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Review: Edin Radušić, Dvije Bosne: Britanske putopisne i konzularne slike Bosne i Hercegovine, njenog stanovništva i međusobnih odnosa, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str. 评论:Edin Rad ušic,《两个波斯尼亚:英国对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那及其人口和关系的旅行和咨询图片》,萨拉热窝哲学大学,萨拉热窝2019,259页。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.317
N. Kovacevic
Review: Edin Radušić, Dvije Bosne: Britanske putopisne i konzularne slike Bosne i Hercegovine, njenog stanovništva i međusobnih odnosa, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str.
评论:Edin Radušić,Dvije Bosne:Britanske putopisne i konzularne slike Bosne i Hercegovine,njeong stanovništva i meŞusobnih odnosa,Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu,萨拉热窝2019,259街。
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引用次数: 0
The role of the factory “Bratstvo” (Brotherhood) in the development of Novi Travnik 工厂“Bratstvo”(兄弟会)在新特拉夫尼克发展中的作用
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.228
Mirza Džananović
The establishment of the socialist regime had led to thorough political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first decade after the Second World War was marked by the reconstruction of the war-torn country, and great support in that process was provided by the USSR - the main ally of the new Yugoslavia. Emphasis was placed on the intensive development of the industry, which was to be the carrier of the overall economic development of the entire country. In accordance with this strategy, large industrial plants were established in all parts of Yugoslavia, thanks to which there was an intensive process of urbanization of numerous previously dormant communities. However, when there was a conflict and then a break with the USSR, Yugoslavia was forced to partially modify its economic development plans (the so-called Five-Year Plans). These changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina were most felt by cities such as Zenica, which instead of the originally planned Doboj became a Yugoslav metallurgical center, and Novi Travnik, which arose as a result of relocating part of the arms industry from Kragujevac in Serbia to central Bosnia. The factory “Bratstvo" (meaning Brotherhood) was built on a deserted meadow near Travnik in the heart of central Bosnia, and for the needs of housing workers who built industrial plants, as well as for those who worked in those plants, the first residential buildings were built in the form of low-quality wooden barracks. These were the roots of the workers' settlement that gradually grew into a new town called Novi Travnik. The fateful link between the factory and the city, which was established at that time, was not interrupted during the entire socialist period, so the survival and development of Novi Travnik completely depended on the business opportunities in the "Bratstvo" factory. The expansion of the production and plant of the "Bratstvo" also included the construction of new housing, communal, social, health, sports, cultural, catering and other facilities in Novi Travnik. A successful business year in "Bratstvo" meant a secure inflow of money into the local community budget as well as a sufficient number of funds for the work of cultural, artistic, entertainment, sports and all other societies in the city. The same rule applied in the case of bad business of "Bratstvo", and the most obvious example of how important the factory was for Novi Travnik can be seen in the case of a failed business in Ghana. The local authorities in Novi Travnik were absolutely aware of the role of the "Brotherhood" in the development of Novi Travnik and tried in every way to facilitate the functioning of the company, so, except for a few mere misunderstandings, relations between city and factory management were mostly friendly. After all, when the survival of the "Bratstvo" was called into question due to the failed business in Ghana, local authorities were among the first to appeal for the company's salvati
社会主义政权的建立导致了波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那的政治、经济、社会、文化和其他方面的彻底变革。第二次世界大战后的第一个十年的特点是这个饱受战争蹂躏的国家的重建,苏联- -新南斯拉夫的主要盟友- -在这一进程中提供了巨大的支持。强调产业集约化发展,使其成为全国经济发展的载体。根据这一战略,在南斯拉夫各地建立了大型工业工厂,因此,许多以前处于休眠状态的社区出现了密集的城市化进程。然而,当发生冲突并与苏联决裂时,南斯拉夫被迫部分修改其经济发展计划(所谓的五年计划)。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的这些变化在泽尼察(Zenica)和新特拉夫尼克(Novi Travnik)等城市最为明显,前者取代了原计划的多博伊(Doboj),成为南斯拉夫的冶金中心,后者由于将部分武器工业从塞尔维亚的克拉古耶瓦茨(Kragujevac)迁至波斯尼亚中部而兴起。“Bratstvo”(意为兄弟会)工厂建在波斯尼亚中部特拉夫尼克附近的一片荒芜的草地上,为了满足建造工厂的住房工人以及在工厂工作的工人的需求,第一批住宅建筑以低质量的木制营房的形式建造。这些是工人定居点的根源,逐渐发展成为一个名为Novi Travnik的新城镇。当时建立的工厂和城市之间的命运联系在整个社会主义时期没有中断,因此Novi Travnik的生存和发展完全依赖于“Bratstvo”工厂的商业机会。"Bratstvo"生产和工厂的扩大还包括在新特拉夫尼克建造新的住房、公共、社会、卫生、体育、文化、餐饮和其他设施。“Bratstvo”一个成功的商业年度意味着资金安全流入当地社区预算,并为该市的文化、艺术、娱乐、体育和所有其他社团的工作提供足够的资金。同样的规则也适用于“Bratstvo”的糟糕业务,而最明显的例子是,该工厂对Novi Travnik有多重要,可以在加纳的一家失败企业中看到。新特拉夫尼克的地方当局绝对意识到“兄弟会”在新特拉夫尼克发展中的作用,并试图以各种方式促进公司的运作,因此,除了一些纯粹的误解,城市和工厂管理之间的关系大多是友好的。毕竟,当“Bratstvo”的生存因加纳的业务失败而受到质疑时,地方当局是第一批呼吁拯救公司的人之一,他们明确指出,随着工厂的消失,Novi Travnik的命运将被确定。本文简要介绍了“Bratstvo”公司从1949年6月成立到1990年社会主义时期结束的历史,并分析了该时期城市和工厂当局之间的关系。本文的目的是展示“Bratstvo”工厂对新特拉夫尼克整体发展的重要性,并确定地方当局对公司在城市发展中的作用的认识程度。本文对社会主义时期在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那和南斯拉夫的其他工业城市中发生的特定地方社区的进程提供了深刻的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Contribution of the Workers’ Cultural and Art society „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ to cultural life of Tuzla and its surroundings (1945-1953) 工人文化艺术协会“Mitar Trifunović-Učo”对图兹拉及其周边地区文化生活的贡献(1945-1953)
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.205
Jasmin Jajčević
Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata desile su se velike promjene na kulturnom planu. Promjene koje su se desile na polju prosvjetno-kulturne politike KPJ je pretvorila u instrument za ostvarivanje ideoloških ciljeva i širenja sopstvenih političkih ideja. Znatan dio kulturno-umjetničkog života Bosne i Hercegovine, sjeveroistočne Bosne, a i Tuzle odvijao se kroz sekcije društava koja su uglavnom imala oznaku nacionalna, radnička, službenička, seoska i školska amaterska. Kulturna djelatnost u Bosni i Hercegovini dijelom se vršila kroz nacionalna kulturno-prosvjetna društava, kod Bošnjaka „Preporod“, kod Srba „Prosvjeta“, a kod Hrvata „Napredak“. Osnovana sa ciljem da obrazuju narod i stvaraju inteligenciju u svome nacionalnom korpusu, društva vremenom proširuju svoju djelatnost na organizovanje analfabetskih tečajeva, osnivanje biblioteka, čitaonica, zadruga, kulturnih sekcija, te se bave izdavačkom djelatnošću. Nacionalna kulturno-prosvjetna društva su se brzo našla pod udarom države, gdje se kulturno-prosvjetni rad društava počinje centralizovati formiranjem sreskih i gradskih saveza kulturno-prosvjetnih društava, a konačna likvidaciju nacionalnih kulturno-prosvjetnih društava izvršena marta 1949. godine. Pored obnovljenih nacionalnih društava, kulturno-umjetničku djelatnost su obavljali i pjevački horovi, pozorišne i umjetničke grupe koje su osnovane još za vrijeme rata, a počeli su se osnivati i radnička kulturno-umjetnička društva. Jedno od njih je i radničko kulturno-umjetničko društvo „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ osnovano 1945. godine u Tuzli. Društvo je nosilo naziv heroja i poznatog borca za radnička prava, koji je dao svoj život za slobodu. Akcioni odbor za osnivanje društva sačinjavali su: predsjednik Aljo Mutevelić, blagajnik Pašaga Bećirbašić, sekretar Hašim Mutevelić i dva odbornika Mustafa Tinjić i Mehmedalija Hukić. U prvih pet mjeseci društvo „Mitar Trifunović Učo“ dalo je šest priredaba. Tokom 1946. godine radničko kulturno-umjetničko društvo „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ imalo je zapažene nastupe na priredbama i koncertima. Godine 1947. ovo društvo je dalo brojne priredbe i učestvovalo na raznim svečanostima, a između ostalih posjetili su graditelje pruge Šamac-Sarajevo, sudjelovali na svečanosti prilikom otvaranja pruge Stupari-Kladanj, te imali su nekoliko gostovanja u Banovićima, Zenici i Zavidovićima, zatim Tešnju i Tesliću. U 1948. godini radničko kulturno-umjetničko društvo „Mitar Trifunović-Učo“ imalo je 39 nastupa. Početak 1948. godine bila je prekretnica u radu ovog društva. Društvo je početkom 1948. godine sredilo svoju upravu, organizovalo bolji rad u svim svojim sekcijama, tako da je svaka sekcija dobila svoga rukovodioca. Pored toga sređene su i materijalne prilike, nabavljen je potreban inventar, garderoba i tehnički materijal. Rad društva je od septembra mjeseca 1948. godine bio skoro potpuno zamro. Nijedna sekcija ovog društva nije radila, jedino je hor i orkestar nekako nastupao, počevši se spremati onda kada je trebalo izaći na smotr
第二次世界大战后,文化发生了重大变化。公共文化政策领域的变化使KPJ成为实现意识形态目标和扩大自身政治思想的工具。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那文化和艺术生活中一个著名的部分,波斯尼亚东北部和图兹勒,发生在社会的各个部分,这些社会大多有国民、劳工、官员、农村和学校的业余爱好者。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的文化活动是通过国家文化和启蒙社会进行的,在波什尼亚克、普雷波罗德、塞族、莱特和克罗地亚,进步“它的目标是教育人民,在他们的国家尸体上创造智慧,及时授权社会组织类比课程,建立图书馆、读者、任务、文化部门,并处理出版活动。国家文化和透明社会很快受到了国家的打击,因为国家共享文化和公共作品。它开始集中形成斯里兰卡和城市的文化和启蒙社会联盟,并最终消灭1949年3月进行的民族文化和启蒙协会。年除了复兴的民族社会外,战争期间成立的鸣笛、剧院和艺术团体也开展了文化和艺术活动,以工作为基础的文化和艺术社会也开始了。Jedno od njh je i radničko kulturno umjetničko-društvo“Mitar Trifunović-Učo”osnovano 1945。图兹拉的一年。该公司佩戴着一位英雄和一位为自由献出生命的著名劳动法斗士的名字。建立社会行动委员会成员包括:总统Aljo Mutevelic、财务主管Pašag Beći rbašic、秘书Hasim Mutevelich和两名专家Mustafa Tinjic和Mehmadali Hukic。在最初的五个月里,Mitar Trifunovic Teach做了六次准备。1946年,1947年,Mitar Trifunovic-Učo的工作文化和艺术协会观看了音乐会和活动。该公司提供了许多机会,参加了各种节日,并参加了沙马萨拉热窝海岸的建设,参加了Stupari Cladan海岸的开幕式,在Banovic、Zenica和Zavidovic,以及田纳西州和特斯拉都有几位客人。1948年。39岁时,Mitar Trifunovic-Učo的文化艺术协会进行了表演。这个社会的工作发生了一年的变化。Društvo je početkom 1948。他负责自己的行政管理,在所有部门都组织得更好,所以每个部门都有自己的指导。此外,材料机会是固定的,需要库存、服装和技术材料。社会工作自1948年9月开始进行。这一年几乎完全萧条。这个社会的任何部分都没有工作过,只有圆号和管弦乐队表演过,在本该走向死亡或节日的时候开始做好准备。社会没有空间,没有部门领导。除了城市联盟提供的援助外,社会工作还不尽如人意,这意味着城市联盟的援助和单一议会的援助是不完整的,必须进一步注意消除所有最严重危害社会活跃的问题。1949年。前一年,社会提出了新的大任务,首先是建设和加强各部门、短剧、戏剧、编舞、音乐、朗诵和先锋部门的工作。Radničko kulturno umjetničko-društvo“Mitar Trifunović-Učo”,1950年。这一年被宣布为图兹兰游泳池中最好的公司。社会各阶层参加了许多活动,包括6名歌手和手鼓、3名民谣歌手和6家剧院。这个社团有四个房间和一个小房间。1951年。“Mitar Trifunovic-Učo”文化艺术协会在房间方面遇到了重大困难。几个月前,它从以前的工作场所搬到了以前的克罗地亚家。1952年,1953年。社会上最大的问题是社会生活的发展和会员的振兴,这只是排练,然后离开,没有在社交室里备份。
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引用次数: 0
Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“ 政治与历史修正主义:合作主义的相对主义与“Ravna Gora反法西斯主义”的规范化
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.133
Safet Bandžović
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orient
20世纪末,随着地缘政治的重大变化,巴尔干地区的人民和国家对自己过去的看法也发生了深刻变化。国家和意识形态力量与地方统治利益之间的全球关系的复杂渗透,鼓励了它的加工和工具化。每一次政治和意识形态的胜利,“都必须在过去找到它的合法据点”。意识形态范式与南斯拉夫国家联盟的解体,伴随着从外部对过去的平衡,按照时代利益和主导政治,加速构建新的国家认同,爆发“不同记忆之间的内战”,意识的逆转。后南斯拉夫国家的这些进程,在“过渡史学”中,伴随着新的“总体减少”,导致了“再传统化”,导致了历史修正主义的问题浪潮,特别是与第二次世界大战有关的历史修正主义,纠正所谓的历史不公正,正常化合作主义,反法西斯主义概念的国家化和相对化。作为激进“再民族化”大趋势的一部分,这些国家的民族史学从过去对人民解放运动(NOP)的美化转向了对其的相对化。没有一个国家像塞尔维亚那样,与NOP的反法西斯主义进行了“彻底的对抗”。许多历史学家在准科学组织的参与下,为贬低反法西斯遗产和恢复吉斯林力量的建设提供了合法性。对历史的歪曲也导致了他们的责任的相对化,而牺牲了那些部分地确认自己是反法西斯主义者的人。复仇主义史学强加了另一种事实。对“好的”民族主义的定义有一个真正的共识,对许多人来说,这是“基本的爱国主义”。各种民族主义思潮都被描绘成反法西斯的。1945年战败的卖国势力成了“被误解的历史命运的受害者”。他们的行动被置于反共产主义的背景下,在合理的国家政治中得到促进。贬损反法西斯主义也导致了“反反法西斯主义”。他将法西斯分子及其合作者的罪行相对化,重新评估了受害者和刽子手。像在塞尔维亚发生的那样,“历史真相”被写入议会并通过法律颁布,这是不常见的做法。法院和议会不能肯定某人的历史角色。历史科学可以做到这一点。修正主义是建立在选择性遗忘和构建“理想历史”的基础上的,它是“出于明确或隐蔽的意图,为狭隘的国家或政治目标辩护,对过去进行的重新设计。”最明显的表述是“一个社会中的政治文化,即它讲的是这个社会中占主导地位的政治价值取向”。司法复兴是一种修正历史的思想和政治手段。应该区分1945年以后当局迫害的无辜受害者的个人康复和轻微修改历史。在新闻媒介和伪法律机制的支持下,复原的政治和意识形态方面包括操纵一些议题,使1945年以后改变了社会、经济、政治和国家关系的制度不合法- -这是君主主义南斯拉夫的特点。在修正主义史学中,共产主义者被视为塞尔维亚民族利益的反对者(“红魔”),民族历史的入侵者,社会主义革命被视为多余的。随着某些法律的通过和一整套修辞手段的应用以及对一些历史事实的隐瞒,Draža米哈伊洛维奇在拉夫纳戈拉的切特尼克运动的概念被特别地重新设计,忽略和相对化了他的犯罪行为,使这个“新的反法西斯”方面成为一个可取的“前共产主义祖先”。“当局。这种通敌主义运动也通过反共得到缓解,它被标记为爱国和反极权主义。他在塞尔维亚的康复不仅对社会生活有多重意义,而且对地区关系也有多重影响。
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引用次数: 0
Review: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“. Guillaume Ancel, Vent Glacial sur Sarajevo (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str. 评论:“如果我们不来这里什么都不做会更好”。纪尧姆·安塞尔,《萨拉热窝冰川口》(回忆录),《贝莱斯快报》,巴黎2017,224页。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.4.307
Ramiza Smajić
Review: „Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili“. Guillaume Ancel, Vent Glacial sur Sarajevo (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.
评论:“Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopće došli i da nismo ništa učinili”。Guillaume Ancel,萨拉热窝冰川口(Guerre回忆录),Les Belles Lettres,巴黎2017,224街。
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引用次数: 0
Establishment and activity of culture centers and people`s universities in northeastern Bosnia in the first years of “New Yugoslavia” “新南斯拉夫”初期波斯尼亚东北部文化中心和人民大学的建立与活动
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.219
Jasmin Jajčević
Cultural and educational work after the Second World War in northeastern Bosnia, in addition to cultural, educational and artistic societies, took place in various cultural institutions, where cultural centers and public universities stand out. The houses of culture, in cooperation with societies, universities and various cultural and educational sections, organized events, lectures and various cultural and educational contents. Their importance was especially pronounced in the smaller rural areas of northeastern Bosnia, where they were the center of cultural and educational work. People's universities, as cultural and educational institutions, were supposed to nurture scientific and lecturing work, and to politically enlighten the population of urban and rural areas of northeastern Bosnia through various lectures. In essence, public universities were public schools in which ideologically appropriate lectures with various topics were mostly held and they played a significant role in the creation of a socialist society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to point out the role and importance of the establishment of these cultural and educational institutions in northeastern Bosnia, and their overall contribution to the cultural and educational awareness of the population of northeastern Bosnia.
第二次世界大战后,除了文化、教育和艺术社团外,波斯尼亚东北部的文化和教育工作也在各种文化机构进行,文化中心和公立大学在这些机构中脱颖而出。文化之家与社会、大学和各文化和教育部门合作,组织了各种活动、讲座以及各种文化和教育内容。他们的重要性在波斯尼亚东北部较小的农村地区尤为突出,那里是文化和教育工作的中心。人民大学作为文化和教育机构,本应培养科学和演讲工作,并通过各种演讲对波斯尼亚东北部城市和农村地区的人民进行政治启蒙。从本质上讲,公立大学是公立学校,主要举办各种主题的思想讲座,在创建社会主义社会中发挥了重要作用。因此,本文的目的是指出在波斯尼亚东北部建立这些文化和教育机构的作用和重要性,以及它们对波斯尼亚东北部人口的文化和教育意识的总体贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Conference Report: Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “Pravne i političke posljedice Deklaracije o proglašenju srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine 9. januara 1992. godine“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020. 会议报告:国际科学会议关于波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那塞族人民宣言所涉法律和政治问题的报告9。1992年1月。萨拉热窝市议会,萨拉热窝,8。i 9。2020年1月。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.370
Adnan Tinjić
Conference Report: Izvještaj sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije “Pravne i političke posljedice Deklaracije o proglašenju srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine 9. januara 1992. godine“, Gradska vijećnica u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 8. i 9. januar 2020.
会议报告:国际科学会议关于波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那塞族人民宣言所涉法律和政治问题的报告9。1992年1月。萨拉热窝市议会,萨拉热窝,8。92020年1月。
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引用次数: 0
Wars and ways of deosmanization of the Balkans (1912-1923) 巴尔干半岛的战争和去军事化方式(1912-1923)
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.7
Safet Bandžović
The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
如果不考虑更广泛的欧洲/世界背景、地缘政治秩序、超级大国的有趣逻辑、去奥斯曼化和巴尔干化模式的影响和后果,就不能以更全面的方式看待19世纪和20世纪巴尔干地区历史的戏剧性潮流。19世纪末20世纪初,奥斯曼帝国处境艰难,既有众多内部问题的压力,又面临外部政治压力、条件和战争。巴尔干战争(1912-1913年)和“大战”(1914-1918年)中的危机和奥斯曼军事失败,以及他们所居住的领土的去奥斯曼化和分裂的过程,以及分裂的增长,破坏了穆斯林的自信。对全体人口,特别是穆斯林的驱逐和大规模流亡,在巴尔干战争中达到高潮。波斯尼亚人和“奥斯曼欧洲”其他地区的穆斯林一样,发现自己在“大战”中加入了几支军队。许多来自巴尔干半岛的穆斯林,在早期以难民的身份来到帝国广阔的领土上,也在奥斯曼军队的部队中作战。在那场战争中,它被打败了。希腊-奥斯曼战争(1919-1922)后,在其残余物上建立了一个新的土耳其国家(1923年)。
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引用次数: 0
Determining the indentity of the enemy in the directives of the Main headquarters and the High command of the Army of Republic of Srpska 根据斯普斯卡共和国陆军总部和最高指挥部的指示确定敌人的身份
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.268
Mesud Šadinlija
Among the numerous open questions of contemporary historiography regarding the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its consequences, the issues connected to the post-Yugoslav wars still cause the most disputes. Even in the case of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, waged from 1992 to 1995, all of the important questions concerning its causes, character and consequences, are still considered open, whereby the dubious interpretative discourses are often constructed on the basis of an approach which is founded on the narrowing of the jointly observed historical phenomena. The attempts to construct and legitimize the corresponding particular interpretations of the character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a narrow and selective approach applied in the identifications of the warring sides and their mutual relations are not rare. In such situations the most reliable methodological approach in the framework of historical science is to return the focus from the level of interpretation to the historical sources, their analysis, determining the authenticity and relevance for the collection of issues in question. In this work we will dedicate our attention to the directives of the Main Headquarters and the High Command of the Army of Republic of Srpska issued during 1992-1995 in those parts in which these documents perform the identification and determination of the enemy.
在当代史学关于南斯拉夫解体及其后果的众多悬而未决的问题中,与后南斯拉夫战争有关的问题仍然引起了最多的争议。即使在1992年至1995年进行的波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那战争的情况下,关于其原因、性质和后果的所有重要问题仍然被认为是开放的,因此,可疑的解释话语往往建立在一种建立在缩小共同观察到的历史现象的基础上的方法的基础上。通过在确定交战双方及其相互关系时采用的狭隘和选择性的方法,试图对波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那战争的性质作出相应的特定解释并使其合法化,这种情况并不少见。在这种情况下,历史科学框架内最可靠的方法论方法是将焦点从解释层面回归到历史来源及其分析,确定所讨论问题的真实性和相关性。在这项工作中,我们将特别注意1992-1995年期间斯普斯卡共和国陆军总部和最高指挥部在这些文件执行识别和确定敌人的部分所发出的指示。
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引用次数: 0
Organization and activities of Montenegro`s political emigration of in Constantinople after death of king Nikola (1921) 尼古拉国王死后黑山在君士坦丁堡政治移民的组织与活动(1921年)
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-28 DOI: 10.52259/HISTORIJSKIPOGLEDI.2020.3.3.122
Šerbo Rastoder
The paper treats one important issue for Montenegrin historiography, which refers to the Montenegrin emigration and its activities in Constantinople, after the death of King Nikola in 1921. Based on hitherto unpublished historical sources, the paper presents numerous details related to the activities of the Montenegrin emigration, which was relocated to Italy until the death of King Nikola, and after that the largest number of emigrants moved to Constantinople. These are political emigrants who did not accept the loss of independence of Montenegro, after the Pogorica Assembly in 1918, and did not agree with the policy of the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In this regard, the paper presents very interesting and diverse activities of Montenegrin emigration, and gives a clear picture of their commitment to Montenegro, its statehood and independence, and through their political activities and life in Constantinople.
本文论述了黑山史学的一个重要问题,即1921年尼古拉国王去世后黑山移民及其在君士坦丁堡的活动。根据迄今未发表的历史资料,本文介绍了与黑山移民活动有关的许多细节,这些移民在尼古拉国王去世前迁往意大利,此后移居君士坦丁堡的移民人数最多。这些是政治移民,他们不接受黑山在1918年波戈里察议会之后失去独立,不同意塞尔维亚人、克罗地亚人和斯洛文尼亚人王国新国家的政策。在这方面,本文介绍了黑山移民非常有趣和多样化的活动,并清晰地描绘了他们对黑山的承诺,其国家地位和独立,以及他们在君士坦丁堡的政治活动和生活。
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引用次数: 0
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Historijski pogledi
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