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Extranjeros in Amerika - Gesetzgebung und bourbonische Reformpolitik 前美国立法和波旁皇室改革政策
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.54.27
M. Biersack
espanolEl articulo analiza el impacto de las reformas borbonicas en la politica frente a los extranjeros en Hispano-America. Se examina los principales mecanismos del gobierno de Felipe V, Fernando VI y Carlos III para controlar los procesos migratorios en America: la naturalizacion y la legislacion frente a los extranjeros. Referente a la naturalizacion se describe los cambios que dicha practica experimentaba a lo largo del siglo XVII, por ejemplo la desaparicion de la Composicion y el aparecer de un nuevo instrumento, las Cartas de tolerancia. Con la legislacion se pretendia cerrar los huecos por los cuales los extranjeros intentaban evadir una expulsion de America. Tanto los cambios en los procesos de naturalizacion como los cambios en la legislacion tenian el objetivo de fortalecer la soberania del Rey sobre la admision legal de los extranjeros en America. No obstante, en la practica las autoridades americanas aun disponian de muchos recursos para tolerar por si mismo a extranjeros. EnglishThe article examines the impact of the early Bourbon reforms on the politics towards foreigners in Spanish America. It reconstructs two of the main governmental instruments to control migration: naturalization procedures and legislation on foreigners. Regarding the naturalization practice, the article describes the changes it experienced during the eighteenth century, such as the non-application of the Composicion and the newly introduced instrument of the Cartas de tolerancia. Legislation aimed to close gaps by which foreigners so far had tried to avoid an expulsion from America. Both, changes in naturalization procedures and legislation finally should strengthen the king’s sovereignty concerning the legal admission of foreigners. Nevertheless, in practice the American authorities still held many resources to tolerate foreigners by their own. Keywords:
本文分析了波旁王朝改革对拉美裔美国人对外国人政治的影响。本文分析了西班牙裔美国人在移民过程中所扮演的角色,以及西班牙裔美国人在移民过程中所扮演的角色。关于归化,它描述了这种做法在整个17世纪经历的变化,例如作曲的消失和一种新工具的出现,宽容的字母。这项立法的目的是填补外国人试图逃避被驱逐出美国的漏洞。入籍程序的改变和立法的改变都旨在加强国王在合法接纳外国人进入美国方面的主权。然而,在实践中,美国当局仍然有足够的资源自行容忍外国人。这篇文章考察了早期波旁改革对西班牙裔美国人政治的影响。它重建了控制移徙的两项主要政府文书:归化程序和关于外国人的立法。关于归化做法,本文描述了它在十八世纪所经历的变化,例如不适用《组成》和新采用的《容忍信》文书。立法的目的是缩小迄今为止外国人试图避免被驱逐出美国的差距。入籍程序和立法的改变最终应加强国王在合法接纳外国人方面的主权。然而,实际上,美国当局仍然拥有大量的资源来容忍外国人。Keywords:
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引用次数: 0
Globalizing Violence: The Mexican Revolution and the First World War 暴力全球化:墨西哥革命与第一次世界大战
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.54.15
Stefan Rinke, Karina Kriegesmann
Without doubt, since its very beginning, the 20th century has been a century of violence. Latin America, too, partook in that experience. This can be illustrated clearly by paying attention to the Mexican Revolution. The protracted civil war in which the various factions fought during many years demanded even more victims per capita than the First World War in all the belligerent European countries. In fact, the Mexican case emphasized that there was no possibility to keep out of the global spiral of violence that during the war years reached a hitherto unknown dimension and went beyond war-torn Europe or single nation states. In order to obtain a more detailed understanding of the interpretive models of the World War developed in Latin America and especially in Mexico, a consideration of the circumstances of cruelty in the subcontinent in the early decade of 1910 appears to be important. This does not mean to establish a causal connection between the developments in Mexico and the World War. However, an analysis of the viewpoint of numerous contemporaries reveals that both events were linked to a world in crisis. From the contemporaries’ perspective, a wave of violence had caught the whole globe and underpinned the end of its self-certainty. This article aims to depict the Mexican perceptions and connotations of the First World War while considering the specific regional circumstances and the interactions between global transformations and local experiences. For Mexico, in particular, the war appeared to be inserted in a period of social revolutionary turmoil and political disturbance, which reached its peak between 1917 and 1919. This process opened up new spaces for understanding the role of the nation as well as for its position in a world which was profoundly changing.
毫无疑问,从一开始,20世纪就是一个暴力的世纪。拉丁美洲也有过这样的经历。关注墨西哥革命就能清楚地说明这一点。各派在这场旷日持久的内战中进行了多年的战斗,在所有交战国的欧洲国家中,人均伤亡人数甚至比第一次世界大战还要多。事实上,墨西哥的情况强调,不可能置身于全球暴力螺旋之外,这种暴力在战争年代达到了迄今未知的程度,超出了饱受战争蹂躏的欧洲或单一民族国家。为了更详细地了解在拉丁美洲,特别是在墨西哥发展起来的世界大战的解释模式,考虑1910年早期十年次大陆的残酷情况似乎很重要。这并不意味着在墨西哥的事态发展和第二次世界大战之间建立因果关系。然而,对许多同时代人观点的分析表明,这两件事都与危机中的世界有关。从同时代人的角度来看,一场暴力浪潮席卷了整个世界,终结了世界的自我确定性。本文旨在描述墨西哥对第一次世界大战的看法和内涵,同时考虑到具体的地区环境以及全球变革与当地经验之间的相互作用。特别是对墨西哥来说,战争似乎是在社会革命动荡和政治动荡的时期插入的,这在1917年至1919年期间达到了顶峰。这一进程为理解国家的作用及其在深刻变化的世界中的地位开辟了新的空间。
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引用次数: 0
La recepción de la Revolución Mexicana en América del Sur 墨西哥革命在南美洲的反响
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.54.22
G. Palacios
This article studies the reaction of the governments, and, in some cases, of the public opinion of the more politically active countries in South America, when confronted with the Mexican revolutionary movements of 1910. It follows the steps of the reformists processes, strongly oriented towards the left side of the political spectrum, from the beginning of the 1920’s until the years of the Spanish Civil War. The central argument proposes that the South American governments, most of them from an oligarchic-rightist extraction, firmly allied with the United States, maintained diplomatic missions in Mexico City basically due to the country’s condition of a laboratory for radical leftist reforms that could very well spread to the south of the continent. Information was needed to prevent contamination. Furthermore, the article discusses the opportunity of the so-called Mexican Revolution represented for the failed efforts of the ABC block – Argentina, Brazil, Chile – towards the consolidation as the hegemonic political formation of Latin America, and the role the overheated political environment of Mexico City played in the re-enacting of South America’s old territorial disputes.
本文研究了在面对1910年墨西哥革命运动时,政治上较为活跃的南美国家的政府的反应,以及在某些情况下,公众舆论的反应。从20世纪20年代初到西班牙内战期间,它遵循了改革主义进程的步骤,强烈倾向于政治光谱的左翼。其核心论点是,南美各国政府(其中大多数来自寡头右翼)与美国结盟,在墨西哥城保持外交使团,主要是因为该国是激进左翼改革的实验室,这种改革很可能传播到南美大陆的南部。需要信息来防止污染。此外,本文还讨论了以ABC集团(阿根廷、巴西、智利)为代表的所谓“墨西哥革命”作为拉丁美洲霸权政治形态巩固的失败契机,以及墨西哥城过热的政治环境在南美洲旧领土争端重演中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Administração da Justiça em espaços coloniais. A experiência imperial portuguesa e os seus juízes, na época moderna 殖民空间的司法管理。葡萄牙帝国的经验和它的法官,在现代
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-05-28 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2015-0107
Nuno Camarinhas
– This paper proposes to study the early-modern Portuguese magistracy to demonstrate a specific character of the Portuguese imperial experience which resided in an intense circulation of its agents, either between different colonial territories, either between the colonies and mainland Portugal. It underlines the precociousness of its bureaucratization, which derives from the notion of royal service and its non-transactional nature, since the early 16th century. The paper elaborates on the role played by magistrates and their circulation in the construction of a common juridical space that is built by the Portuguese crown throughout the early-modern period in its overseas territories. It ends up proposing some exploratory methodologies to map and measure the construction and extension of this bureaucratic network, making use of both prosopographical data and network analysis methods.
-本文建议研究早期现代葡萄牙地方行政,以展示葡萄牙帝国经验的一个具体特征,它存在于代理人的强烈流通中,要么在不同的殖民领土之间,要么在殖民地和葡萄牙大陆之间。它强调了其官僚化的早熟,这源于自16世纪初以来皇室服务的概念及其非交易性质。本文详细阐述了葡萄牙王室在整个近代早期在其海外领土上建立的共同司法空间的建设中,地方法官及其流通所起的作用。最后,本文提出了一些探索性的方法来绘制和测量这一官僚网络的建设和扩展,同时利用地形数据和网络分析方法。
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引用次数: 3
Defendiendo una frontera La ciudad de Corrientes, milicias e indios chaqueños, Siglos XVII–XVIII 保卫边境城市Corrientes,民兵和查科印第安人,17 - 18世纪
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2016-0106
F. Pozzaglio, Pedro Miguel Omar Svriz Wucherer
– This article studies the frontier region of the Argentine city of Corrientes based on the concept of centre and periphery. It analyzes the level of autonomy this region obtained in all matters regarding its defense. The article focusses on the way local authorities, indigenous groups, Jesuits and citizens of Corrientes contributed to the defense of the border. One important group were the milicias guaraníes, combat units consisting of indigenous who were considered indios amigos and therefore were allowed to carry weapons. Investigating on this microlevel local answers to problems concerning the interests of the monarchy, allows us a deeper insight into the general dynamics of peripheral territories, especially frontier regions and their practices. Analizando un microcosmos fronterizo: características e historiografía El Nordeste rioplatense era un territorio complejo y periférico de la monarquía hispana. El objetivo de este artículo consiste en estudiar esta región desde los conceptos de centro y periferia, para entender el grado de autonomía que alcanzaron estas tierras en cuanto a su defensa2. Como mencionan 1 Una primera versión de este trabajo fue presentado en el Congreso Internacional de Jóvenes Investigadores UAM. “Conectando” el Mundo Atlántico: redes, barreras e intercambio (1492–1830), organizado por la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid y celebrado en dicha ciudad entre los días 2 y 4 de abril de 2014. Los comentarios y sugerencias recibidos nos permitieron ampliar dicha ponencia al presente artículo, agradecemos especialmente los aportes del Dr. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla en este sentido. 2 Desde el punto de vista militar son numerosos los estudios recientes que han propuesto la descentralización de la defensa de fronteras en los imperios, a partir del análisis de las negociaciones e intereses que imperaban en cada uno de esos territorios. Entre estos tra60 Fernando Ariel Pozzaglio y Pedro Miguel Omar Svriz Wucherer Amy Turner Bushnell y Jack P. Greene, esta autonomía de las periferias no sólo derivó de la debilidad de los recursos coercitivos de la metrópoli y la distancia del centro sino también del dominio de los colonos de las estructuras de autoridad a nivel local. Estas estructuras de autoridad surgieron del esfuerzo de los colonos para construir organizaciones políticas de estilo europeo en el Nuevo Mundo3. Si bien estos autores exponen estas ideas en relación a Gran Bretaña y sus colonias consideramos que esta configuración de la agency de los colonos, también puede aplicarse al imperio español4. Imperio que nos plantea una paradoja en la época moderna. Incrementa la concentración de poder en un centro cada vez más reducido, al mismo tiempo que crece su dependencia de las fuerzas sociales periféricas5. Para superar esta dicotomía, al historiador le resta, según Xavier Gil Pujol, “estudar o impacto do Estado moderno no microcosmo da vida local”6. Nos centraremos entonces en un microcosmos del nordeste rioplatense, la ciudad de Corr
民兵不是租来的部队,也不是常备军,因此在稳定部队和这些临时部队之间建立了明确的界限。见Marcela gonzalez, Las milicias, origen y organizacion durante la colonia (cordoba 1995),第13页。《捍卫政治文化边界》。因此,我们将把地方和地区的历史与君主制对这些外围地区的政策联系起来。因此,遵循Sanjai Subrahmayan提出的连接历史的指导方针,研究葡萄牙帝国在亚洲的土地科伦特斯位于该地区的边界,代表了布宜诺斯艾利斯省真正的“外围的外围”10(地图2)。这意味着,面对来自大查科印第安人(guaycurues, payaguas, abipones等)的攻击,Corrientes的居民显然只能依靠自己的资源来防御。副州长和cabildo是科伦特斯的最高政治当局,负责协调动员居民和居民组成所谓的城市民兵。这一活动实现了双重目的:保护城市免受攻击,同时加强其居民之间的等级制度和政治社会联系。这些民兵是每个人的社会地位的真实表现。除了这些城市民兵,在针对查科印第安人的防御或进攻动员中,所谓的友好印第安人发挥了非常重要的作用。这些印第安人充当西班牙军队或“盟友”的辅助部队,有时在没有西班牙士兵直接参与的情况下作战。然而,袭击的规模、科伦特斯居民的无能或我们将研究的其他因素,在某些情况下,地方当局不得不请求附近的耶稣会武装印第安人的帮助,称为瓜拉尼民兵。这些动员使保卫科伦特斯变得更加复杂,并迫使我们建立新的联系和利益,包括耶稣会成员和他们的小印第安人的联系和利益,为这个城市和地区。在这一点上,我们应该注意到,史学关注的是分析该地区的人口区域(地图2),如jose Javier Ruiz ibanez,“introduction: las Milicias y el Rey de espana”:Ruiz ibanez, las Milicias(注2),第9 - 38页,这里:第13页。9参见Sanjay Subrahmanyam,“连通的历史”。《早期现代欧亚大陆重构的注释》:现代亚洲研究31:3(1997),第735 - 762页。10我们指的是玛丽·卡拉什的作品《外围的外围?Vila Boa de goias, 1780 - 1835”:Daniels/Kennedy编,谈判帝国(注3),143 - 169页。在欧洲和美国的不同地区,有大量的研究对城市民兵的这一特征进行了研究。引用鲁伊斯ibanez的著作《民兵》(注2);它汇集了最近在这方面的贡献。12 Cristophe Giudicelli,“友好的印第安人”和天主教君主制的美国边境的殖民动员(16 - 17世纪)”:Ruiz ibanez, las milicias(注2),349 - 377页,这里:349页。62费尔南多·阿里尔·波扎格里奥和佩德罗·米格尔·奥马尔·斯维里兹·乌切勒,但从我们的角度来看,他们之间没有联系。关于科伦特斯的历史,我们发现了一些被认为是经典的研究,如曼努埃尔·曼提拉和hernan gomez,主要集中在政治方面,这种兴趣也反映在后来几年的一些历史资料的出版上。在他的研究中,Ernesto Maeder专注于这个城市及其地区的总督经济,尽管他的分析始于前几个世纪,给了我们一个非常完整的主题全景。毫无疑问这些研究的补充分析具体规定的印度人民correntina16区域,其中永久合作与劳动为城市,也可以观察到人口往来流动和印第安chaqueños区。劳尔Labougle17的早期研究非常突出,但遭到海上避碰规则》所作的最新Teresa Cañedo callahan和maria Laura Salinas,那些已经获得了一个更准确的社会关系层面和工作情况,在这些土著人民与Corrientes18居民的关系。对于Nuestra senora de itati的减少,Ernesto Maeder设法对某些耶稣会的减少进行了人口比较19,但特别是13参见Manuel F。 Mantilla,《科伦特斯省历史编年史》,第一卷(布宜诺斯艾利斯,1928年);hernan gomez,科连特斯省的历史。从城市的建立到五月革命(Corrientes 1929)。14我们特别提到出版
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引用次数: 1
Los diplomáticos y el comercio de exportación argentino durante la Primera Guerra Mundial 第一次世界大战期间阿根廷的外交官和出口贸易
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2016-0113
Agustina Rayes
– In this paper, we analyze the role of the Argentine diplomats in promoting exports during First World War in order to contrast it with their behavior along the previous period. We start with a summary of Argentine export performance, both in products and destinations. Then, we divide the study over diplomacy in three aspects: communication, action and prediction. The empirical evidence on which we based our study is particularly the unpublished documentation of Diplomatic and Consular Series, found in Argentine Foreign Affairs Ministry Archive. “La acción, un tanto restringida de las funciones de los Consulados, debería ampliarse, haciéndose de ellos el vehículo natural para todo aquello que tenga una faz comercial”.1
-在本文中,我们分析了阿根廷外交官在第一次世界大战期间促进出口的作用,以便将其与他们在前一时期的行为进行对比。我们首先总结一下阿根廷的出口表现,包括产品和目的地。然后,我们将外交研究分为三个方面:沟通、行动和预测。我们的研究所依据的经验证据,特别是在阿根廷外交部档案馆中发现的未发表的外交和领事系列文件。“las acción, untanto to restringida de las功能和领事,debería amplious, haci和andres de ello vehículo natural para todo aquello que tenja faz commercial”
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引用次数: 1
“Sois libres, sois iguales, sois hermanos” Sociedades democráticas en Quito de mediados del siglo XIX "你们是自由的,你们是平等的,你们是兄弟" 19世纪中期基多的民主社会
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2016-0110
B. González
– This research project addresses the political participation of artists and artisans in Quito in the mid–1800’s, during what’s known as the “March” national governments, especially under the rule of José María Urvina (1851–1856) and Francisco Robles (1856–1859). The first section examines the role of the so called Sociedades Democráticas as places of sociability and political learning, where literate lettered artists and artisans gathered with the members of the political and publishing elites. There, they applied the concepts, keywords, values and practices from liberalism. The second section studies the 1845 Revolution commemoration speeches, written by members of the Sociedades Democráticas, which reflected their requirements for building an egalitarian, democratic and Catholic political community. Finally, the third section examines the newspaper El Artesano (1857–1859), published by former members of the Sociedades Democráticas, to analyze their efforts to participate in the public debates of Quito. The purpose of this article is to examine the ways in which the liberal official discourse was appropriated and transformed by the members of the Sociedades Democráticas according to their own political expectations and identities, and how these meaning constructs shaped a local version of Catholic liberalism. * Agradezco los valiosos comentarios de Juan Maiguashca y Pablo Ospina; así como la colaboración de Tatiana Salazar y Ligia Caicedo para la obtención de las fuentes documentales requeridas para este ensayo. Este trabajo ha sido financiado por el fondo para investigaciones del Comité de Investigaciones de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar (UASB, Quito) y forma parte de un proyecto más amplio de la autora, en el que se estudian las tempranas experiencias liberales en Ecuador de la primera mitad del siglo XIX, desde una perspectiva transnacional y de historia cruzadas. 186 Galaxis Borja González
-本研究项目涉及19世纪中期基多艺术家和工匠的政治参与,在所谓的“三月”国家政府期间,特别是在jos María Urvina(1851-1856)和Francisco Robles(1856-1859)的统治下。第一部分考察了所谓的Sociedades Democráticas作为社交和政治学习场所的作用,有文化的艺术家和工匠与政治和出版精英成员聚集在一起。在那里,他们运用了自由主义的概念、关键词、价值观和实践。第二部分研究了Sociedades Democráticas成员撰写的1845年革命纪念演讲,这些演讲反映了他们对建立平等、民主和天主教政治共同体的要求。最后,第三部分考察了由Sociedades Democráticas前成员出版的报纸El Artesano(1857-1859),以分析他们参与基多公共辩论的努力。本文的目的是考察自由主义官方话语是如何被Sociedades Democráticas的成员根据他们自己的政治期望和身份挪用和转化的,以及这些意义建构如何塑造了天主教自由主义的地方版本。*胡安·马瓜什卡和巴勃罗·奥斯皮纳;así como la colaboración de Tatiana Salazar和Ligia Caicedo para la obtención de las fuentes documentales requesidas para este enayo。埃斯特找工作哈sido financiado将作为这些活动的几率el洋底对位investigaciones del拉西德investigaciones de la大学Andina西蒙•玻利瓦尔(UASB,基多)y形式组成部分指出联合国mas amplio de la autora en el, se estudian las tempranas experiencias自由在厄瓜多尔de la第十九届只要del siglo desde una perspectiva transnacional y de cruzadas史学家。186 Galaxis Borja González
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引用次数: 5
“Su pueblo llora, América se inclina”: la eficacia política de una muerte argentina “他的人民在哭泣,美国在鞠躬”:阿根廷死亡的政治效力
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2016-0114
S. Gayol
– This article studies a public funeral in different cities of Argentina. It shows the power of the Unión Civica Radical (U.C.R.) at mobilizing a population, and the importance of local political experiences in the generation of political identities. Analyzing the transnational repercussion of the death it is argued that the dead body became a symbol for the path many Latin-American political regimes took: a changing from a liberal republic to a dictatorship. From the analysis of a particular death, the article revises some interpretations of the first mass political party in Argentina, it sustains the need to embed history into a bigger context and proposes a dynamic reading of funeral rites.
这篇文章研究了阿根廷不同城市的公共葬礼。它显示了Unión公民激进组织(ucr)动员民众的力量,以及地方政治经验在政治认同产生中的重要性。分析了死亡的跨国影响,认为尸体成为许多拉丁美洲政治政权所走过的道路的象征:从自由共和国到独裁政权的转变。文章从对一个特定死亡事件的分析出发,修正了对阿根廷第一个群众性政党的一些解读,坚持将历史嵌入到更大的语境中,提出了对葬礼仪式的动态解读。
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引用次数: 0
Entre la crisis económica y la migración alemana. Las actividades del comerciante Cristóbal Guillermo Schutte en Arequipa, 1827–1850 在经济危机和德国移民之间。商人cristobal Guillermo Schutte在阿雷基帕的活动,1827 - 1850
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2016-0109
Víctor Condori
– This research seeks first, to explain the effects generated by Independence in Arequipa and the magnitude of the economic crisis in the region during the early years of republican life; years also characterized by the arrival of a large group of European traders in the city, including some Germans from the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg and Bremen. Second, to learn more about German migration to Arequipa in the first half of the nineteenth century, through the activities of one of its most prominent members, bremense Christopher William
-这项研究首先试图解释阿雷基帕独立所产生的影响以及共和建国初期该区域经济危机的严重程度;还有一大群欧洲商人来到这座城市,其中包括一些来自汉萨同盟城市汉堡和不来梅的德国人。第二,了解更多关于19世纪上半叶德国移民到阿雷基帕的情况,通过其最杰出的成员之一,布雷梅斯·克里斯托弗·威廉的活动
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引用次数: 0
Dibujando la nación desdibujando al enemigo. Imágenes de movilización bélica en la prensa de guerra paraguaya, 1867–1868 通过模糊敌人来描绘国家。1867 - 1868年巴拉圭战争报刊上的战争动员图片
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.7767/jbla-2016-0111
M. Johansson
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina
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