Historical cartography has an important place among historical sources. Many researchers can have the opportunity to use many cartographic sources during their research. An important source in historical cartography is maps created during the reign of the Ottoman Empire on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the existence of cartographic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina which are the results of the work of cartographers of the world should also be emphasized. Large-scale representations found in the form of cadastral plans of various scales are of particular importance in research. However, small-scale cartographic representations also offer great help to researchers. The first large-scale representations of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina were made during the reign of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This short period of rule on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina resulted in the surveying and representing of the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina on cadastral plans at the scale 1:6250, 1:3125, 1:1562.5 and 1:781.25. On the basis of these large-scale representations, many small-scale representations of different topics, purposes and scales were created. Small-scale representations were made in different scales, which also dictated the detail of the representation. The maps, i.e. small-scale graphic representations, were produced at the scales of 1:12500, 1:25000, 1:75000, and 1:150000. With the end of the First World War, a new period of cartography of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was born. During this time, topographical maps were made at the scales of 1:25,000, 1:50,000, and smaller scales. Of course, the authors of the maps monitored the situation on the ground and tried to ensure that all the details that could be shown were shown on them in terms of content and according to the possibility of the display. After the end of the Second World War, a completely new period was started in the production of graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A special place is occupied by large-scale representations views - cadastral plans that were prepared at the scales of 1:5000, 1:2500, 1:2000, 1:1000 and 1:500. On the basis of cadastral plans, small-scale graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina - maps were created. The map scales were 1:2500, 1:50000 and smaller. Maps with different purposes and themes were created. Topographic maps have a special significance. The completeness of the presentation is an important determinant of all the previously mentioned presentations. The completeness of the cartographic display is reflected in the display of all significant objects, depending on the scale of the display. The area of Bosnia and Herzegovina has many sights. Most of these sights have been measured and shown on large-scale geodetic bases - cadastral plans as well as small-scale geodetic bases - maps. Graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina were created by many cartographers. Tak
{"title":"Kartografski izvori prostornih podatka o starim gradovima Toričan i Vrbenac","authors":"Admir Mulahusić, Jusuf Topoljak, Nedim Tuno, Muamer Đidelija, Nedim Kulo","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.121","url":null,"abstract":"Historical cartography has an important place among historical sources. Many researchers can have the opportunity to use many cartographic sources during their research. An important source in historical cartography is maps created during the reign of the Ottoman Empire on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the existence of cartographic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina which are the results of the work of cartographers of the world should also be emphasized. Large-scale representations found in the form of cadastral plans of various scales are of particular importance in research. However, small-scale cartographic representations also offer great help to researchers. The first large-scale representations of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina were made during the reign of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This short period of rule on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina resulted in the surveying and representing of the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina on cadastral plans at the scale 1:6250, 1:3125, 1:1562.5 and 1:781.25. On the basis of these large-scale representations, many small-scale representations of different topics, purposes and scales were created. Small-scale representations were made in different scales, which also dictated the detail of the representation. The maps, i.e. small-scale graphic representations, were produced at the scales of 1:12500, 1:25000, 1:75000, and 1:150000. With the end of the First World War, a new period of cartography of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was born. During this time, topographical maps were made at the scales of 1:25,000, 1:50,000, and smaller scales. Of course, the authors of the maps monitored the situation on the ground and tried to ensure that all the details that could be shown were shown on them in terms of content and according to the possibility of the display. After the end of the Second World War, a completely new period was started in the production of graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A special place is occupied by large-scale representations views - cadastral plans that were prepared at the scales of 1:5000, 1:2500, 1:2000, 1:1000 and 1:500. On the basis of cadastral plans, small-scale graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina - maps were created. The map scales were 1:2500, 1:50000 and smaller. Maps with different purposes and themes were created. Topographic maps have a special significance. The completeness of the presentation is an important determinant of all the previously mentioned presentations. The completeness of the cartographic display is reflected in the display of all significant objects, depending on the scale of the display. The area of Bosnia and Herzegovina has many sights. Most of these sights have been measured and shown on large-scale geodetic bases - cadastral plans as well as small-scale geodetic bases - maps. Graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina were created by many cartographers. Tak","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.260
Merisa Karović-Babić
Ignoring the historical context of the events in a city that had been under siege for nearly a month, the debates surrounding May 2nd and 3rd, 1992, which exclusively focus on the deaths of members of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) at various locations in the city, including Dobrovoljacka Street, continue without interruption. The citizens of Sarajevo killed during those two days are nowhere mentioned, and their memory is not included in the official memorialization of the city's siege. Furthermore, within the interpretation of the events on Dobrovoljacka Street, there is a noticeable continuous strategy aimed at connecting all the deceased JNA members at the end of April and the beginning of May with the events on Dobrovoljacka Street, effectively camouflaging the previous attacks on the city and the involvement of the JNA in them. Therefore, it was important for us in the first part of our work to point to documents from the Command of the 2nd Military District related to the participation of the JNA in digging artillery positions around the city, their role in the division of Sarajevo's districts along national lines, the relocation of weaponry to „safer areas“ where the Serbian population constituted an absolute ethnic majority, the initiation of the attack on the city, the first casualties in April, as well as the shelling and the burning of residential, cultural-historical, religious, economic, and other facilities in the city. All events that preceded the actual siege of Sarajevo, starting from the autumn of 1991, including the war in Croatia and the subsequent occupation of Bosnian cities, contributed to the perception of the JNA as an enemy force by the citizens of Sarajevo and all pro-Bosnian forces. The shelling of Sarajevo with weaponry and armaments previously positioned on the hills and mountains around the city, in particular, intensified the animosity towards the JNA from the citizens of Sarajevo. The main part of the work will address the chronological sequence of events in the city during May 2nd and 3rd, 1992, street battles in multiple locations in the city, including sites such as the JNA House, Marin Dvor, Skenderija, in front of the National Theater, UPI building, Workers' University Djuro Đakovic (now: Bosnian Cultural Center - BKC), Estrada café, in front of the Command of the 2nd Military District, and ultimately Dobrovoljacka Street. This section will also discuss all other locations where battles took place, as well as the shelling, infantry and sniper activities directed towards civilian objects in the city, which resulted in casualties among the civilian population. Numerous internet sources contain information about 42 JNA members who perished on Dobrovoljacka Street, and this number is always mentioned on the anniversary of the event. However, through a comparison with official sources, we have analyzed how many JNA members genuinely died on Dobrovoljacka Street, how many died at other locations where street batt
{"title":"Sarajevo, 2. i 3. maj 1992. godine. Žrtve, interpretacije, manipulacije","authors":"Merisa Karović-Babić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.260","url":null,"abstract":"Ignoring the historical context of the events in a city that had been under siege for nearly a month, the debates surrounding May 2nd and 3rd, 1992, which exclusively focus on the deaths of members of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) at various locations in the city, including Dobrovoljacka Street, continue without interruption. The citizens of Sarajevo killed during those two days are nowhere mentioned, and their memory is not included in the official memorialization of the city's siege. Furthermore, within the interpretation of the events on Dobrovoljacka Street, there is a noticeable continuous strategy aimed at connecting all the deceased JNA members at the end of April and the beginning of May with the events on Dobrovoljacka Street, effectively camouflaging the previous attacks on the city and the involvement of the JNA in them. Therefore, it was important for us in the first part of our work to point to documents from the Command of the 2nd Military District related to the participation of the JNA in digging artillery positions around the city, their role in the division of Sarajevo's districts along national lines, the relocation of weaponry to „safer areas“ where the Serbian population constituted an absolute ethnic majority, the initiation of the attack on the city, the first casualties in April, as well as the shelling and the burning of residential, cultural-historical, religious, economic, and other facilities in the city. All events that preceded the actual siege of Sarajevo, starting from the autumn of 1991, including the war in Croatia and the subsequent occupation of Bosnian cities, contributed to the perception of the JNA as an enemy force by the citizens of Sarajevo and all pro-Bosnian forces. The shelling of Sarajevo with weaponry and armaments previously positioned on the hills and mountains around the city, in particular, intensified the animosity towards the JNA from the citizens of Sarajevo. The main part of the work will address the chronological sequence of events in the city during May 2nd and 3rd, 1992, street battles in multiple locations in the city, including sites such as the JNA House, Marin Dvor, Skenderija, in front of the National Theater, UPI building, Workers' University Djuro Đakovic (now: Bosnian Cultural Center - BKC), Estrada café, in front of the Command of the 2nd Military District, and ultimately Dobrovoljacka Street. This section will also discuss all other locations where battles took place, as well as the shelling, infantry and sniper activities directed towards civilian objects in the city, which resulted in casualties among the civilian population. Numerous internet sources contain information about 42 JNA members who perished on Dobrovoljacka Street, and this number is always mentioned on the anniversary of the event. However, through a comparison with official sources, we have analyzed how many JNA members genuinely died on Dobrovoljacka Street, how many died at other locations where street batt","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.313
Zećir Ramčilović
The Republic of North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are friendly countries that have no outstanding issues and have been continuously improving their cooperation in all spheres of socio-political life and the economy on both bilateral and multilateral levels since their independence in 1993 to the present (2022). The ties and cooperation between these two states and their citizens have deep historical roots. The territory of present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of North Macedonia has been part of the same state entities for more than five centuries, in various, but also very similar positive or negative contexts and processes. This has allowed for not only cooperation but also understanding and mutual support among the people of North Macedonia (Macedonians, Bosniaks, as well as Albanians, Turks, and others) and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Certainly, the Bosniaks in North Macedonia are the most significant factor in connecting the two states. Unlike Macedonians and other people of North Macedonian origin in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who are in smaller numbers and have a very short continuity from the time of the former Yugoslavia, the Bosniaks are part of Macedonia's distant past, as well as its contemporary Macedonian reality. Without them, no process or Macedonian story would be complete. Therefore, in addition to a chronological overview of the establishment and development of bilateral relations between the two countries since their independence, this paper will also focus on the position of Bosniaks in North Macedonia and Macedonians in Bosnia and Herzegovina after independence. Although there are very important historical processes before independence, I believe it is more important to pay attention to the current moment, which is the goal of this academic conference.
{"title":"Republika Sjeverna Makedonija i Bosna i Hercegovina od uspostavljanja diplomatskih odnosa do danas (1993-2022)","authors":"Zećir Ramčilović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.313","url":null,"abstract":"The Republic of North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are friendly countries that have no outstanding issues and have been continuously improving their cooperation in all spheres of socio-political life and the economy on both bilateral and multilateral levels since their independence in 1993 to the present (2022). The ties and cooperation between these two states and their citizens have deep historical roots. The territory of present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of North Macedonia has been part of the same state entities for more than five centuries, in various, but also very similar positive or negative contexts and processes. This has allowed for not only cooperation but also understanding and mutual support among the people of North Macedonia (Macedonians, Bosniaks, as well as Albanians, Turks, and others) and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Certainly, the Bosniaks in North Macedonia are the most significant factor in connecting the two states. Unlike Macedonians and other people of North Macedonian origin in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who are in smaller numbers and have a very short continuity from the time of the former Yugoslavia, the Bosniaks are part of Macedonia's distant past, as well as its contemporary Macedonian reality. Without them, no process or Macedonian story would be complete. Therefore, in addition to a chronological overview of the establishment and development of bilateral relations between the two countries since their independence, this paper will also focus on the position of Bosniaks in North Macedonia and Macedonians in Bosnia and Herzegovina after independence. Although there are very important historical processes before independence, I believe it is more important to pay attention to the current moment, which is the goal of this academic conference.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.471
Emil Mujkić
Prikaz/Review: Andrew I. Port, NEVER AGAIN: GERMANS AND GENOCIDE AFTER THE HOLOCAUST, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press; USA, Cambridge, Massachusetts; England, London 2023, 403 str
{"title":"Prikaz/Review: Andrew I. Port, NEVER AGAIN: GERMANS AND GENOCIDE AFTER THE HOLOCAUST, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press; USA, Cambridge, Massachusetts; England, London 2023, 403 str","authors":"Emil Mujkić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.471","url":null,"abstract":"Prikaz/Review: Andrew I. Port, NEVER AGAIN: GERMANS AND GENOCIDE AFTER THE HOLOCAUST, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press; USA, Cambridge, Massachusetts; England, London 2023, 403 str","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"2 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.371
Ermin Kuka, Almir Grabovica, Alma Hajrić Čaušević
There are numerous findings, based solely on media and other reports, on the as yet unidentified number of Bosnians who, during the 1991-1996 aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were forcibly fled and forcibly displaced from the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. (hereinafter: the Republic of Serbia), were illegally detained and on that occasion numerous forms of crimes against humanity and international law were (committed) against them. A number of victims stayed in camps (or “collection centers”, as they were officially named by the authorities of the Republic of Serbia), which were located in both a number of known and a number of unknown locations. The scientific and general public is not yet disillusioned with the number and locations of camps in the Republic of Serbia, and the number of detained victims of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the relationship between Serbian authorities and direct perpetrators of crimes against detained victims. The main goal of this research is to answer the central question: were these collection centers of a humanitarian nature or camps where crimes were (committed), and if crimes were committed, to determine their character? Under international humanitarian law, any illegal detention of civilians is considered a violation of that right and is a crime against humanity and international law. The detention of civilians and civilians is a crime that, from appearance to appearance, can be of varying intensity and character: from violations of human rights to freedom of movement, through various forms of torture of victims to executions. Illegal apprehension of civilians and civilians and their placing under political and military or police control of enemy forces, depending on the goals and character of the conflict, can have a variety of intentions: from preventing able-bodied persons from participating in hostilities to intending to do so (ex) exterminates members of a particular group with the characteristics of the group as such.
{"title":"Logori za Bosance i Hercegovce na teritoriji Srbije 1992-1996. u funkciji destrukcije bosanskohercegovačkog društva i države","authors":"Ermin Kuka, Almir Grabovica, Alma Hajrić Čaušević","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.371","url":null,"abstract":"There are numerous findings, based solely on media and other reports, on the as yet unidentified number of Bosnians who, during the 1991-1996 aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were forcibly fled and forcibly displaced from the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. (hereinafter: the Republic of Serbia), were illegally detained and on that occasion numerous forms of crimes against humanity and international law were (committed) against them. A number of victims stayed in camps (or “collection centers”, as they were officially named by the authorities of the Republic of Serbia), which were located in both a number of known and a number of unknown locations. The scientific and general public is not yet disillusioned with the number and locations of camps in the Republic of Serbia, and the number of detained victims of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the relationship between Serbian authorities and direct perpetrators of crimes against detained victims. The main goal of this research is to answer the central question: were these collection centers of a humanitarian nature or camps where crimes were (committed), and if crimes were committed, to determine their character? Under international humanitarian law, any illegal detention of civilians is considered a violation of that right and is a crime against humanity and international law. The detention of civilians and civilians is a crime that, from appearance to appearance, can be of varying intensity and character: from violations of human rights to freedom of movement, through various forms of torture of victims to executions. Illegal apprehension of civilians and civilians and their placing under political and military or police control of enemy forces, depending on the goals and character of the conflict, can have a variety of intentions: from preventing able-bodied persons from participating in hostilities to intending to do so (ex) exterminates members of a particular group with the characteristics of the group as such.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"2 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136229639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.356
Hamza Karčić
While there is a significant body of literature on U.S. policy towards Bosnia in the early 1990s, the role and policy recommendations of American realists have been largely overlooked. Realism is a school of thought in international relations which holds that states are the key actors motivated by interests which seek to maximize their power and security in an anarchic world. Adherents of this worldview emphasize the pursuit of national interests and the importance of power and force in achieving it. Realists are generally opposed to military interventions where a vital national interest is not at stake. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap by analysing both realist policymakers and academics and how they responded to the war in Bosnia from 1992 to 1995. Several top officials of the George H. W. Bush Administration including the President, Secretary of State James Baker and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft were realists and this worldview shaped the US response to the outbreak of the war in Bosnia. Focused on a host of other foreign policy issues at the time, the Bush Administration was adamant not to get involved militarily in Bosnia. James Baker’s statement „We don't have a dog in that fight“ came to define the Bush Administration's Bosnia policy. Its realist outlook combined with the presidential campaign priorities in 1992 to ensure that the Western response to the war in Bosnia was handed over to the Europeans. With realist policymakers in power from the outbreak of the war in spring 1992 through early 1993, many Bosnians hoping for a Western military intervention at the time would later come to realise how far-fetched those hopes were. In addition to realist policymakers, several prominent realists in the American academia also weighed in on how the US should respond to the war in this part of Southeast Europe in the early 1990s. Academic realists published their opinions and recommended policy options in leading media outlets throughout the three-and-a-half year war. Though their worldview was not shared by the first Bill Clinton Administration, academic realists continued offering policy recommendations on Bosnia. Academic realists like Robert Pape and Michael Desch opposed the use of air power in Bosnia arguing that it would be ineffective. John Mearsheimer together with Pape called for partition of Bosnia and establishment of homogeneous states in the Balkans and arming of Bosnian Muslims. Kissinger was opposed to a military commitment to Bosnia but did not lay out specific policy recommendations. In sum, both policymakers and academics argued that there was no vital US national interest at stake in Bosnia warranting deployment of ground troops. Even after the Dayton peace talks concluded in late 1995, American realists continued weighing in on Bosnia and offering generally bleak assessments. While the majority of those recommended policy options were not implemented, realists’ views on Bosnia in the 1990s still dese
{"title":"American Realists and the War in Bosnia 1992-1995.","authors":"Hamza Karčić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.356","url":null,"abstract":"While there is a significant body of literature on U.S. policy towards Bosnia in the early 1990s, the role and policy recommendations of American realists have been largely overlooked. Realism is a school of thought in international relations which holds that states are the key actors motivated by interests which seek to maximize their power and security in an anarchic world. Adherents of this worldview emphasize the pursuit of national interests and the importance of power and force in achieving it. Realists are generally opposed to military interventions where a vital national interest is not at stake. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap by analysing both realist policymakers and academics and how they responded to the war in Bosnia from 1992 to 1995. Several top officials of the George H. W. Bush Administration including the President, Secretary of State James Baker and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft were realists and this worldview shaped the US response to the outbreak of the war in Bosnia. Focused on a host of other foreign policy issues at the time, the Bush Administration was adamant not to get involved militarily in Bosnia. James Baker’s statement „We don't have a dog in that fight“ came to define the Bush Administration's Bosnia policy. Its realist outlook combined with the presidential campaign priorities in 1992 to ensure that the Western response to the war in Bosnia was handed over to the Europeans. With realist policymakers in power from the outbreak of the war in spring 1992 through early 1993, many Bosnians hoping for a Western military intervention at the time would later come to realise how far-fetched those hopes were. In addition to realist policymakers, several prominent realists in the American academia also weighed in on how the US should respond to the war in this part of Southeast Europe in the early 1990s. Academic realists published their opinions and recommended policy options in leading media outlets throughout the three-and-a-half year war. Though their worldview was not shared by the first Bill Clinton Administration, academic realists continued offering policy recommendations on Bosnia. Academic realists like Robert Pape and Michael Desch opposed the use of air power in Bosnia arguing that it would be ineffective. John Mearsheimer together with Pape called for partition of Bosnia and establishment of homogeneous states in the Balkans and arming of Bosnian Muslims. Kissinger was opposed to a military commitment to Bosnia but did not lay out specific policy recommendations. In sum, both policymakers and academics argued that there was no vital US national interest at stake in Bosnia warranting deployment of ground troops. Even after the Dayton peace talks concluded in late 1995, American realists continued weighing in on Bosnia and offering generally bleak assessments. While the majority of those recommended policy options were not implemented, realists’ views on Bosnia in the 1990s still dese","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
University of Prishtina, serving as an institution of education and science and as a centre of Albanian democratic and cultural movements, since its foundation was amongst the institutions on the target of Serbian regime. Upon abolition of the autonomy of Kosovo in 1989, the Serbian regime started the discriminatory policies against the Albanian population, the overwhelming majority population in Kosovo, including the expulsion of the Albanian pupils and students from the schools and university premises, massive dismissals from work, etc. It was the academic year 1991/1992 when the doors of the University of Prishtina were closed to Albanian students and teachers. The University of Prishtina and its campus in the center of the capital Prishtina, libraries, institutes and student dormitories all remained available to Serbian and other non-Albanian teachers and students. The Albanian population created a parallel state, a unique example in the world, and such state created the parallel institutions in various fields of life, such as health, culture and education, including also the parallel University of Prishtina. This paper, in light of the sources of the time (documents in the Archive of the Rectorate of University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, published reports of the international organisations, press of the time) and the relevant historiography aims at elaborating: the initial protests and resistance of Albanian professors and students against the violent measures imposed by the Serbian regime; how the students and teachers were expelled from the facilities of the University of Prishtina; the procedures and the circumstances under which was established the Parallel University of Prishtina; how this parallel university functioned in the situation of pressure and continuous violence from the Serbian regime, at private facilities in the suburbs of the city; how the entire Albanian population from Kosovo was mobilized to support this university. The paper offers data from the unpublished documents which are stored at the Archive of the Rectorate of the University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, regarding the number of planned and enrolled students, which indicates how the political situation was reflected on the number of students who attended the university studies. Particular attention in the paper was paid to the students’ protests of 1997 by elaborating how this Parallel University, through the peaceful student protests, influenced the sensitizing of the international institutions and media on the question of the Albanian people in Kosovo. It emphasizes the important role of students represented by Independent Union of Students of the University of Prishtina (Unioni i Pavarur i Studentëve i Universitetit të Prishtinës - UPSUP), who gained the support and encouragement of international political personalities of the time for the continuation of peaceful student activism. Despite all the drastic challenges the Parallel University of Prishtina
普里什蒂纳大学，作为一所教育和科学机构以及阿尔巴尼亚民主和文化运动的中心，自其成立以来一直是塞尔维亚政权目标的机构之一。1989年废除科索沃自治权后，塞尔维亚政权开始对占科索沃人口绝大多数的阿尔巴尼亚人实行歧视性政策，包括将阿尔巴尼亚小学生和学生驱逐出学校和大学，大规模解雇工作人员等。1991/1992学年，普里什蒂纳大学对阿尔巴尼亚学生和教师关闭了大门。普里什蒂纳大学及其位于首都普里什蒂纳中心的校园、图书馆、学院和学生宿舍仍然向塞尔维亚和其他非阿尔巴尼亚族教师和学生开放。阿尔巴尼亚人民建立了一个平行的国家，这是世界上的一个独特的例子，这个国家在生活的各个领域，如卫生、文化和教育，建立了平行的机构，包括平行的普里什蒂纳大学。本文根据当时的资料来源(普里什蒂纳大学“哈桑·普里什蒂纳”校长档案馆的文件、国际组织和当时的新闻界发表的报告)和相关的史学，旨在阐述:阿尔巴尼亚教授和学生最初对塞尔维亚政权实施的暴力措施的抗议和抵抗;学生和教师如何被驱逐出普里什蒂纳大学的设施;普里什蒂纳平行大学成立的程序和情况;在塞尔维亚政权的压力和持续暴力的情况下，这所平行大学如何在城市郊区的私人设施中运作;整个科索沃的阿尔巴尼亚人是如何动员起来支持这所大学的。该文件提供了保存在普里什蒂纳大学“哈桑普里什蒂纳”校长档案馆的未发表文件的数据，其中涉及计划和注册的学生人数，这表明政治局势如何反映在参加大学学习的学生人数上。该文件特别关注了1997年的学生抗议活动，阐述了这所平行大学如何通过和平的学生抗议活动影响了国际机构和媒体对科索沃境内阿尔巴尼亚人问题的敏感认识。它强调了以普里什蒂纳大学学生独立联盟(Unioni i Pavarur i Studentëve i Universitetit të Prishtinës - UPSUP)为代表的学生的重要作用，他们获得了当时国际政治人士的支持和鼓励，继续进行和平的学生活动。尽管面临着巨大的挑战，普里什蒂纳平行大学在大学的各个方面都发挥了作用。制订了所有的管理机制，以三个周期进行教学，尽管只有私人房舍，但没有实验室、图书馆和宿舍，招收了新学生，不断征聘和提升工作人员，编写了大学教科书。但是，由于许多因素，包括阿尔巴尼亚人口的移民、塞尔维亚警察的持续暴力和阿尔巴尼亚家庭的经济困难，学生人数不断减少。此外，这种情况影响了他们的学习。缺乏文献和实验室，在私人房舍和家中教学，塞尔维亚政权不断的危险和虐待，使大学学习成为一项非常困难的任务。然而，普里什蒂纳平行大学变成了一个和平抵抗的中心和决心继续学习和提高阿尔巴尼亚语水平的象征，不管极端的政治和社会情况如何。直到1999年3月21日，即使在战争状态下，大学也没有中断工作。所有这些准备、意志和和平抵抗都赢得了国际舆论的注意和尊重。
{"title":"Parallel University of Prishtina, 1991-1999: Functioning, challenges and peaceful resistance","authors":"Albina Drançolli Ramadani, Kujtime Boshtrakaj Camaj","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.437","url":null,"abstract":"University of Prishtina, serving as an institution of education and science and as a centre of Albanian democratic and cultural movements, since its foundation was amongst the institutions on the target of Serbian regime. Upon abolition of the autonomy of Kosovo in 1989, the Serbian regime started the discriminatory policies against the Albanian population, the overwhelming majority population in Kosovo, including the expulsion of the Albanian pupils and students from the schools and university premises, massive dismissals from work, etc. It was the academic year 1991/1992 when the doors of the University of Prishtina were closed to Albanian students and teachers. The University of Prishtina and its campus in the center of the capital Prishtina, libraries, institutes and student dormitories all remained available to Serbian and other non-Albanian teachers and students. The Albanian population created a parallel state, a unique example in the world, and such state created the parallel institutions in various fields of life, such as health, culture and education, including also the parallel University of Prishtina. This paper, in light of the sources of the time (documents in the Archive of the Rectorate of University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, published reports of the international organisations, press of the time) and the relevant historiography aims at elaborating: the initial protests and resistance of Albanian professors and students against the violent measures imposed by the Serbian regime; how the students and teachers were expelled from the facilities of the University of Prishtina; the procedures and the circumstances under which was established the Parallel University of Prishtina; how this parallel university functioned in the situation of pressure and continuous violence from the Serbian regime, at private facilities in the suburbs of the city; how the entire Albanian population from Kosovo was mobilized to support this university. The paper offers data from the unpublished documents which are stored at the Archive of the Rectorate of the University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, regarding the number of planned and enrolled students, which indicates how the political situation was reflected on the number of students who attended the university studies. Particular attention in the paper was paid to the students’ protests of 1997 by elaborating how this Parallel University, through the peaceful student protests, influenced the sensitizing of the international institutions and media on the question of the Albanian people in Kosovo. It emphasizes the important role of students represented by Independent Union of Students of the University of Prishtina (Unioni i Pavarur i Studentëve i Universitetit të Prishtinës - UPSUP), who gained the support and encouragement of international political personalities of the time for the continuation of peaceful student activism. Despite all the drastic challenges the Parallel University of Prishtina","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.459
Izet Šabotić
Prikaz/Review: Diego Arria, USPORENI GENOCID U BOSNI, Vijeće Kongresa bošnjačkih intelektualaca, Sarajevo 2023, 326 str
评论：Diego Arria，USPORENI GENOCID U BOSNI，Vijeće Kongresa bosnjačkih intelektualaca，Sarajevo 2023，326 页。
{"title":"Prikaz/Review: Diego Arria, USPORENI GENOCID U BOSNI, Vijeće Kongresa bošnjačkih intelektualaca, Sarajevo 2023, 326 str","authors":"Izet Šabotić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.459","url":null,"abstract":"Prikaz/Review: Diego Arria, USPORENI GENOCID U BOSNI, Vijeće Kongresa bošnjačkih intelektualaca, Sarajevo 2023, 326 str","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.101
Orges Drançolli
The model of development for Ottoman-style cities in the territory of Kosova from the 15th century to the first decade of the 20th century revolved around a distinctive triad: the local market, the mosque, and the bazaar. In the early periods of ottoman rule, mosques were strategically built in places where there was local market. This was done intentionally, since these were places where a significant number of people gathered. The bazaars and other type of buildings, as part of the mosque complexes, played an important role in the formation and development of cities during the Ottoman period as well. Thus, directly impacting the formation and growth of cities. Among these elements, the bazaars held a special significance, as they became the reference point of cities. And this was due, mainly because of their character, which was of craft, commercial and economic importance. The bazaars were more than just places of trade; they became emblematic reference points for cities, drawing local citizens and people from surrounding regions, who integrated these bustling spaces into their daily lives. In addition to their economic and commercial functions, the bazaars held immense historical, social, and cultural importance. As the centuries passed, living and engaging with the bazaars became inseparable from the life of Kosovar cities, and these spaces became an integral part of the collective memory and identity of the inhabitants. Throughout the centuries, the bazaars in Kosova became inseparable from daily life, contributing to the region's unique charm and heritage. However, this rich historical fabric has suffered significant losses as many bazaar shops fell victim to destruction. The destruction occurred over time due to exposure to the natural elements and human interventions, but there were also cases of intentional and planned destruction. These intentional and systematic destructions started immediately after the conquest of Kosova by Serbia in 1912. Urban and spatial plans as well as various military armaments during the Albanian-Serbian war in Kosova from 1998 to 1999 were responsible for deliberate and systematic mass destruction of the bazaars. Although, the types and methods of destruction varied, the underlying purpose remained consistent. This was done with the aim to destroy, the cultural, social, and economic significance of the bazaars, to change the physiognomy structure, and style of the old traditional cities in Kosova. Thus, by destroying Albanian tangible and intangible heritage and replacing it with the conqueror's creations, the conquerors sought to erase the cultural identity and history of the local autochthonous population. This study aims to explore the motives, methods, and intentions behind the targeted bazaar destruction, drawing upon relevant documents, past evidence, and available literature. By understanding the reasons behind such destructive actions, it becomes possible to preserve and safeguard the remaining bazaa
{"title":"Destruction of Old Bazaars in Kosova","authors":"Orges Drançolli","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.101","url":null,"abstract":"The model of development for Ottoman-style cities in the territory of Kosova from the 15th century to the first decade of the 20th century revolved around a distinctive triad: the local market, the mosque, and the bazaar. In the early periods of ottoman rule, mosques were strategically built in places where there was local market. This was done intentionally, since these were places where a significant number of people gathered. The bazaars and other type of buildings, as part of the mosque complexes, played an important role in the formation and development of cities during the Ottoman period as well. Thus, directly impacting the formation and growth of cities. Among these elements, the bazaars held a special significance, as they became the reference point of cities. And this was due, mainly because of their character, which was of craft, commercial and economic importance. The bazaars were more than just places of trade; they became emblematic reference points for cities, drawing local citizens and people from surrounding regions, who integrated these bustling spaces into their daily lives. In addition to their economic and commercial functions, the bazaars held immense historical, social, and cultural importance. As the centuries passed, living and engaging with the bazaars became inseparable from the life of Kosovar cities, and these spaces became an integral part of the collective memory and identity of the inhabitants. Throughout the centuries, the bazaars in Kosova became inseparable from daily life, contributing to the region's unique charm and heritage. However, this rich historical fabric has suffered significant losses as many bazaar shops fell victim to destruction. The destruction occurred over time due to exposure to the natural elements and human interventions, but there were also cases of intentional and planned destruction. These intentional and systematic destructions started immediately after the conquest of Kosova by Serbia in 1912. Urban and spatial plans as well as various military armaments during the Albanian-Serbian war in Kosova from 1998 to 1999 were responsible for deliberate and systematic mass destruction of the bazaars. Although, the types and methods of destruction varied, the underlying purpose remained consistent. This was done with the aim to destroy, the cultural, social, and economic significance of the bazaars, to change the physiognomy structure, and style of the old traditional cities in Kosova. Thus, by destroying Albanian tangible and intangible heritage and replacing it with the conqueror's creations, the conquerors sought to erase the cultural identity and history of the local autochthonous population. This study aims to explore the motives, methods, and intentions behind the targeted bazaar destruction, drawing upon relevant documents, past evidence, and available literature. By understanding the reasons behind such destructive actions, it becomes possible to preserve and safeguard the remaining bazaa","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.19
Sedad Bešlija, Hana Youinis, Dženita Sarač-Rujanac, Mehmed Hodžić
Water represented a very important segment in the design and functioning of Sarajevo over the course of its long past. Water, as a symbol of life, in various forms and shapes, has been an indispensable factor in the creation and development of many urban areas in human history, which is very clearly visible in the Sarajevo example. Based on data from unpublished archival materials, published sources and relevant literature, this text attempts to present certain elements that undoubtedly led to the city's development. The work deals with different thematic areas that chronologically presented the exploitation of the water potential of Sarajevo and its immediate surroundings, as one of the key causes of the city's urban development and its economic and social transformation. In the classic Ottoman era, Sarajevo was, to the greatest extent thanks to the institution of the Waqf, an area with an extremely large number of different forms of construction on the water. Wells, fountains and shadirwans as well as a wide branched network of water supply systems, made it possible to use the bounty of water unhindered. Mills and bridges were in the function of economic activity, which directly affected the prosperity of the city. In addition to these positive examples, the paper also provides information on certain problems caused by the natural effect of water power. During the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods, Sarajevo was faced with floods which, depending on the intensity and whether the Miljacka or one of its tributaries flooded, caused damages of different scopes. Therefore, special attention was paid to the efforts of the city authorities to prevent such scenarios. The paper deals with the construction and maintenance of Sarajevo's water supply network. Its beginnings in the Ottoman period are presented and analyzed, as well as the first, at that time, modern approaches in the construction of a modern water supply system after the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Austro-Hungarian authorities, aware of the existing water potential of the source of the Mošćanica river not far from Sarajevo, tried to make maximum use of these facilities with the aim of supplying the city with sufficient quantities of drinking water. The Ottoman waterworks were dilapidated and could not meet the needs of the entire population, which was constantly growing, and the city's territory was expanding year by year, so this was also an aggravating circumstance. The paper shows in detail how the construction of the first modern water supply system in Sarajevo proceeded in 1889, as well as how it functioned in the following period. The presented and analyzed cases from the original material clearly illustrate the problems faced by the residents who wanted to connect their housholds to the water supply network as well s how the new water supply system caused various types of damage to their private properties. The last segment that this paper treats refe
{"title":"Uloga i značaj vode u razvoju Sarajeva kroz historiju","authors":"Sedad Bešlija, Hana Youinis, Dženita Sarač-Rujanac, Mehmed Hodžić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.19","url":null,"abstract":"Water represented a very important segment in the design and functioning of Sarajevo over the course of its long past. Water, as a symbol of life, in various forms and shapes, has been an indispensable factor in the creation and development of many urban areas in human history, which is very clearly visible in the Sarajevo example. Based on data from unpublished archival materials, published sources and relevant literature, this text attempts to present certain elements that undoubtedly led to the city's development. The work deals with different thematic areas that chronologically presented the exploitation of the water potential of Sarajevo and its immediate surroundings, as one of the key causes of the city's urban development and its economic and social transformation. In the classic Ottoman era, Sarajevo was, to the greatest extent thanks to the institution of the Waqf, an area with an extremely large number of different forms of construction on the water. Wells, fountains and shadirwans as well as a wide branched network of water supply systems, made it possible to use the bounty of water unhindered. Mills and bridges were in the function of economic activity, which directly affected the prosperity of the city. In addition to these positive examples, the paper also provides information on certain problems caused by the natural effect of water power. During the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods, Sarajevo was faced with floods which, depending on the intensity and whether the Miljacka or one of its tributaries flooded, caused damages of different scopes. Therefore, special attention was paid to the efforts of the city authorities to prevent such scenarios. The paper deals with the construction and maintenance of Sarajevo's water supply network. Its beginnings in the Ottoman period are presented and analyzed, as well as the first, at that time, modern approaches in the construction of a modern water supply system after the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Austro-Hungarian authorities, aware of the existing water potential of the source of the Mošćanica river not far from Sarajevo, tried to make maximum use of these facilities with the aim of supplying the city with sufficient quantities of drinking water. The Ottoman waterworks were dilapidated and could not meet the needs of the entire population, which was constantly growing, and the city's territory was expanding year by year, so this was also an aggravating circumstance. The paper shows in detail how the construction of the first modern water supply system in Sarajevo proceeded in 1889, as well as how it functioned in the following period. The presented and analyzed cases from the original material clearly illustrate the problems faced by the residents who wanted to connect their housholds to the water supply network as well s how the new water supply system caused various types of damage to their private properties. The last segment that this paper treats refe","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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