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The ladder of disproportionate policy 不相称政策的阶梯
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1225
Moshe Maor

Disproportionate policy responses—policy over- and underreaction—are ubiquitous in policy affairs, yet detecting their full spectrum remains uncharted territory. To this end, I developed a descriptive-analytical framework centering on a novel conceptual tool, the Ladder of Disproportionate Policy, based on assessing the gap between the scope of the audience that the policy ostensibly serves and the degree of policy (mis)fit, that is, how the policy tools are set and adjusted to serve the actual audience. This scale assumes that policymakers can “game” these two policy dimensions before and during policy implementation. Political executives can climb up and down this conceptual Ladder and ascend or descend one dimension independently of the other in addition to moving from one side to the other. The case of the 2021 food voucher policy in Israel illustrates the feasibility of the Ladder.

不相称的政策反应--政策反应过度和反应不足--在政策事务中无处不在,但要全面检测它们仍是未知领域。为此,我开发了一个描述性分析框架,其核心是一个新颖的概念工具--"不相称政策阶梯"(Ladder of Disproportionate Policy),其基础是评估政策表面上服务的受众范围与政策(错误)契合程度之间的差距,即如何设置和调整政策工具以服务实际受众。本量表假定决策者可以在政策实施前和实施过程中 "博弈 "这两个政策维度。政治执行官可以在这个概念阶梯上爬上爬下,除了从一侧移动到另一侧之外,还可以独立于另一维度上升或下降。以色列 2021 年食品券政策的案例说明了 "阶梯 "的可行性。
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引用次数: 0
Policy entrepreneurship for transformative governance 变革型治理的政策企业家精神
IF 2.9 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1222
Gwen Arnold, Sara Ludwick, S. Mohsen Fatemi, Rachel Krause, Le Anh Nguyen Long

Scholarship is growing on societal transitions, describing radical societal change involving multiple sectors and scales, and transformative governance, describing how public, private, and civil society actors use tools of policy to pursue this fundamental change, aiming to build resiliency and sustainability. Much of this literature has a systems-level focus and does not closely examine how governance participants, working individually or collectively, can steer a jurisdiction toward or away from transformativeness. This paper offers a corrective, integrating policy entrepreneurship scholarship with transformative governance research to advance understanding of how human agency underpins societal change. Drawing on accounts from 50 interviewees across eight case studies of US cities grappling with flooding hazards, we show how policy entrepreneurship can boost the political and economic resources that city officials rely upon to help propel radical shifts towards greater social, economic, and environmental equity.

关于社会转型的学术研究越来越多,描述了涉及多个部门和规模的激进社会变革,以及变革性治理,描述了公共、私人和民间社会参与者如何使用政策工具来追求这一根本性变革,旨在建立弹性和可持续性。这些文献中的大部分都是系统级的焦点,并没有仔细研究治理参与者如何单独或集体地工作,以引导管辖权走向或远离变革。本文提供了一种纠正性的、整合了政策创业学和变革性治理研究的方法,以促进对人类能动性如何支撑社会变革的理解。通过对美国城市应对洪水灾害的8个案例研究中50位受访者的描述,我们展示了政策企业家精神如何促进城市官员所依赖的政治和经济资源,以帮助推动朝着更大的社会、经济和环境公平的根本转变。
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引用次数: 0
Networks and perception in European policymaking 欧洲决策中的网络和观念
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-08-12 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1218
Nils C. Bandelow, Johanna Hornung, Fritz Sager, Ilana Schröder

Summer is the time for conferences and the release of new journal rankings. For the editorial teams of journals specializing in policy process research, including European Policy Analysis (EPA), both are interconnected. Ideally, they both help to increase the chances of attracting more high-quality submissions and special issues, while also promoting the journal among readers and reviewers.

The citation scores for 2023 remained very high for EPA. Both in the Web of Science and Scopus, the journal is ranked in Q1 of the political science category. Our new Impact Factor (IF) is 2.7, which positions us at 56/317 in Political Science and 23/91 in Public Administration. In Scopus, we have an outstanding CiteScore of 9.7, placing us at 9/706 in Political Science and International Relations, and 11/232 in Public Administration. These figures are, of course, situational and will fluctuate frequently; they likely say little about the actual quality of the journal. However, we hope they contribute to attracting more interest in the journal, thereby helping us to firmly establish EPA as a leading journal for European perspectives in policy process research.

Relevant conferences in both political science and public policy are also very helpful in this regard. We engage in regular exchanges with the editorial teams of other journals to discuss new challenges. These include formal developments such as open access, the rapid advancements in artificial intelligence, and possible reactions from commercial publishers and professional associations, all of which we must address. Simultaneously, there are exciting substantive developments in our field. These include new approaches and methods for understanding networks in policymaking, which are particularly intriguing in the diverse European countries and the European Union (EU) multi-level system. Are there European perspectives and knowledge from which the international policy process community can benefit? The freely submitted contributions in this issue make important contributions in this regard and will hopefully generate significant interest.

Capano et al. (2024) investigate a question of fundamental importance to current policy process research: What constitutes political networks? What are the motives for cooperation between policy actors, and what role do coalitions between actors play in policy-making? Policy process research has developed and tested a variety of perspectives on specific cases of collaboration (Guo, 2022; Ingold et al., 2021; Möck, 2021). This paper draws on three perspectives and examines their explanatory power through the example of two networks of administrative reform in Italy. What do we find in these networks? Are they more akin to policy communities, which are stable coalitions of heterogeneous actors with a common interest to frame the policy discourse (Jordan, 1990; Miller & Demir, 20

夏季是召开会议和发布新期刊排名的季节。对于包括《欧洲政策分析》(EPA)在内的政策过程研究专业期刊的编辑团队来说,这两件事是相互关联的。理想情况下,它们都有助于增加吸引更多高质量投稿和特刊的机会,同时还能在读者和审稿人中宣传期刊。在 Web of Science 和 Scopus 中,该期刊在政治学类别中均排名第一。我们的新影响因子(IF)为 2.7,在政治学领域排名 56/317,在公共管理领域排名 23/91。在 Scopus 中,我们的 CiteScore 高达 9.7,在政治学与国际关系类中排名第 9/706,在公共管理类中排名第 11/232。当然,这些数字是根据情况而定的,而且会经常波动;它们对期刊的实际质量可能说明不了什么。不过,我们希望这些数字能引起更多读者对该期刊的兴趣,从而帮助我们牢固确立《欧洲政治与公共政策》在欧洲政策过程研究领域的领先地位。我们与其他期刊的编辑团队定期交流,讨论新的挑战。这些挑战包括开放存取等形式上的发展、人工智能的快速进步以及商业出版商和专业协会可能做出的反应,我们必须应对所有这些挑战。与此同时,我们的领域也取得了令人振奋的实质性进展。其中包括在政策制定过程中了解网络的新方法和新途径,这在多样化的欧洲国家和欧盟(EU)多层次体系中尤为引人入胜。国际政策进程界是否可以从欧洲的观点和知识中获益?本期自由投稿的文章在这方面做出了重要贡献,希望能引起人们的浓厚兴趣:什么是政治网络?政策行动者之间合作的动机是什么?行动者之间的联盟在决策中扮演什么角色?政策过程研究针对具体的合作案例提出并检验了各种观点(Guo,2022;Ingold 等人,2021;Möck,2021)。本文借鉴了这三种观点,并通过意大利两个行政改革网络的例子来研究它们的解释力。我们在这些网络中发现了什么?它们是否更类似于政策社群,即具有共同利益的异质行动者组成的稳定联盟,以构建政策话语框架(Jordan, 1990; Miller &amp; Demir, 2007);或者它们是否更类似于认识论社群,即以专业技能为基础的专家网络,旨在影响政策决策(Haas, 1992; Zito, 2018)?第三种可能性是计划性团体,它们分享传记并寻求政治权威以实施共同计划(Bandelow &amp; Hornung, 2023; Vogeler et al.)所选案例主要与计划性群体相对应,其中一个案例也表现出认识论群体的要素。在本期的第二篇论文中,Schiffers 和 Plümer.(在本期的第二篇论文中,Schiffers 和 Plümer:是什么因果机制导致了政策变化?他们从标点均衡理论(PET,Baumgartner 等人,2023 年;Ugyel 等人,2024 年)的角度出发,确定了可能的机制。在实证研究中,他们采用定性过程追踪法研究了德国于 2021 年引入的强制性游说者登记制度。他们得出结论,三种机制共同发挥作用:负反馈导致政策问题的重新表述,正反馈强化了政策的问题网络,以及通过丑闻的积累产生正反馈。除了重要的实质性发现外,Schiffers 和 Plümer 的这一贡献还加强了 PET 在定性政策过程研究中的使用及其在欧洲的实证应用(Beyer 等人,2022 年)。其中一个例子就是移民政策,这也意味着欧盟国家在共同应对新出现的非正常移民挑战时的团结问题。Abisso 等人(2024 年)通过对意大利、马耳他和西班牙的报刊文章进行内容分析,研究了欧盟行为体和治理在这一背景下的形象。 7,这是非常出色的成绩,在政治科学和国际关系中排名第9(共706本杂志),在公共管理中排名第11(共232本杂志)。当然,这些数字是情境性的,并且会经常波动;它们很可能无法反映期刊的实际质量。但是,我们希望它们有助于吸引更多人对该期刊的兴趣,从而帮助我们牢固确立EPA作为“从欧洲视角分析政策过程研究”的领先期刊的地位。政治学和公共政策领域的相关会议在这方面也非常有帮助。我们与其他期刊的编辑团队定期交流,讨论新的挑战。这些挑战包括:开放获取等正式发展、人工智能的快速发展、以及商业出版商和专业协会可能作出的反应,这一切都是我们必须应对的。同时,我们的领域也出现了令人兴奋的实质性发展。这些包括用于理解决策网络的新措施和方法,这在多元化的欧洲国家和欧盟(EU)多层次系统中尤其具有吸引力。是否存在能让国际政策过程社区受益的欧洲观点和知识?本期收录的稿件在这方面作出了重要贡献,并有望引起读者的极大兴趣。Giliberto Capano、Eleonora Erittu、Giulio Francisci和Alessandro Natalini(2024)探究了当前政策过程研究的一个根本性问题:政治网络由什么组成?政策行动者之间合作的动机是什么,行动者之间的联盟在决策中扮演什么角色?政策过程研究已经发展并测试了一系列关于具体合作案例的观点(Möck 2021, Guo 2022, Ingold, Fischer, and Christopoulos 2021)。这篇文章借鉴了三个观点,并通过意大利两个行政改革网络的例子来检验观点的解释力。我们在这些网络中发现了什么?它们是否更像政策共同体,即由具有共同利益的异质行动者组成的稳定联盟,以建构政策话语(Jordan 1990, Miller and Demir 2007)?还是它们更像认知共同体,即基于专业知识的专家网络,旨在影响政策决策(Zito 2018, Haas 1992)?第三种可能性是计划团体,它们分享个人经历并寻求政治权力来实施共同计划(Bandelow and Hornung 2023, Vogeler, van den Dool, and Chen 2023)。所选案例主要对应于计划团体,其中一个案例还展示了认知共同体的要素。无论如何,这篇文章对“迄今为止在单独研究中更多地被假设而不是检验的理论概念的比较实证研究”作出了重要贡献。本期收录的第二篇论文中,Maximilian Schiffers和Sandra Plümer(2024)为政策过程研究的另一个核心问题作出了贡献,这个问题则是:哪些因果机制导致政策变革?他们使用间断平衡理论(PET, Baumgartner, Jones, and Mortensen 2023, Ugyel, Givel, and Chophel 2024)来识别可能的机制。从实证角度来看,他们使用定性过程追踪来分析2021年德国对强制性游说登记制度的引入情况。他们得出的结论是,三种机制的结合发挥了作用:负面反馈导致政策议题的重新主题化,正面反馈强化了政策的议题网络,并且丑闻的积累产生了正面反馈。除了重要的实质性发现之外,Schiffers和Plümer的文章还加强了PET在定性政策过程研究中的使用及其在欧洲的实证应用(Beyer et al. 2022)。有些政策问题跨越了欧洲国家的边界,需要欧洲各国的协调。移民政策就是这样一个例子,它还意味着欧盟国家在共同应对非正常移民这一新兴挑战方面的团结性问题。Martina Abisso、Andrea Terlizzi和Eugenio Cusumano(2024)通过对
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引用次数: 0
Does (dis)agreement reflect beliefs? An analysis of advocacy coalitions in Swiss pesticide policy 意见(不)一致是否反映了信念?对瑞士农药政策倡导联盟的分析
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-31 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1219
Milena Wiget

Agricultural pesticide use is a wicked sustainability challenge: Trade-offs exist between health, environmental, agro-economic, and socio-political objectives. Various actors involved have diverse beliefs regarding these trade-offs and policies to address the challenge. But to what extent does the agreement or disagreement between actors reflect belief similarities or differences, and thus, the formation of advocacy coalitions? To answer this question, the study draws on the advocacy coalition framework and investigates data from 54 key actors in the case of Swiss pesticide policy. The study explores the relationship between the actors' (dis)agreement relations and their beliefs using Random Forests. Coalitions are identified through block modeling and beliefs based on multi-attribute value theory. The study shows that the two relations are a good proxy for identifying coalitions with conflict lines concerning beliefs and presents an approach to exploring ideological reasons behind (dis)agreement relations that supports identifying conflicting beliefs relevant to future policy solutions.

农业杀虫剂的使用是一个棘手的可持续发展挑战:健康、环境、农业经济和社会政治目标之间存在权衡。对于这些权衡和应对挑战的政策,不同的参与者有着不同的信念。但是,行动者之间的一致或分歧在多大程度上反映了信念的相似性或差异性,从而形成了倡导联盟?为了回答这个问题,本研究借鉴了倡导联盟框架,并调查了瑞士农药政策案例中 54 个主要参与者的数据。研究采用随机森林方法探讨了行动者的(不)一致关系与其信念之间的关系。联盟是通过分块建模确定的,而信念则基于多属性价值理论。研究表明,这两种关系是识别具有信念冲突线的联盟的良好代表,并提出了一种探索(不)协议关系背后的意识形态原因的方法,该方法支持识别与未来政策解决方案相关的信念冲突。
{"title":"Does (dis)agreement reflect beliefs? An analysis of advocacy coalitions in Swiss pesticide policy","authors":"Milena Wiget","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1002/epa2.1219","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Agricultural pesticide use is a wicked sustainability challenge: Trade-offs exist between health, environmental, agro-economic, and socio-political objectives. Various actors involved have diverse beliefs regarding these trade-offs and policies to address the challenge. But to what extent does the agreement or disagreement between actors reflect belief similarities or differences, and thus, the formation of advocacy coalitions? To answer this question, the study draws on the advocacy coalition framework and investigates data from 54 key actors in the case of Swiss pesticide policy. The study explores the relationship between the actors' (dis)agreement relations and their beliefs using Random Forests. Coalitions are identified through block modeling and beliefs based on multi-attribute value theory. The study shows that the two relations are a good proxy for identifying coalitions with conflict lines concerning beliefs and presents an approach to exploring ideological reasons behind (dis)agreement relations that supports identifying conflicting beliefs relevant to future policy solutions.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"10 4","pages":"488-514"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1219","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142737604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Assessing policy capacity and policy effectiveness: A comparative study using sustainable governance indicators 评估政策能力和政策效力:利用可持续治理指标进行比较研究
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1217
Rameen Khan, Fiaz Hussain

Policy capacity is vital for a nation's prosperity and sustainability, enabling governments to fulfill diverse responsibilities, such as security, economic growth, and accountable governance. This study evaluates policy capacity across countries from 2014 to 2020 using Sustainable Governance Indicators by the Bertelsmann Foundation. Focusing on executive capacity, which encompasses policy capacity's analytical, managerial, and political aspects, we gauge governments' ability to implement sustainable policies. Executive capacity is further classified into steering capability, policy implementation, and institutional learning. Findings show that policy capacity significantly influences policy effectiveness in all countries, with high-capacity countries demonstrating more impact. Enhancing policy capacity through efficient steering, implementation, and learning can improve policy effectiveness and foster responsive governance for sustainable development. This research provides valuable insights for policymakers seeking to bolster governance capacities and achieve positive policy outcomes.

政策能力对于一个国家的繁荣和可持续发展至关重要,它使政府能够履行安全、经济增长和负责任的治理等各种责任。本研究利用贝塔斯曼基金会的可持续治理指标,对 2014 年至 2020 年各国的政策能力进行了评估。执行能力包括政策能力的分析、管理和政治方面,我们将重点放在执行能力上,衡量政府实施可持续政策的能力。执行能力又分为指导能力、政策执行能力和机构学习能力。研究结果表明,政策能力对所有国家的政策有效性都有重大影响,高政策能力国家的影响更大。通过高效的指导、执行和学习来提高政策能力,可以提高政策的有效性,促进可持续发展的顺应性治理。这项研究为寻求提高治理能力和取得积极政策成果的决策者提供了宝贵的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Advancing the concept of windows of opportunity to explore the dynamics of the sustainability transition: The development of the EV market in the UK 推进机会之窗的概念,探索可持续转型的动态:英国电动汽车市场的发展
IF 2.9 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1216
Dr Ural Arslangulov, Prof Robert Ackrill

In this study, we seek to understand the interplay between industry and policy, to explain how and why the UK shifted from the promotion of low-emission road transportation, to policy based on zero tailpipe-emission electric vehicles (EVs), as part of its evolving net zero ambitions. For this, we unify the Multi-Level Perspective, Multiple Streams Framework, and Multi-Level Governance into a synthetic model—the Multi-Level Governance and Strategy model. Within this, we identify distinct windows of opportunity (WoO) that relate to each of the technology, policy, and market factors that needed to come together to put the UK automotive industry on a specific trajectory. Utilizing (pragmatist) grounded theory to analyze our extensive interview and documentary data, we find that this trajectory resulted from the interplay of technology innovators and policy entrepreneurs in different WoO, to achieve the ultimate goal of a functioning market for EVs.

在这项研究中,我们试图了解行业与政策之间的相互作用,以解释英国如何以及为什么从促进低排放的道路运输转向基于零尾气排放的电动汽车(ev)的政策,作为其不断发展的净零目标的一部分。为此,我们将多层次视角、多流框架和多层次治理统一为一个综合模型——多层次治理和策略模型。在此基础上,我们确定了不同的机会之窗(WoO),这些机会之窗与技术、政策和市场因素有关,这些因素需要结合在一起,使英国汽车行业走上特定的轨道。利用(实用主义)理论分析我们广泛的访谈和文献数据,我们发现这一轨迹是不同WoO中技术创新者和政策企业家相互作用的结果,以实现电动汽车市场功能的最终目标。
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引用次数: 0
Is who they are, what they prefer? Understanding bureaucratic elites' policy preferences for European integration of government accounting 他们的身份就是他们的偏好吗?了解官僚精英对欧洲政府会计一体化的政策偏好
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-06-17 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1215
Pascal Horni

Bureaucratic elites and national public administrations' experts play a key role in the preparation of supranational policies and in shaping global governance instruments. However, we know surprisingly little about what factors drive their preferences and support for supranational solutions. Drawing on the results of a vignette and conjoint experiment and the case of the European Commission's policy initiative to develop European Public Sector Accounting Standards, this study analyzes the effect of the communicative framing of a policy's objective and how experts' attitudes influence their preferences for policy outcomes. The study shows that the communicative framing of a policy's objective based on functional needs rather than on normative grounds increases support among national administrations' experts. Moreover, the study finds evidence that experts who internalized a public service motivation and those with a supranationalist collective identity are more willing to give up national sovereignty in favor of supranational policy solutions.

官僚精英和国家公共管理部门的专家在制定超国家政策和形成全球治理工具方面发挥着关键作用。然而,我们对他们偏好和支持超国家解决方案的因素知之甚少。本研究借鉴了小实验和联合实验的结果,并以欧盟委员会制定欧洲公共部门会计准则的政策倡议为例,分析了政策目标的沟通框架的效果,以及专家的态度如何影响他们对政策结果的偏好。研究表明,基于功能需求而非规范理由的政策目标沟通框架会增加国家行政部门专家的支持。此外,研究还发现有证据表明,内化了公共服务动机的专家和具有超国家主义集体身份的专家更愿意放弃国家主权,转而支持超国家的政策解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining differences in policy learning in the EU "Fit for 55” climate policy package 欧盟 "适合 55 国 "一揽子气候政策中政策学习差异的解释
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-31 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1210
Fredrik von Malmborg

Through learning, policy actors can maintain, reinforce, or revise their beliefs and positions about the design and outcomes of policies. This paper critically analyzes factors influencing policy learning by comparing policy processes of two EU laws of the recent “Fit for 55” climate package: (i) revised provisions on increasing energy efficiency in companies included in the recast Energy Efficiency Directive and (ii) the new FuelEU Maritime regulation provided for decarbonizing maritime shipping. Learning across coalitions with competing beliefs was encountered in the first case but not in the other despite similar institutional settings. The difference is attributed to a more politicized debate on decarbonizing shipping, leading to consensus through bargaining instead of deliberation, and a circumscribed leader of one coalition, with a less flexible negotiation mandate. The paper adds to the theory on policy learning, suggesting that levels of politicization and polarization, as well as the mandates of the coalition leaders, influence cross-coalition learning.

通过学习,政策参与者可以保持、加强或修正他们对政策设计和结果的信念和立场。本文通过比较最近 "适合 55 国 "气候一揽子方案中两项欧盟法律的政策过程,批判性地分析了影响政策学习的因素:(i) 重新修订的能源效率指令中关于提高公司能源效率的修订条款;(ii) 新的 FuelEU Maritime 法规为海运业的去碳化做出了规定。在第一种情况下,尽管机构设置相似,但在另一种情况下,具有相互竞争信念的联盟之间的学习并没有出现。造成这种差异的原因是,关于航运业去碳化的辩论更加政治化,导致通过讨价还价而非审议达成共识,以及一个联盟的领导者受到限制,谈判授权不太灵活。本文对政策学习理论进行了补充,指出政治化和两极分化的程度以及联盟领导人的任务授权会影响跨联盟学习。
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引用次数: 0
Discourses and bottom-up policymaking in Europe and the EU 欧洲和欧盟的讨论和自下而上的决策
IF 5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1209
Nils C. Bandelow, Johanna Hornung, Fritz Sager, Ilana Schröder
<p>Artificial intelligence (AI), climate change, COVID-19, financial budgets, religion and state in Israel—the challenges that the EU and countries in Europe face today seem to increase rather than decrease. This EPA issue includes contributions that show the extent of diversity with which European policy research deals with these topics. The articles draw from different theoretical and/or methodological approaches to analyze the capacity of European governments and the EU in governing these challenges, the ideas and discourses that emerge around them, and the role that bureaucrats and citizens play in bottom-up processes.</p><p>AI is the newest among the mentioned challenges and is subject to increased attention in public policy research. Several articles tackle AI by analyzing the national or global governance of AI technologies (Büthe et al., <span>2022</span>; Erman & Furendal, <span>2022</span>; Radu, <span>2021</span>; Robles & Mallinson, <span>2023b</span>; Taeihagh, <span>2021</span>; Ulnicane & Erkkilä, <span>2023</span>), including the setting of standards (von Ingersleben-Seip, <span>2023</span>), the perceptions by citizens and relevance of public trust (Ingrams et al., <span>2021</span>; Robles & Mallinson, <span>2023a</span>; Schiff et al., <span>2023</span>) or the impact of AI “on the ground” (Brunn et al., <span>2020</span>; Selten et al., <span>2023</span>). Following this recent rise in interest in AI, Lemke et al. (<span>2024</span>) tie in with a contribution that methodologically relies on discourse analysis (Newman & Mintrom, <span>2023</span>) and opens this issue by a comprehensive depiction of the German discourse on AI. Their systematic analysis includes 6421 statements from various relevant stakeholders with a focus on how AI is defined and framed as a policy problem. Thereby, the analysis underpins that AI is (still) perceived as an issue primarily related to technology and, hence, placed in the policy sector of technology and innovation. It is thus not an issue where questions around civil rights, labor, or education dominate, although the multitude of stakeholders framing and defining the problem increases uncertainty in problem definition. Furthermore, the discourse highlights the need for international cooperation.</p><p>With Germany being a large European country with a central role in the European Union (EU), such emphasis of international cooperation also refers to joint endeavors at a European level. However, to be able to address problems that concern Europe, the EU must have the necessary leverage, and members states must also comply with adopted laws—which is often not the case (Brendler & Thomann, <span>2023</span>; Heidbreder, <span>2017</span>; Kriegmair et al., <span>2022</span>; Thomann & Sager, <span>2017</span>). Clinton and Arregui (<span>2024</span>) look into these infringements of EU law at local and regional levels of EU members states to identify explanations for why
In contrast, a direct correlation between large shares of seats held by populists in parliament and excess mortality cannot be shown. At first glance,political institutions and state capacity are also hardly directly correlated with excess mortality. However, the picture becomes more complex whenthe country clusters are differentiated and a distinction is made between the phases with and without vaccination.Contributing to the increasinglystudied role of street-level bureaucrats in public policy (Arnold, 2013; Brodkin, 2012; Edri-Peer et al., 2023), Niva Golan-Nadir (2024) zooms in on areligion-directed food policy reform in Israel to answer what encourages civil servants to become policy entrepreneurs. Focusing on macrolevelfactors, the paper argues that bureaucratic inefficiency, related societal pressure, and competition by other service providers encouragesbureaucrats to engage more strongly for an issue and take on entrepreneurial strategies to increase its success. This causal model is illustrated withthe case of the Israeli Rabbinate, a state institution that successfully defended its monopoly on regulating kosher food certificates in 2021. Drawingon governmental statistics, public opinion surveys, elite interviews and analyses of (policy) documents and media, the study shows how the ActingGeneral Director of the Israeli Chief Rabbinate identified a time of high public dissatisfaction and rising attention for private sector competitors asa window of opportunity to improve the Rabbinate's service provision while maintaining its monopoly. These findings show how critical situations canspark innovation and motivate policy entrepreneurship and change.While the importance of multilevel top-down policy processes cannot be neglected,the last contribution in this issue sheds light on the equally important bottom-up initiatives of policymaking. Using a mixed-methods approach, Bogoand Falanga (2024) explore the dissemination and financial dimension of participatory budgeting (PB) in Portugal, that is, citizen-centeredcollective decision making on public budget (Bartocci et al., 2022). The authors show how (mostly local) PBs have increased throughout Portugal in four waves after their introduction in 2002. This growth was pushed forward, inter alia, by the initiation of the Lisbon PB and national PBs, a stronger focus on young people, new implementation strategies, and PB's support amongcenter-right governments in the North of the country. The comparative analysis of 134 Portuguese PBs between 2002 and 2019 shows that most investmentswere assured in the fourth wave from 2015 to 2019, although the mean investment per PB has decreased since 2009. As of 2019, most PBs relied on less than 2% ofpublic investments, implying a rather weak financial impact. The authors conclude that although PB as a democratic innovation has spread considerablyin Portugal since the early 2000s, it plays only a limited role in the absolute financial investment (per capita), n
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引用次数: 0
Enabling free movement but restricting domestic policy space? The price of mutual recognition 允许自由流动却限制国内政策空间?相互承认的代价
IF 2.7 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1002/epa2.1208
Jasmin Zöllmer, Harald Grethe

Free movement of goods within the EU is guaranteed via mutual recognition: any product lawfully produced in one member state must also be accepted in all other member states. While unleashing economic benefits from trade without regulatory barriers, mutual recognition potentially limits member states' ability to address societal concerns with regard to production conditions. This hypothesis is addressed via the case of farm animal welfare in Germany, combining a thorough policy analysis with 20 elite interviews. The results demonstrate how the discourse of inner-European competition has discouraged policymakers to adopt stricter legislation over the past three decades, exemplifying the impeding effect of mutual recognition on member states' policies. Understanding these mechanisms is vital for handling regulatory diversity within integrated markets and offers insights into similar policy areas. This research contributes to the broader issue of national sustainability standards in a globalized world, where collective preferences increasingly collide with economic goals.

欧盟内部的货物自由流通是通过相互承认来保证的:在一个成员国合法生产的任何产品也必须得到所有其他成员国的认可。虽然互认可以在没有监管壁垒的情况下释放贸易带来的经济利益,但却有可能限制成员国解决生产条件方面社会关切的能力。本文以德国农场动物福利为例,结合全面的政策分析和 20 次精英访谈,探讨了这一假设。研究结果表明,在过去的三十年中,欧洲内部竞争的论调如何阻碍了政策制定者通过更严格的立法,从而体现了互认对成员国政策的阻碍作用。了解这些机制对于处理一体化市场内的监管多样性至关重要,并可为类似政策领域提供启示。在全球化的世界里,集体偏好与经济目标之间的冲突日益增多,这项研究有助于解决国家可持续性标准这一更广泛的问题。
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European Policy Analysis
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