Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.317
N. Kovacevic
Review: Edin Radušić, Dvije Bosne: Britanske putopisne i konzularne slike Bosne i Hercegovine, njenog stanovništva i međusobnih odnosa, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str.
评论:Edin Radušić,Dvije Bosne:Britanske putopisne i konzularne slike Bosne i Hercegovine,njeong stanovništva i meŞusobnih odnosa,Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu,萨拉热窝2019,259街。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.228
Mirza Džananović
The establishment of the socialist regime had led to thorough political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first decade after the Second World War was marked by the reconstruction of the war-torn country, and great support in that process was provided by the USSR - the main ally of the new Yugoslavia. Emphasis was placed on the intensive development of the industry, which was to be the carrier of the overall economic development of the entire country. In accordance with this strategy, large industrial plants were established in all parts of Yugoslavia, thanks to which there was an intensive process of urbanization of numerous previously dormant communities. However, when there was a conflict and then a break with the USSR, Yugoslavia was forced to partially modify its economic development plans (the so-called Five-Year Plans). These changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina were most felt by cities such as Zenica, which instead of the originally planned Doboj became a Yugoslav metallurgical center, and Novi Travnik, which arose as a result of relocating part of the arms industry from Kragujevac in Serbia to central Bosnia. The factory “Bratstvo" (meaning Brotherhood) was built on a deserted meadow near Travnik in the heart of central Bosnia, and for the needs of housing workers who built industrial plants, as well as for those who worked in those plants, the first residential buildings were built in the form of low-quality wooden barracks. These were the roots of the workers' settlement that gradually grew into a new town called Novi Travnik. The fateful link between the factory and the city, which was established at that time, was not interrupted during the entire socialist period, so the survival and development of Novi Travnik completely depended on the business opportunities in the "Bratstvo" factory. The expansion of the production and plant of the "Bratstvo" also included the construction of new housing, communal, social, health, sports, cultural, catering and other facilities in Novi Travnik. A successful business year in "Bratstvo" meant a secure inflow of money into the local community budget as well as a sufficient number of funds for the work of cultural, artistic, entertainment, sports and all other societies in the city. The same rule applied in the case of bad business of "Bratstvo", and the most obvious example of how important the factory was for Novi Travnik can be seen in the case of a failed business in Ghana. The local authorities in Novi Travnik were absolutely aware of the role of the "Brotherhood" in the development of Novi Travnik and tried in every way to facilitate the functioning of the company, so, except for a few mere misunderstandings, relations between city and factory management were mostly friendly. After all, when the survival of the "Bratstvo" was called into question due to the failed business in Ghana, local authorities were among the first to appeal for the company's salvati
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.205
Jasmin Jajčević
Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata desile su se velike promjene na kulturnom planu. Promjene koje su se desile na polju prosvjetno-kulturne politike KPJ je pretvorila u instrument za ostvarivanje ideoloških ciljeva i širenja sopstvenih političkih ideja. Znatan dio kulturno-umjetničkog života Bosne i Hercegovine, sjeveroistočne Bosne, a i Tuzle odvijao se kroz sekcije društava koja su uglavnom imala oznaku nacionalna, radnička, službenička, seoska i školska amaterska. Kulturna djelatnost u Bosni i Hercegovini dijelom se vršila kroz nacionalna kulturno-prosvjetna društava, kod Bošnjaka „Preporod“, kod Srba „Prosvjeta“, a kod Hrvata „Napredak“. Osnovana sa ciljem da obrazuju narod i stvaraju inteligenciju u svome nacionalnom korpusu, društva vremenom proširuju svoju djelatnost na organizovanje analfabetskih tečajeva, osnivanje biblioteka, čitaonica, zadruga, kulturnih sekcija, te se bave izdavačkom djelatnošću. Nacionalna kulturno-prosvjetna društva su se brzo našla pod udarom države, gdje se kulturno-prosvjetni rad društava počinje centralizovati formiranjem sreskih i gradskih saveza kulturno-prosvjetnih društava, a konačna likvidaciju nacionalnih kulturno-prosvjetnih društava izvršena marta 1949. godine. Pored obnovljenih nacionalnih društava, kulturno-umjetničku djelatnost su obavljali i pjevački horovi, pozorišne i umjetničke grupe koje su osnovane još za vrijeme rata, a počeli su se osnivati i radnička kulturno-umjetnička društva. Jedno od njih je i radničko kulturno-umjetničko društvo „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ osnovano 1945. godine u Tuzli. Društvo je nosilo naziv heroja i poznatog borca za radnička prava, koji je dao svoj život za slobodu. Akcioni odbor za osnivanje društva sačinjavali su: predsjednik Aljo Mutevelić, blagajnik Pašaga Bećirbašić, sekretar Hašim Mutevelić i dva odbornika Mustafa Tinjić i Mehmedalija Hukić. U prvih pet mjeseci društvo „Mitar Trifunović Učo“ dalo je šest priredaba. Tokom 1946. godine radničko kulturno-umjetničko društvo „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ imalo je zapažene nastupe na priredbama i koncertima. Godine 1947. ovo društvo je dalo brojne priredbe i učestvovalo na raznim svečanostima, a između ostalih posjetili su graditelje pruge Šamac-Sarajevo, sudjelovali na svečanosti prilikom otvaranja pruge Stupari-Kladanj, te imali su nekoliko gostovanja u Banovićima, Zenici i Zavidovićima, zatim Tešnju i Tesliću. U 1948. godini radničko kulturno-umjetničko društvo „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ imalo je 39 nastupa. Početak 1948. godine bila je prekretnica u radu ovog društva. Društvo je početkom 1948. godine sredilo svoju upravu, organizovalo bolji rad u svim svojim sekcijama, tako da je svaka sekcija dobila svoga rukovodioca. Pored toga sređene su i materijalne prilike, nabavljen je potreban inventar, garderoba i tehnički materijal. Rad društva je od septembra mjeseca 1948. godine bio skoro potpuno zamro. Nijedna sekcija ovog društva nije radila, jedino je hor i orkestar nekako nastupao, počevši se spremati onda kada je trebalo izaći na smotr
第二次世界大战后,文化发生了重大变化。公共文化政策领域的变化使KPJ成为实现意识形态目标和扩大自身政治思想的工具。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那文化和艺术生活中一个著名的部分,波斯尼亚东北部和图兹勒,发生在社会的各个部分,这些社会大多有国民、劳工、官员、农村和学校的业余爱好者。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的文化活动是通过国家文化和启蒙社会进行的,在波什尼亚克、普雷波罗德、塞族、莱特和克罗地亚,进步“它的目标是教育人民,在他们的国家尸体上创造智慧,及时授权社会组织类比课程,建立图书馆、读者、任务、文化部门,并处理出版活动。国家文化和透明社会很快受到了国家的打击,因为国家共享文化和公共作品。它开始集中形成斯里兰卡和城市的文化和启蒙社会联盟,并最终消灭1949年3月进行的民族文化和启蒙协会。年除了复兴的民族社会外,战争期间成立的鸣笛、剧院和艺术团体也开展了文化和艺术活动,以工作为基础的文化和艺术社会也开始了。Jedno od njh je i radničko kulturno umjetničko-društvo“Mitar Trifunović-Učo”osnovano 1945。图兹拉的一年。该公司佩戴着一位英雄和一位为自由献出生命的著名劳动法斗士的名字。建立社会行动委员会成员包括:总统Aljo Mutevelic、财务主管Pašag Beći rbašic、秘书Hasim Mutevelich和两名专家Mustafa Tinjic和Mehmadali Hukic。在最初的五个月里,Mitar Trifunovic Teach做了六次准备。1946年,1947年,Mitar Trifunovic-Učo的工作文化和艺术协会观看了音乐会和活动。该公司提供了许多机会,参加了各种节日,并参加了沙马萨拉热窝海岸的建设,参加了Stupari Cladan海岸的开幕式,在Banovic、Zenica和Zavidovic,以及田纳西州和特斯拉都有几位客人。1948年。39岁时,Mitar Trifunovic-Učo的文化艺术协会进行了表演。这个社会的工作发生了一年的变化。Društvo je početkom 1948。他负责自己的行政管理,在所有部门都组织得更好,所以每个部门都有自己的指导。此外,材料机会是固定的,需要库存、服装和技术材料。社会工作自1948年9月开始进行。这一年几乎完全萧条。这个社会的任何部分都没有工作过,只有圆号和管弦乐队表演过,在本该走向死亡或节日的时候开始做好准备。社会没有空间,没有部门领导。除了城市联盟提供的援助外,社会工作还不尽如人意,这意味着城市联盟的援助和单一议会的援助是不完整的,必须进一步注意消除所有最严重危害社会活跃的问题。1949年。前一年,社会提出了新的大任务,首先是建设和加强各部门、短剧、戏剧、编舞、音乐、朗诵和先锋部门的工作。Radničko kulturno umjetničko-društvo“Mitar Trifunović-Učo”,1950年。这一年被宣布为图兹兰游泳池中最好的公司。社会各阶层参加了许多活动,包括6名歌手和手鼓、3名民谣歌手和6家剧院。这个社团有四个房间和一个小房间。1951年。“Mitar Trifunovic-Učo”文化艺术协会在房间方面遇到了重大困难。几个月前,它从以前的工作场所搬到了以前的克罗地亚家。1952年,1953年。社会上最大的问题是社会生活的发展和会员的振兴,这只是排练,然后离开,没有在社交室里备份。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.133
Safet Bandžović
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orient
{"title":"Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“","authors":"Safet Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.133","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, \"must find its legitimate stronghold in the past.\" The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a \"civil war between different memories\", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in \"transitional historiography\", along with the new \"reduction of totality\", led to \"retraditionalization\", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical \"re-nationalization\". None of them carried out such a \"thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism\" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of \"good\" nationalism, which for many is \"elementary patriotism\". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became \"misunderstood victims of historical destiny.\" Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to \"anti-anti-fascism\". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for \"historical truths\" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a \"desirable history\", it is \"a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals.\" The obvious expression is \"political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orient","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43332575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-30DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.307
Ramiza Smajić
Review: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“. Guillaume Ancel, Vent Glacial sur Sarajevo (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.
评论:“Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili”。Guillaume Ancel,萨拉热窝冰川口(Guerre回忆录),Les Belles Lettres,巴黎2017,224街。
{"title":"Review: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“. Guillaume Ancel, Vent Glacial sur Sarajevo (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.","authors":"Ramiza Smajić","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.307","url":null,"abstract":"Review: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“. Guillaume Ancel, Vent Glacial sur Sarajevo (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48527760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-28DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.219
Jasmin Jajčević
Cultural and educational work after the Second World War in northeastern Bosnia, in addition to cultural, educational and artistic societies, took place in various cultural institutions, where cultural centers and public universities stand out. The houses of culture, in cooperation with societies, universities and various cultural and educational sections, organized events, lectures and various cultural and educational contents. Their importance was especially pronounced in the smaller rural areas of northeastern Bosnia, where they were the center of cultural and educational work. People's universities, as cultural and educational institutions, were supposed to nurture scientific and lecturing work, and to politically enlighten the population of urban and rural areas of northeastern Bosnia through various lectures. In essence, public universities were public schools in which ideologically appropriate lectures with various topics were mostly held and they played a significant role in the creation of a socialist society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to point out the role and importance of the establishment of these cultural and educational institutions in northeastern Bosnia, and their overall contribution to the cultural and educational awareness of the population of northeastern Bosnia.
{"title":"Establishment and activity of culture centers and people`s universities in northeastern Bosnia in the first years of “New Yugoslavia”","authors":"Jasmin Jajčević","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.219","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural and educational work after the Second World War in northeastern Bosnia, in addition to cultural, educational and artistic societies, took place in various cultural institutions, where cultural centers and public universities stand out. The houses of culture, in cooperation with societies, universities and various cultural and educational sections, organized events, lectures and various cultural and educational contents. Their importance was especially pronounced in the smaller rural areas of northeastern Bosnia, where they were the center of cultural and educational work. People's universities, as cultural and educational institutions, were supposed to nurture scientific and lecturing work, and to politically enlighten the population of urban and rural areas of northeastern Bosnia through various lectures. In essence, public universities were public schools in which ideologically appropriate lectures with various topics were mostly held and they played a significant role in the creation of a socialist society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to point out the role and importance of the establishment of these cultural and educational institutions in northeastern Bosnia, and their overall contribution to the cultural and educational awareness of the population of northeastern Bosnia.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47728509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-28DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.370
Adnan Tinjić
Conference Report: Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “Pravne i političke posljedice Deklaracije o proglašenju srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine 9. januara 1992. godine“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020.
{"title":"Conference Report: Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “Pravne i političke posljedice Deklaracije o proglašenju srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine 9. januara 1992. godine“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020.","authors":"Adnan Tinjić","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.370","url":null,"abstract":"Conference Report: Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “Pravne i političke posljedice Deklaracije o proglašenju srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine 9. januara 1992. godine“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47072649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-28DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.7
Safet Bandžović
The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
{"title":"Wars and ways of deosmanization of the Balkans (1912-1923)","authors":"Safet Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.7","url":null,"abstract":"The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the \"Great War\" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of \"Ottoman Europe\", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the \"Great War\". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45175238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-28DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.268
Mesud Šadinlija
Among the numerous open questions of contemporary historiography regarding the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its consequences, the issues connected to the post-Yugoslav wars still cause the most disputes. Even in the case of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, waged from 1992 to 1995, all of the important questions concerning its causes, character and consequences, are still considered open, whereby the dubious interpretative discourses are often constructed on the basis of an approach which is founded on the narrowing of the jointly observed historical phenomena. The attempts to construct and legitimize the corresponding particular interpretations of the character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a narrow and selective approach applied in the identifications of the warring sides and their mutual relations are not rare. In such situations the most reliable methodological approach in the framework of historical science is to return the focus from the level of interpretation to the historical sources, their analysis, determining the authenticity and relevance for the collection of issues in question. In this work we will dedicate our attention to the directives of the Main Headquarters and the High Command of the Army of Republic of Srpska issued during 1992-1995 in those parts in which these documents perform the identification and determination of the enemy.
{"title":"Determining the indentity of the enemy in the directives of the Main headquarters and the High command of the Army of Republic of Srpska","authors":"Mesud Šadinlija","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.268","url":null,"abstract":"Among the numerous open questions of contemporary historiography regarding the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its consequences, the issues connected to the post-Yugoslav wars still cause the most disputes. Even in the case of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, waged from 1992 to 1995, all of the important questions concerning its causes, character and consequences, are still considered open, whereby the dubious interpretative discourses are often constructed on the basis of an approach which is founded on the narrowing of the jointly observed historical phenomena. The attempts to construct and legitimize the corresponding particular interpretations of the character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a narrow and selective approach applied in the identifications of the warring sides and their mutual relations are not rare. In such situations the most reliable methodological approach in the framework of historical science is to return the focus from the level of interpretation to the historical sources, their analysis, determining the authenticity and relevance for the collection of issues in question. In this work we will dedicate our attention to the directives of the Main Headquarters and the High Command of the Army of Republic of Srpska issued during 1992-1995 in those parts in which these documents perform the identification and determination of the enemy.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44168635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-28DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.122
Šerbo Rastoder
The paper treats one important issue for Montenegrin historiography, which refers to the Montenegrin emigration and its activities in Constantinople, after the death of King Nikola in 1921. Based on hitherto unpublished historical sources, the paper presents numerous details related to the activities of the Montenegrin emigration, which was relocated to Italy until the death of King Nikola, and after that the largest number of emigrants moved to Constantinople. These are political emigrants who did not accept the loss of independence of Montenegro, after the Pogorica Assembly in 1918, and did not agree with the policy of the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In this regard, the paper presents very interesting and diverse activities of Montenegrin emigration, and gives a clear picture of their commitment to Montenegro, its statehood and independence, and through their political activities and life in Constantinople.
{"title":"Organization and activities of Montenegro`s political emigration of in Constantinople after death of king Nikola (1921)","authors":"Šerbo Rastoder","doi":"10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.122","url":null,"abstract":"The paper treats one important issue for Montenegrin historiography, which refers to the Montenegrin emigration and its activities in Constantinople, after the death of King Nikola in 1921. Based on hitherto unpublished historical sources, the paper presents numerous details related to the activities of the Montenegrin emigration, which was relocated to Italy until the death of King Nikola, and after that the largest number of emigrants moved to Constantinople. These are political emigrants who did not accept the loss of independence of Montenegro, after the Pogorica Assembly in 1918, and did not agree with the policy of the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In this regard, the paper presents very interesting and diverse activities of Montenegrin emigration, and gives a clear picture of their commitment to Montenegro, its statehood and independence, and through their political activities and life in Constantinople.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42162743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}