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COVID-19 in Africa: An Economic and Social Interpretation (2019-2022) 2019-2022年非洲COVID-19:经济和社会解读
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.388
Samuel Adu-Gyamfi, Abas Mohammed, Jennifer Ago Obeng, Solomon Osei-Poku, Henry Tettey Yartey
The COVID-19 pandemic has caused a lot of challenges to the globalized world. Globally, it has decimated over six million lives. Since 2019, it has shook the world in many respects, especially, it disrupted economies and societies and halted the majority of human endeavor. Commentaries and reports from the World Health Organization (WHO) and the media showed an alarming situation that could be damning in low and middle income countries. Economic pundits and global public health experts also anticipated doom and gloom for African countries. However, in terms of mortality, the Americas, Europe and Asia have suffered more losses. Irrespective of these loses in Europe, Africa’s case needs better appreciation within our contemporary historical discourse. The burgeoning challenge of the COVID disease and mortalities arising thereby, among other things, necessitated the introduction of policies based on the WHO’s historical understanding of how the world has dealt with pandemics in the past. Some of the strategies that were deployed to fight the pandemic included hand washing under running water with soap, the use of alcohol based hand sanitizers, the wearing of nose masks, social distancing, self-isolation as well as partial and complete lockdowns of states and communities. The major economic disruption really came about as a result of many lockdown policies that were implemented by several countries in Africa without proper reference to their own societal contexts. These issues notwithstanding, it is important to emphasize that the extent of the impact on different communities differed to a large extent, even though there were similar levels of the nature of the infection and the general economic outlook among the global community. This current contribution on the COVID-19 discourse used political economy and economic shock as bases to highlight the extent of the impact of the disease by highlighting examples from respective countries in Africa, namely, Ghana, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Algeria and South Africa. In particular, the impact of policies like lock-down on some of these African countries are highlighted for further discussions in future empirical research. The study relied on contemporary historical evidence from multidisciplinary sources on health, economics, policy, and other related studies on epidemiology, public health, health education and promotion, reports and sources from the World Health Organization (WHO). Specifically, the authors have used published research in Lancet, the International Journal of Infectious Diseases, BMJ Global Health, Frontiers in Public Health and the Pan African Medical Journal. The others were African Development Review, Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives, Africa Spectrum and International Journal of Financial Research including several other empirical researches. In attempting a social and economic interpretation based on contemporary historical sense, the findings of this present study sugge
新冠肺炎疫情给全球化世界带来诸多挑战。在全球范围内,它夺去了600多万人的生命。自2019年以来,它在许多方面震撼了世界,特别是它扰乱了经济和社会,并阻止了人类的大多数努力。世界卫生组织(世卫组织)和媒体的评论和报告显示了一种令人震惊的情况,这种情况在低收入和中等收入国家可能是致命的。经济专家和全球公共卫生专家也预测非洲国家将面临厄运。然而,就死亡率而言,美洲、欧洲和亚洲遭受的损失更多。不考虑欧洲的这些损失,非洲的情况需要在我们当代的历史话语中得到更好的评价。鉴于新冠肺炎带来的巨大挑战以及由此导致的死亡人数,世卫组织有必要根据对世界过去应对流行病的历史认识,出台相关政策。为抗击大流行而采取的一些战略包括用肥皂在自来水下洗手、使用含酒精的洗手液、戴口罩、保持社交距离、自我隔离以及部分和完全封锁州和社区。重大的经济混乱实际上是非洲几个国家在没有适当考虑本国社会背景的情况下实施的许多封锁政策的结果。尽管存在这些问题,但必须强调的是,尽管感染的性质和全球社会的总体经济前景相似,但对不同社区的影响程度在很大程度上存在差异。本文当前对COVID-19论述的贡献以政治经济和经济冲击为基础,通过强调来自加纳、喀麦隆、埃塞俄比亚、阿尔及利亚和南非等非洲国家的例子,突出了该疾病的影响程度。特别是,封锁等政策对其中一些非洲国家的影响将在未来的实证研究中得到进一步讨论。这项研究的依据是来自卫生、经济、政策等多学科来源的当代历史证据,以及流行病学、公共卫生、健康教育和促进等相关研究,以及世界卫生组织(世卫组织)的报告和资料。具体来说,作者使用了《柳叶刀》、《国际传染病杂志》、《英国医学杂志全球卫生》、《公共卫生前沿》和《泛非医学杂志》上发表的研究。其他分别是《非洲发展评论》、《交通研究跨学科展望》、《非洲谱》和《国际金融研究杂志》,其中包括其他几项实证研究。在尝试基于当代历史意义的社会和经济解释时,本研究的结果表明,非洲政治行为者或领导人应该持续或稳定地努力加强其国家的经济,以减少因COVID-19等流行病而带来的经济冲击和社会成本。它还指出,在全球化的空间内,适用其他国家包括国际组织的政策不应脱离背景。
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引用次数: 0
O statusu vrednosnih sudova u filozofskoj istoriji filozofije H. Grasije 有价值的法庭在格拉蒂亚哲学史上的地位
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.416
Esko Muratović
Historical-philosophical debates, which owe their origin to the historical-philosophical context, begin not only with the formulation of certain points of view, but also with the examination of their value, as well as moving towards those that seem acceptable. The attention of our research is focused on issues of value and evaluation of the philosophical past through the given issues within the work „Philosophy and its history“ by Jorge Gracia, while the subject of our attention will be the legitimacy of value statements in the history of philosophy. dealing with truth value. Namely, in addition to careful attention in relation to philosophical sources on the basis of which accurate explanations from the past are obtained, the historical context of positive contribution, not only historical-philosophical, but also historical task, is unavoidable. The historian of philosophy thus makes a strong contribution to historical-value truths that rise from the haze of margins of historical thought, while codifying the points of convergence of scientific-methodological mechanisms and epistemic-axiological interventions - on the one hand - through cognitive-theoretical use of event history. and on the other, - by historical-philosophical reflection on philosophically valued given discourses, to build together the true, - scientifically valuable. If historical truth excludes values that are contrary to its achievement and duration, then the very course and approach to historical and philosophical heritage should be treated through harmonized procedures and norms in solving very complex historical-philosophical and meta-historical-philosophical requirements and tasks inherent only in philosophy, at the same time, - in the value sense, - indeterminate by historical science. In that convergent dialogue, which is often necessary, the methodological paradigm of valuing substantial truths seeks the passability of axiological-value litmus tests of agreement - as much philosophical as historical knowledge and truth. Truth as the objectivity of the validity of a value attitude in the historical-philosophical sense, therefore, can show how a certain value statement is based on the experience of value. This tells us that the quality of value judgments is reflected in the fact that we take a stand with them in relation to historical-cognitive forms of opinion. While in science there are generally accepted criteria for verifying truthfulness, there are no such exact criteria in the domain of values, while it is important to point out that an objective and correct explanation of the past requires certain value statements throughout history, and judgments about true value in the history of philosophy. the significance and role of valuation and truth values within the philosophically oriented hermeneutization of philosophical-historical expressive truths and the possibility that the continuity in the search for truth cannot and should not be interrupted, whereby the theoris
历史哲学辩论起源于历史哲学背景,不仅始于某些观点的形成,而且始于对其价值的审查,并朝着那些似乎可以接受的观点迈进。我们研究的重点是通过作品《哲学及其历史》中的特定问题来关注哲学过去的价值和评价问题“Jorge Gracia,而我们关注的主题将是哲学史上价值陈述的合法性。处理真理价值。也就是说,除了仔细关注哲学来源,在这个基础上从过去获得准确的解释之外,积极贡献的历史背景,不仅是历史哲学,而且是历史任务,是不可避免的。因此,哲学历史学家对从历史思想边缘的阴霾中崛起的历史价值真理做出了强有力的贡献,同时通过对事件历史的认知理论使用,一方面编纂了科学方法论机制和认识价值论干预的汇合点。另一方面,通过历史哲学对具有哲学价值的特定话语的反思,共同构建真正的、具有科学价值的话语。如果历史真理排除了与其成就和持续时间相反的价值观,那么历史和哲学遗产的过程和方法就应该通过协调的程序和规范来处理,以解决非常复杂的历史哲学和元历史哲学要求和任务,而这只是哲学所固有的,同时,在价值意义上,-历史科学无法确定。在这种通常是必要的趋同对话中,重视实质真理的方法论范式寻求通过价值论价值石蕊测试的一致性——与历史知识和真理一样多的哲学性。真理作为历史哲学意义上一种价值态度有效性的客观性,因此,可以表明某种价值陈述是如何建立在价值体验的基础上的。这告诉我们,价值判断的质量反映在这样一个事实上,即我们在历史认知形式的观点方面与他们站在一起。虽然在科学中有公认的验证真实性的标准,但在价值观领域没有这样的确切标准,但重要的是要指出,对过去的客观和正确解释需要贯穿历史的某些价值陈述,以及对哲学史中真实价值的判断。在以哲学为导向的对哲学历史表现真理的阐释中,价值和真理价值的意义和作用,以及在寻找真理的过程中的连续性不能也不应该中断的可能性,因此理论家Jorge Gracia对解释和理解这些关系做出了重大贡献,这就是本文的主题。为了更好地理解过去的思想和哲学观点,H.Gracia指出了对其真实价值的认识。这是指对某些教义所依据的论点的有效性和正确性的考虑,这是指文本。因此,文本是我们获取过去哲学思想的基本手段。如果没有文本,研究过去思想的方法是不可想象的,而历史学家的工作是重新确立文本的无限意义。最合宜的解释是从哲学和历史的角度来看最有意义的解释,因为历史学家必须依赖于过去更有意义的哲学教义。尽管有人指出,历史学家和历史学家认为一些被掩盖的价值陈述是描述性的,并认识到其中许多都包括描述;更重要的是,对哲学过去的历史解释必然包括和隐含价值陈述,而历史的任务则隐含和包含评价。
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引用次数: 0
Jugoslavenski komunisti između mira i razdora 处于和平与残疾之间的南斯拉夫共产党人
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.189
Hamza Memišević, Ermin Kuka
The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scient
南斯拉夫共产党人自从出现在社会政治舞台上以来,就在历史上占有重要的地位。第二次世界大战期间,南斯拉夫的政治和社会关系发生了重大变化。1941-1945年间意识形态战争和内战的存在对于理解战争和战后事件至关重要。事实证明,中国人民解放军是共产党实施政治和社会变革的军事工具,是建立共产党统治的关键和决定性因素。共产党没有通过反法西斯和反法西斯斗争来观察南斯拉夫战争,而是通过所谓的民族解放斗争和社会主义革命来观察南斯拉夫战争。共产党的主要目标是从根本上改变社会范式。为了实现这一理念,该党采取了现实政治。最初,该党促进了共同的目标。然而,一旦有利的军事政治环境被创造出来,党就转向了自己的部分利益。最初对共同目标的推动只是对党的真实意图的模仿。中国共产党对民族解放斗争有明确的政治纲领和目标。这些目标包括效仿苏联,接管并建立权力。南斯拉夫的冲突包含了意识形态内战的所有因素,因为所有交战各方都利用战争的动荡来实现其政治目标。在共产党的背景下,起义的基本形式是游击战争,它升级为对敌人的战争,那些被认为对党的未来计划构成威胁的人。1942年,中国人民解放军成立了第一个师和兵团(在其中),而1943年的决定性战役无疑加强了人民解放运动。在历史现实的框架内,真正理解南斯拉夫共产党人的地位和作用,是本研究的基本问题。我们的目的是在没有任何理想化的情况下回顾这一现象,但也没有减少历史相关性,回顾这一现象。毫无疑问,南斯拉夫共产党人在政治和社会方面取得了巨大的成功。在前南斯拉夫的最初几年,它是一个边缘组织,很快就被禁止了。然而,在前一个国家崩溃的大战期间,以及内战的形式,南斯拉夫共产党人有机会重组社会,政治和经济秩序。本文的研究受限于对南斯拉夫共产党人活动的兴趣,从他们出现在政治舞台上到他们成为强大政治力量的时刻,没有他们,我们就无法理解我们身后的时代。对上述主题的阐述意味着所有科学研究的基本方法的应用。在一般的科学方法中,采用了假设演绎法和比较法。运用相关文献分析(内容)的方法获得经验数据。
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引用次数: 0
Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2021. godini
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.471
Jasmin Jajčević
Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2021. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2021.
现代史研究中心2021年的活动。godini//图兹拉现当代史研究中心2021年活动。
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引用次数: 0
The State of school system in Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings during Austro-Hungarian administration 奥匈帝国时期博桑斯卡-克鲁帕及其周边地区的学校制度状况
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.7
Mirza Ahmetbašić
Very few papers have been written about the development of education in the wider area of Bosanska Krupa during the Austro-Hungarian administration (1878-1918). No comprehensive historical study is known that treats exclusively the development of education in this area during the occupation period. An exception is the book by Elvira Islamović entitled „Schooling and education in the Bihać district during the Austro-Hungarian administration“, published in Bihać in 2008, which in one part deals with the development of schooling in the Bosnian Krupa area. The starting point for the study of the past of Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings is the work of a group of authors entitled „Bosnian-Krupska municipality in the war and revolution“ published in Bosanska Krupa in 1969, which presents a rough overview of Bosnian Krupa's history until the first years after World War II. war and partly the development of education during the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian and the period between the two world wars, and more recently the following works: Mithad Kozličić, „Population and settlements of the Una-Sana area 1879-1921. godine“, Bihać 1999; Mirza Ahmetbašić, Adnan Hafizović, Osnovna škola “Otoka“ od osnivanja do danas, Bihać 2008; Emin Mesić, Fikret Midžić, “Mali Pset 1272. Tvrđava Krupa, Prilozi za monografiju Bosanska Krupa“, Bosanska Krupa 2012; Asmir Crnkić, Mirza Ahmetbašić, „Bosanska Krupa during the Austro-Hungarian administration”, Bihać 2020 and others. The development of school opportunities during the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian administrations was partially addressed by bringing them into context when dealing with other topics. In this paper, the author talks about school opportunities in the area of Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Attention is paid to the establishment and operation of confessional primary and secondary schools that operated during the Ottoman period, and whose work continued after 1878, and the establishment and operation of the first state primary schools in the wider Bosnian Krupa area. The development of school conditions in the area of Bosanska Krupa during the Ottoman rule did not differ from other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the needs of the Muslim population, sibjan mektebs were opened, somewhat later ruždija and madrasas, and for the needs of Orthodox children of the Orthodox primary school. Orthodox primary schools in the Bosnian Krupa area were first opened in Jasenica, Bosanska Krupa and Velika Rujiška. The Austro-Hungarian government also encountered an extremely high level of illiteracy in the area of Bosanska Krupa and its surroundings. At the end of the Ottoman rule, the illiteracy of the population was more than 95%. In addition, the regular educational process was very often interrupted by various infectious diseases that affected this area, as evidenced by numerous historical sources. There was also a great lack of professional teaching staff. A large number
关于奥匈帝国时期(1878-1918)博桑斯卡-克鲁帕地区教育发展的论文很少。目前还没有专门研究占领时期该地区教育发展的全面历史研究。Elvira Islamović的《奥匈帝国时期比哈奇地区的学校和教育》一书是一个例外”,2008年发表在Bihać,其中一部分涉及波斯尼亚克鲁帕地区学校教育的发展。研究波桑斯卡克鲁帕及其周边地区过去的起点是一组题为“战争和革命中的波斯尼亚克鲁普斯卡市”的作者的工作”1969年发表在Bosanska Krupa,该书大致概述了波斯尼亚Krupa直到第二次世界大战后的第一年的历史。战争以及奥斯曼帝国、奥匈帝国和两次世界大战期间的教育发展,以及最近的以下作品:Mithad Kozličić,《1879-1921年乌纳萨那地区的人口和定居点》。godine”,比哈奇1999;Mirza Ahmetbašić,Adnan Hafizović,Osnovnaškola“Otoka”od osnivanja do danas,比哈奇2008;Emin Mesić,Fikret Midž。Tvrřava Krupa,Prilozi za monorafiju Bosanska Krupa“,2012年Bosanska Krupa;Asmir Crnkić,Mirza Ahmetbašić“奥匈政府时期的Bosanska Crupa”,Bihać2020等。奥斯曼帝国和奥匈帝国政府时期学校机会的发展在一定程度上是通过在处理其他主题时将其纳入背景来解决的。在本文中,作者谈到了19世纪和20世纪之交博桑斯卡-克鲁帕及其周边地区的入学机会。关注奥斯曼时期开办的忏悔小学和中学的建立和运营,这些学校的工作在1878年后继续进行,以及在更广泛的波斯尼亚克鲁帕地区建立和运营第一所国立小学。奥斯曼统治期间,博桑斯卡-克鲁帕地区的学校条件发展与波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那其他地区没有什么不同。为了满足穆斯林人口的需求,开设了sibjan mekteb,后来开设了ruždija和宗教学校,并满足东正教小学东正教儿童的需求。波斯尼亚克鲁帕地区的东正教小学首先在Jasenica、Bosanska Krupa和Velika Rujiška开办。奥匈政府在博桑斯卡-克鲁帕及其周边地区也遇到了极高的文盲率。在奥斯曼统治结束时,人口的文盲率超过95%。此外,影响这一地区的各种传染病经常打断正常的教育过程,许多历史资料都证明了这一点。此外,还严重缺乏专业的教学人员。大量年龄足以上学的学生,移民外国人子女的教育需求等。这向主管当局发出了一个充分的信号,即在博桑斯卡-克鲁帕也建立一所州立小学。在博桑斯卡-克鲁帕周围的村庄,公立小学的开学时间相对较晚。1887年至1913年期间,Otoka、Veliki Radić、Hasanbegova Jasenica、Ivanjska、Vranjska、Hasani和Bužim开始开办公立小学。然而,在某些学校成立的年份,如Otoka、Veliki Radić和Hasanbegova Jasenica,研究人员之间存在差异。尽管奥匈当局在可能的情况下规定在公立小学开设特殊的妇女班,但东正教人口远比穆斯林人口更支持在其社区开设不同信仰的小学。1880年标志着波斯尼亚克鲁帕地区教育发展的转折点。那一年,位于波桑斯卡-克鲁帕的人民小学开始运营,在整个奥匈帝国时期都在运营。然而,某些研究人员声称,这所教育机构分别于1884年和1885年开始运作。它是该地区主要的教育中心之一,也是众多文化和教育活动的托儿所。
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引用次数: 1
Prikaz//Review: Izet Šabotić, Tvrda kora i krvave brazde: Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1945. do 1948. godine, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 369 str. 图片/评论:沙博蒂奇之外,核心和血液制动器:1945年以来波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的土地改革和殖民化。直到1948年。年,现代史研究中心,图兹拉2021,369页。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.364
Ibrahim Kabil
Prikaz//Review: Izet Šabotić, Tvrda kora i krvave brazde: Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1945. do 1948. godine, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 369 str.
图片/评论:沙博蒂奇之外,核心和血液制动器:1945年以来波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的土地改革和殖民化。直到1948年。年,现代史研究中心,图兹拉2021,369页。
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引用次数: 0
State policy of division of Catholic Church priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina into „positive“ and „reactionary“ (1945-1963) 波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那将天主教会牧师划分为“积极”和“反动”的国家政策(1945-1963)
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.71
D. Bećirović
The illumination of the state policy of separating „positive“ from „negative“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the most important issues in the scientific understanding of the position of this religious community during the first decades of existence of AVNOJ Yugoslavia. The post-war government in Bosnia and Herzegovina treated a large number of priests of the Catholic Church as real or potential enemies of the state. In addition to ideological reasons, which were more or less similar in all communist parties, the negative attitude of the CPY towards the Catholic Church was influenced by the fact that some priests supported the Ustasha movement during World War II. The justification for the negative attitude of party structures towards priests was argued most often in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs with the following reasons: that most priests supported the occupier and domestic traitors during the war; that they spread hostile propaganda against the national liberation movement; that they actively participated in the fight against the new social order; that they had committed war crimes and persecuted members of other faiths, and that they had been linked to criminal Ustasha emigration abroad. In addition to „negative“ priests, there were „positive“ priests that also acted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they were reported in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs. They did not agree to the policy of confrontation with the state and demanded the establishment of dialogue and co-operation between the Church and the state. Some of the most prominent representatives of this group of priests were: Fr Bono Ostojić, Ph.D. Karlo Karin, Fr Mile Leko, Fr Josip Markušić, Fr Serafin Dodig, Fr Kruno Misilo and others. Holders of „positive tendencies“ among the clergy, according to the Commission for Religious Affairs, understood the importance of establishing communication and contacts with state authorities and the harmfulness of the negative attitude of the Catholic Church towards the state. Their goal was to change the methods of solving problems between the Church and the state, and to build a path that would suit the interests of the priests of the Catholic Church and the interests of the state community, without interfering with the church's dogmatic canonical principles. The „differentiation“ of priests was treated as a positive result of the work of the new government, because, according to their assessments, in the first post-war years, representatives of religious communities had a hostile attitude towards the newly created socialist Yugoslav state. Therefore, the Commission for Religious Affairs (federal and republican) has continuously pointed out the importance of implementing a policy of „stratification and differentiation“ within religious communities. According to the observations of the Federal Commission for Religious Affairs, the post-war „differentiation“ among the pri
将“积极”与“消极”分开的国家政策的启示“在AVNOJ南斯拉夫成立的头几十年里,波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那天主教会的牧师是科学理解这个宗教团体立场的最重要问题之一。战后波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那政府将大量天主教会牧师视为国家的真正或潜在敌人由于在所有共产党中或多或少相似的地质原因,CPY对天主教会的负面态度受到了二战期间一些牧师支持乌斯塔沙运动的影响。宗教事务委员会的文件中经常提出政党结构对牧师持消极态度的理由,理由如下:大多数牧师在战争期间支持占领者和国内叛徒;他们散布反对民族解放运动的敌对宣传;他们积极参与反对新的社会秩序的斗争;他们犯下了战争罪,迫害了其他信仰的成员,并与乌斯塔沙犯罪移民国外有关。除了“消极”牧师外,还有“积极”牧师“正如宗教事务委员会文件中所报道的那样,他们也在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那采取行动。他们不同意与国家对抗的政策,并要求在教会和国家之间建立对话与合作。这一牧师群体中一些最突出的代表是:Fr Bono Ostojić,Ph.D.Karlo Karin、Mile Leko神父、Josip Markušić神父、Serafin Dodig神父、Kruno Misilo神父和其他人。持有“积极倾向”“根据宗教事务委员会的说法,神职人员了解与国家当局建立沟通和联系的重要性,以及天主教会对国家消极态度的危害性。他们的目标是改变解决教会和国家之间问题的方法,并建立一条符合天主教会的牧师和国家社区的利益,而不干涉教会教条主义的规范原则。牧师的“分化”被视为新政府工作的积极结果,因为根据他们的评估,在战后的头几年,宗教团体的代表对新创建的社会主义南斯拉夫国家持敌对态度一直指出在宗教团体内部实施“分层和分化”政策的重要性。根据联邦宗教事务委员会的意见,战后的“分化”“牧师之间的关系主要是由于他们对国家和天主教会之间关系的态度。一些人认为与新成立的当局建立沟通是可取和有用的,而另一些人则持消极态度。除了这两组人之外,还有第三组人尚未决定如果天主教会的牧师提议获得国家勋章,可以说,当局仔细考虑了哪些牧师将在推荐获奖的候选人名单上。对新的社会主义社会秩序持积极态度,积极参与波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那天主教牧师协会的成立,对社会主义南斯拉夫的忠诚和爱国主义,以及对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那天主教牧师联盟的发展做出贡献,是选择奖项候选人的一些最重要原因。在这篇文章中,基于未发表的档案来源,作者将政治环境和区分“积极”和“反动”的国家政策的环境置于背景之中“波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那天主教会牧师的产生,指出了这一政策的原因和承担者,并分析了其表现和结果。
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引用次数: 0
Prikaz//Review: Sead Selimović, Za jedinstvo domovine i slavu dinastije. Školstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 442 str. 查看/评论:西德·塞利莫维奇,为了国家的统一和王朝的荣耀。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那皇家塞族时期的学校,克罗地亚和斯洛文尼亚,图兹拉现代史中心,图兹拉图2021,442页。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.359
Semir Hadžimusić
Prikaz//Review: Sead Selimović, Za jedinstvo domovine i slavu dinastije. Školstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021, 442 str.
查看/评论:西德·塞利莫维奇,为了国家的统一和王朝的荣耀。波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那皇家塞族时期的学校,克罗地亚和斯洛文尼亚,图兹拉现代史中心,图兹拉图2021,442页。
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引用次数: 0
Prikaz//Review: Emir Demir, Stanovništvo Kaknja u osmanskom periodu, Udruženje Kreativni centar za edukaciju i obrazovanje „Spektrum“, Sarajevo 2021, 187 str. 图片/评论:埃米尔·德米尔,Kaknja公民,教育和教育创意中心协会,萨拉热窝2021,187页。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.382
Alen Zečević
Prikaz//Review: Emir Demir, Stanovništvo Kaknja u osmanskom periodu, Udruženje Kreativni centar za edukaciju i obrazovanje „Spektrum“, Sarajevo 2021, 187 str.
图片/评论:埃米尔·德米尔,Kaknja公民,教育和教育创意中心协会,萨拉热窝2021,187页。
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引用次数: 0
Informbiro crisis and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1948-1956) in historical sources and historiography 信息危机与波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那(1948-1956)的史料和史学
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.93
Jasmin Jajčević
In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.
在史学方面,许多历史学家和学者对第二次世界大战后的波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那历史进行了研究,处理和研究了与经济、文化、宗教社区问题、政治环境等有关的话题。第二次世界大战后的史学研究所缺乏的当然是教育(教育机会)问题,以及1948年至1956年期间Informbiro危机对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的影响和后果问题。1948年至1956年是南斯拉夫国家(即波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那)近代史上最戏剧性和最致命的阶段之一。这是一个非常矛盾和动荡的社会进程时期,导致国内(南斯拉夫和波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那)和国际社会经济和政治现实的各个领域发生复杂变化。斯大林试图使南斯拉夫党的领导层屈服于苏联的统治,这将导致铁托和斯大林(南斯拉夫和苏联)之间的公开分裂,这将对南斯拉夫政治制度的发展产生重大影响,并将导致所有投票支持政治的人受到普遍迫害。南斯拉夫的Informbiroa。冲突将对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的政治、经济和社会局势产生特别影响。本文的目的是指出波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那档案馆、贝尔格莱德档案馆(南斯拉夫档案馆)和萨格勒布档案馆中的历史来源,在此基础上可以获得了解这一问题的必要数据,以及指出1948年至1956年期间处理Informbiro危机问题的史学(书籍、论文集和期刊)及其对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那领土的反思。这是因为很少有科学家和历史学家处理过这个问题,而且这一时期的历史文献很少,尤其是关于波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那领土的历史文献。需要注意的是,我们有一位历史学家在微观层面上处理过这个问题,因此,2005年出版了一本名为《Informbiro和波斯尼亚东北部:KPJ Informbiro冲突的回声和后果(1948-1953)》的书“,公众对这一事件的关注,对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的政治和社会经济局势产生了巨大影响。从本书出版到今天,人们一直试图通过几次科学会议和圆桌会议来阐明这一问题,其结果是发表了论文集,以及在一些杂志上发表的文章在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那和更广泛的地区。
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引用次数: 0
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