合适。然而,对政策工具的个人态度聚合表明,大多数学生会根据问题和各自的政策领域改变他们的偏好,这挑战了APIA的概念。Neef等人(2022)将政策设计的讨论转移到制度层面,并通过对制度设计策略及其对制度变革的影响的研究对这一主题做出了贡献。作者基于Ostrom的分析和制度发展框架(IAD) (Ostrom, 1990;Schlager &amp;Cox, 2017)和Teisman轮模型(2002)通过制度方向、变化规则和决策轮的视角来确定行动者如何使用制度设计策略。Neef等人通过研究停留、访谈和文献分析,对荷兰两家基础设施管理机构以及它们用于实现集体行动的制度变革的制度设计策略进行了深入的比较研究。分析表明,特定的策略配置、行为模仿和微观层面的非有意策略(困惑、授权、框架)可以推动制度变革的过程。微观和中观制度设计策略的相互关联性质进一步强调了在互动的多行动者决策过程中推动制度变革的复杂性。 为了补充以前在国家环境中的研究,以下文章将决策复杂性的范围扩大到多层次治理。Cunico等人(2022)通过分析欧盟(eu)凝聚力政策的决策机制及其与意大利地区实施问题的关系,增加了对这些复杂性的理解。作者采用系统动力学(ds)方法来调查欧盟结构基金区域吸收率反复低的原因。为了惩罚当局未能使用某些资源,欧盟实施了一项减少未来财政贡献的政策。在他的研究比较深入,Cunico及其同事表明这一机制长期金融可能造成的负面影响在性能较低的地区——例如卡拉布里亚,因为必须把重点放在解决后果(低吸水率低)而不是根本问题(行政)能力。本文最后提出了政策干预的建议,以重新考虑欧盟凝聚力政策决策中的陷阱。在接下来的文章中,Dias等人(2022)继续讨论欧盟的凝聚力政策,并将其整合到欧盟背景下不断变化的治理模式的概念缺陷和影响的更广泛的图景中。作者提出了一种理解,解决了欧盟2021-2027年凝聚力政策框架(公
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European Policy Analysis
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