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For the love of Adam: two sodomy trials at the Cape of Good Hope. 为了对亚当的爱:在好望角的两次鸡奸审判。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01
Susie Newton-King
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引用次数: 0
The wife, the farmer and the farmer's slaves: adultery and murder on a frontier farm in the early eighteenth century Cape. 妻子、农场主和农场主的奴隶:18世纪早期开普边境农场的通奸和谋杀。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2002-01-01
Nigel Penn
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引用次数: 0
Blank verbeeld, or the incredible whiteness of being: amateur photography and Afrikaner nationalist historical narrative. 空白的verbeeld,或存在的不可思议的白:业余摄影和阿非利卡民族主义的历史叙事。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-01-01
M DuToit
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引用次数: 0
Introduction. 介绍。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-01-01
P Hayes, A Bank
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引用次数: 0
Anthropology and portrait photography: Gustav Fritsch's "Natives of South Africa," 1863-1872. 人类学和肖像摄影:古斯塔夫·弗里奇的《南非土著人》,1863-1872年。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-01-01
A Bank
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引用次数: 0
Downcast: mining, men and the camera in colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-1930. 沮丧:1890-1930年,津巴布韦殖民地的采矿、男人和照相机。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-01-01
J R Mhute
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引用次数: 0
'Franklins of the Cape': The South African Commercial Advertiser and the creation of a colonial public sphere, 1824-1854 “开普的富兰克林”:南非商业广告商和殖民地公共领域的创建,1824-1854
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1999-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/41056429
K. McKenzie
When the first independent newspaper was founded in the Cape Colony in 1824 its editors were in no doubt of their forthcoming place on the historical stage. "What should hinder us", wrote John Fairbairn to Thomas Pringle in 1823, "from becoming the Franklins of the Kaap?"1 What was required in the colony, Fairbairn continued, in response to his friend's plan for a publication to "enlighten South Africa",2 was the presence of "rational men". Herein lies the key to an understanding of the self-proclaimed place of the South African Commercial Advertiser in the development of a political culture at the Cape. It was a process which would bear fruit in a constitution for representative government which the colony received thirty years after Fairbairn had taken on the mantle of Benjamin Franklin newspaper editor, patriot, scientific rationalist and "harbinger of liberty".3 An analysis of the Advertiser in the first decades of its publication sheds considerable light on the nature of the public sphere as established in the colony during this period as well as on the ambiguous definitions of "the people" definitions which in many ways would underpin the franchise of 1853. From the 1820s onwards, a new political culture was gaining ground in both the metropole and the colonies. Associated with the economic transformations of an industrializing metropole and the rise of the middle class to political power in both Britain and its colonial dependencies, it can be designated by the term 'bourgeois public sphere'. The press was intimately connected in both practical and symbolic ways with this new vision of political power which expressed itself in opposition to the aristocratic privileges of the ancient regime. While expressed in the language of universality, the bourgeois public sphere was also inherently exclusionary. This paper discusses the nature of this political culture as it was elaborated at the Cape and particularly as it was expressed within the pages of the Advertiser a paper which set out to re-invent selfconsciously the political culture of the colony. The Advertiser was first published in 1824 in a climate of official hostility encapsulated in the person of the High Tory and aristocratic governor, Lord Charles Somerset, who suspended the paper only a few months after it had
当第一份独立报纸于1824年在开普殖民地创立时,它的编辑们毫无疑问将在历史舞台上占有一席之地。1823年,约翰·费尔贝恩在给托马斯·普林格尔的信中写道:“有什么能阻止我们成为Kaap的富兰克林?”费尔贝恩接着说,作为对他朋友出版一本刊物“启蒙南非”计划的回应,殖民地所需要的是“理性人”的存在。这是理解南非商业广告人在开普政治文化发展中自称的地位的关键。在费尔贝恩接过报纸编辑、爱国者、科学理性主义者和“自由先驱”本杰明·富兰克林的衣套30年后,这一进程将在制定代议制政府宪法方面结出硕果对《广告人》出版后最初几十年的分析,揭示了这一时期在殖民地建立的公共领域的性质,以及对“人民”定义的模糊定义,这些定义在很多方面都支撑了1853年的特许经营权。从19世纪20年代开始,一种新的政治文化在大都市和殖民地都取得了进展。与工业化大都市的经济转型和中产阶级在英国及其殖民地属地的政治权力的崛起有关,它可以被称为“资产阶级公共领域”。新闻界在实际和象征意义上都与这种政治权力的新愿景密切相关,这种新愿景表达了对古代政权贵族特权的反对。虽然资产阶级公共领域用普遍性的语言表达,但它也具有内在的排他性。这篇论文讨论了这种政治文化的本质,因为它是在开普角被详细阐述的,特别是在《广告人》的页面上表达的,这份报纸开始有意识地重新发明殖民地的政治文化。《广告人》创刊于1824年,当时官方对该报充满敌意,而保守党高官、贵族总督查尔斯·萨默塞特勋爵(Lord Charles Somerset)在该报创刊几个月后就勒令停刊
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引用次数: 29
The Racial Division of Gordonia, 1921-1930 戈登尼亚的种族分裂,1921-1930
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1999-01-01 DOI: 10.18772/12016049544.16
Martin Legassick
In 1921 a petition signed by 259 Baster men from Gordonia was submitted to Parliament.1 They asked Parliament "to restore our previous rights in the settlement of Gordonia" given by the Imperial government in "perpetual Erfpacht". A demand for restitution of land, the petition became re-interpreted by successive South African governments in line with policies of segregation. It catalysed, in fact, the racial division of the territory of Gordonia. In the Gordonia settlement, established in 1880, Basters had been granted farms along the north bank of the Orange River from the Aughrabies Falls to the present Groblershoop as well as in the interior of the country. Subsequently, they had lost most of this land. Basters told a Lands Department official in 1921 they were "finding it practically impossible to find places where they can pursue their calling, which is agricultural farming, and even when they do succeed in securing places where they can live, their form of tenure is very insecure... [causing] them a great deal of inconvenience and financial loss."2 Moreover their tenancies were threatened, wrote the Rand Daily Mail, because "Europeans... more and more require their land for their own use."3 The petitioners blamed the loss of land on the government. Under the original regime, they claimed, land alienation was prohibited to persons not registered as citizens (i.e. mainly Basters). This was correct.4 So far as they knew, these rights had been ratified when Gordonia was annexed to British Bechuanaland.5 But after annexation farms were sold by public auction, including to people previously ineligible. Because their forefathers were even less educated than now, they did not pay attention to this violation of the conditions. They trusted that the government would defend them. But having now seen the original documents, the petitioners were amazed that farms were allowed to be sold. Even those who had sold their property, they claimed, were surprised that they were never warned by officials when these transactions were registered. This seemed to show that the former rules were no longer in operation despite the fact
1921年,一份由来自戈登尼亚的259名贝斯特人签署的请愿书被提交给议会,他们要求议会“恢复我们以前在戈登尼亚定居的权利”,这是帝国政府在“永久宪法”中赋予我们的权利。要求归还土地的请愿书被南非历届政府根据种族隔离政策重新解释。事实上,它催化了戈登尼亚领土的种族分裂。在1880年建立的戈登尼亚定居点,巴斯特人被授予农场,沿着奥兰治河北岸,从奥格狂狂犬病瀑布到现在的格罗布勒肖普,以及这个国家的内陆。后来,他们失去了大部分土地。巴斯特斯在1921年告诉一位土地部门的官员,他们“发现几乎不可能找到他们可以从事农业耕作的地方,即使他们成功地找到了他们可以居住的地方,他们的使用权形式也非常不安全……给他们造成了很大的不便和经济损失。此外,《兰德每日邮报》写道,他们的租约受到了威胁,因为“欧洲人……越来越多的人需要土地自用。上访者将土地流失归咎于政府。他们声称,在最初的制度下,禁止将土地转让给未登记为公民的人(即主要是巴斯特人)。这是正确的据他们所知,这些权利是在戈登尼亚被并入英属贝瓜纳兰时被批准的。但在吞并后,农场被公开拍卖,包括卖给以前没有资格的人。因为他们的祖先比现在受教育程度更低,所以他们没有注意到这种违反条件的行为。他们相信政府会保护他们。但现在看到了原始文件,请愿者对农场被允许出售感到惊讶。他们声称,即使是那些出售了房产的人,也很惊讶,在这些交易登记时,他们从未得到官员的警告。这似乎表明,尽管事实如此,以前的规则已不再有效
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引用次数: 4
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