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Contentious public finance: how entanglement shapes the costs of resisting elitist budgetary preferences 有争议的公共财政:纠葛如何影响抵制精英预算偏好的成本
IF 0.5 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-22 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2024d000000009
Mikayla Novak
Entangled political economy views societal phenomena as featuring substantial interaction between economic and political entities, but questions have been raised about the conceptual properties of entanglement. The political economist Randall Holcombe has raised questions concerning the economic influences affecting uneven patterns of entanglement between entities. Drawing upon his own transaction costs-based framework of political stratification, Holcombe suggests that political elites incur relatively low transaction costs associated with bargaining over policies, whereas non-elites incur relatively high costs. This suggests that elites actively participate in policy design and implementation and can outmaneuver the non-elite public to externalize the costs of political decisions, yielding noticeable clustering effects within entangled network structures. This article seeks to build upon Holcombe’s insights, as well as the transaction cost politics of Charlotte Twight, illustrating how groups engaging in political processes attempt to manipulate transaction costs to secure favorable outcomes. Transaction cost manipulation by elites to secure advantages is commonly studied, but less so is how non-elitists succeed in adjusting the transaction costs of political exchanges to help prevent fiscal exploitation by elitists. The public finance case of Colorado’s Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights is used to illustrate how dynamic entanglements between elites and non-elites delivered institutional change better aligning with non-elite fiscal preferences.
纠缠政治经济学认为,社会现象的特点是经济和政治实体之间的实质性互动,但也有人对纠缠的概念特性提出了质疑。政治经济学家兰德尔-霍尔科姆(Randall Holcombe)就影响实体间不均衡纠缠模式的经济影响提出了问题。霍尔科姆借鉴自己基于交易成本的政治分层框架,认为政治精英在政策讨价还价方面的交易成本相对较低,而非精英则相对较高。这表明,精英们积极参与政策的设计和实施,并能超越非精英公众,将政治决策的成本外部化,从而在纠缠不清的网络结构中产生明显的集群效应。本文试图以霍尔科姆的见解以及夏洛特-特怀特(Charlotte Twight)的交易成本政治学为基础,说明参与政治进程的群体如何试图操纵交易成本以确保有利的结果。对精英操纵交易成本以确保优势的研究很普遍,但对非精英如何成功调整政治交流的交易成本以帮助防止精英的财政剥削的研究则较少。科罗拉多州的《纳税人权利法案》这一公共财政案例被用来说明精英与非精英之间的动态纠葛如何带来更符合非精英财政偏好的制度变革。
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引用次数: 0
Social versus individual work preferences: implications for optimal linear income taxation 社会与个人工作偏好:对最优线性收入税的影响
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2024-04-12 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2024d000000008
Zhiyong An, David Coady
We extend the standard optimal linear income taxation model to allow for differences in social and individual work preferences while still maintaining the assumption that individuals are rational. The theoretical and simulation analyses show that when the government places a higher social weight on work than do individuals, the optimal marginal income tax rate (MIT) becomes lower. This implies lower revenue, income guarantee, and overall progressivity. The case for lower MIT is reinforced when the government places a relatively higher weight on work for low earners. Combining our analysis with that of An and Coady (2022), we, on the one hand, agree with previous studies that the optimal nonlinear income tax schedule would be close to the optimal linear one but, on the other, show that the degree of closeness would depend on preference differences. Our work contributes to the burgeoning field of non-welfarist economics.
我们扩展了标准的最优线性所得税模型,以考虑社会和个人工作偏好的差异,同时仍然维持个人是理性的这一假设。理论和模拟分析表明,当政府对工作的社会权重高于个人时,最优边际所得税率(MIT)就会降低。这意味着收入、收入保障和总体累进性都会降低。当政府对低收入者的工作赋予相对较高的权重时,降低边际所得税率的理由就更加充分。将我们的分析与 An 和 Coady(2022 年)的分析相结合,一方面,我们同意之前研究的观点,即最优非线性所得税表将接近最优线性所得税表,但另一方面,我们表明,接近程度将取决于偏好差异。我们的研究工作为正在蓬勃发展的非福利主义经济学领域做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: special issue on the political economy of the War in Ukraine 导言:乌克兰战争的政治经济学特刊
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2024d000000006
Tymofii Brik, Tymofiy Mylovanov, J. Murtazashvili, I. Murtazashvili
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: special issue on the political economy of the War in Ukraine 导言:乌克兰战争的政治经济学特刊
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2024d000000006
Tymofii Brik, Tymofiy Mylovanov, J. Murtazashvili, I. Murtazashvili
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引用次数: 0
The political economy of public procurement in Ukraine 乌克兰公共采购的政治经济学
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2024d000000005
Jennifer Brick Murtazashvili, Tymofiy Mylovanov, Nataliia Shapoval, I. Murtazashvili
This article links Ukraine’s response to Russia’s unprovoked invasion in February 2022 to institutional reforms in the decade before the current war. After the Revolution of Dignity in 2014, Ukrainian civil society, business, and government jointly established an institutional framework to monitor public procurement. The problem of devising institutions to monitor behavior on an ongoing basis is not generally solved through constitutional reforms and revolutions. Public procurement reforms contributed to a culture of coproduction of monitoring that has persisted even when pressure was exerted on open government after Russia’s full-scale invasion. The reforms implemented after the Revolution of Dignity created a robust institutional framework to scale up institutions to monitor public procurement during Ukraine’s ongoing reconstruction effort.
本文将乌克兰对俄罗斯 2022 年 2 月无端入侵的反应与当前战争前十年的体制改革联系起来。2014 年 "尊严革命 "后,乌克兰民间社会、商界和政府联合建立了监督公共采购的制度框架。设计持续监督行为的机构这一问题一般不会通过宪法改革和革命来解决。公共采购改革促成了一种共同制造监督的文化,即使在俄罗斯全面入侵后对公开政府施加压力时,这种文化依然存在。尊严革命 "后实施的改革建立了一个强有力的制度框架,以在乌克兰持续的重建工作中扩大公共采购监督机构的规模。
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引用次数: 1
The political economy of public procurement in Ukraine 乌克兰公共采购的政治经济学
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2024d000000005
Jennifer Brick Murtazashvili, Tymofiy Mylovanov, Nataliia Shapoval, I. Murtazashvili
This article links Ukraine’s response to Russia’s unprovoked invasion in February 2022 to institutional reforms in the decade before the current war. After the Revolution of Dignity in 2014, Ukrainian civil society, business, and government jointly established an institutional framework to monitor public procurement. The problem of devising institutions to monitor behavior on an ongoing basis is not generally solved through constitutional reforms and revolutions. Public procurement reforms contributed to a culture of coproduction of monitoring that has persisted even when pressure was exerted on open government after Russia’s full-scale invasion. The reforms implemented after the Revolution of Dignity created a robust institutional framework to scale up institutions to monitor public procurement during Ukraine’s ongoing reconstruction effort.
本文将乌克兰对俄罗斯 2022 年 2 月无端入侵的反应与当前战争前十年的体制改革联系起来。2014 年 "尊严革命 "后,乌克兰民间社会、商界和政府联合建立了监督公共采购的制度框架。设计持续监督行为的机构这一问题一般不会通过宪法改革和革命来解决。公共采购改革促成了一种共同制造监督的文化,即使在俄罗斯全面入侵后对公开政府施加压力时,这种文化依然存在。尊严革命 "后实施的改革建立了一个强有力的制度框架,以在乌克兰持续的重建工作中扩大公共采购监督机构的规模。
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引用次数: 1
Polycentric governance in practice: the case of Ukraine’s decentralised crisis response during the Russo-Ukrainian war 实践中的多中心治理:以俄乌战争期间乌克兰的分散危机应对为例
Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2023d000000002
Oleksandra Keudel, Oksana Huss
Public choice scholars have long argued that the decentralisation of governance has substantial benefits, though the specific context is necessary to understand why and how it works well. This article provides an Ostromian analysis of decentralised governance in Ukraine based on a wartime survey of 204 Ukrainian local authorities (LAs), in-depth interviews and focus groups with LA representatives. The article identifies empirical evidence of three mechanisms of polycentricity at play locally in Ukraine: the facilitation of local knowledge; resource mobilisation; and the enablement of experimentation and innovation. One year into the full-scale Russian invasion, empirical insights from Ukraine demonstrate how a polycentric governance system can contribute to resilience in a protracted and extreme crisis. The research findings also highlight the critical role of personal communication and technology in enabling social innovation that supports resilience.
公共选择学者长期以来一直认为,政府权力下放有实质性的好处,尽管要理解它为什么以及如何发挥作用,需要具体的背景。本文基于对204个乌克兰地方当局(LA)的战时调查、深度访谈和对LA代表的焦点小组,对乌克兰的分散式治理进行了奥斯特洛夫斯基式的分析。本文确定了在乌克兰当地发挥多中心的三种机制的经验证据:促进当地知识;资源动员;以及实验和创新的实现。在俄罗斯全面入侵一年后,来自乌克兰的经验见解表明,多中心治理体系如何有助于在一场旷日持久的极端危机中增强复原力。研究结果还强调了个人沟通和技术在促进支持复原力的社会创新方面的关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic changes in the public sphere: modern prerequisites for effective management 公共领域的战略变革:有效管理的现代先决条件
Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2023d000000004
Tetiana Kozachenko, Nataliia Aliushyna, Olena Boiko, Viacheslav Grabovskiy, Nataliia Statsenko
The purpose of this study is to investigate transformation processes in the field of public administration in Ukraine and the possibility of implementing change management. This article uses a case-study methodology, with both primary source statistics and archival materials, to evaluate the extent of decentralisation reforms in Ukraine. We demonstrate that reforms have been partial, which we attribute to an inefficient and opaque system that frustrates reform efforts. The main gaps of the Ukrainian authorities are observed in the inability to effectively influence the distribution of resources, in particular, to ensure the functioning of newly created territorial units. The article provides evidence that the existing problems that are the result of inefficient public administration in Ukraine, regarding poverty, inflation, the growing gap between rural and urban population, and the growth of unemployment, can be solved by implementing change management. The decentralisation reforms initiated in Ukraine have often been extolled in various quarters for their potential to enhance administrative and governance efficiency. Nevertheless, a comprehensive and empirical assessment detailing the full extent and depth of these reforms remains conspicuously absent. Such a gap in the literature underscores the need for a rigorous examination to ascertain the real magnitude of changes and their tangible impacts on the ground. The novelty of the study consists in the focus on the approach of the three-dimensional design of public administration proposed by Ukrainian researchers in the context of ‘management–administration–management’.
本研究的目的是调查乌克兰公共行政领域的转型过程和实施变革管理的可能性。本文采用案例研究方法,结合原始来源统计数据和档案材料,评估乌克兰分权改革的程度。我们表明,改革是局部的,我们将其归因于一个低效和不透明的制度,使改革努力受挫。乌克兰当局的主要缺陷是无法有效地影响资源的分配,特别是无法确保新成立的领土单位的运作。这篇文章提供的证据表明,由于乌克兰公共行政效率低下而造成的现有问题,如贫穷、通货膨胀、城乡人口之间日益扩大的差距以及失业人数的增加,都可以通过实施变革管理来解决。在乌克兰发起的权力下放改革经常在各个方面受到赞扬,因为它们有可能提高行政和治理效率。然而,详细说明这些改革的全部范围和深度的全面和经验性评估显然仍然缺乏。文献中的这种差距强调需要进行严格的审查,以确定变化的实际规模及其对实地的实际影响。这项研究的新颖之处在于,它关注的是乌克兰研究人员在“管理-行政-管理”的背景下提出的公共行政的三维设计方法。
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引用次数: 0
Lack of consensus, dispersion of political power and public debt: evidence from a sample of developed countries 缺乏共识、政治权力分散和公共债务:来自发达国家样本的证据
Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2023d000000003
Mohamed Mansour, Eric Kamwa
The aim of this article is to study empirically the relationship between political governance and public debt by testing a number of hypotheses. We examine the effects of the dispersion of power on public debt with an econometric study carried out on a sample of 13 developed countries using macroeconomic and political data covering the period 1996–2012. It is found that the lack of consensus between political parties in a government coalition and the dispersion of power within the government are factors explaining the increase in public debt.
本文的目的是通过检验一些假设来实证研究政治治理与公共债务之间的关系。我们利用1996年至2012年期间的宏观经济和政治数据,对13个发达国家的样本进行了一项计量经济学研究,以检验权力分散对公共债务的影响。研究发现,联合政府中政党间缺乏共识和政府内部权力分散是公共债务增加的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Public debt financing through political processes: a review essay of Olivier Blanchard’s Fiscal Policy under Low Interest Rates 政治过程中的公共债务融资:对奥利维尔·布兰查德《低利率下的财政政策》的评论文章
Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1332/25156918y2023d000000001
Jonathan W. Plante
In his recent book Fiscal Policy under Low Interest Rates , Olivier Blanchard argues that when interest rates are low, policymakers can use public debt finance to increase the welfare of a nation. I argue that Blanchard’s model suffers from the “organismic theory of the State” and, as such, reaches dubious conclusions. At its core, an organismic model presumes that politicians can and do make transfers that maximize the welfare of all individuals. While this is, of course, plausible, an individualistic view states that whether government transfers increase welfare for all individuals depends on the political decision-making process of time and place. While some political processes redistribute funds equally, others redistribute unequally—that is, they increase welfare for some but decrease the welfare of others. Blanchard’s organismic model takes this fact for granted. I use the individualistic view to argue that even if interest rates are low, if a political process is one that redistributes unequally, transfers under public debt financing can result in or exacerbate income inequality. To illustrate this point, I show that in the US, increases in public debt financing have increased welfare for some individuals—the low- and upper-income quintiles—but have decreased it for others—the middle-income quintiles.
奥利维尔•布兰查德(Olivier Blanchard)在他的新书《低利率下的财政政策》(Fiscal Policy under Low Interest Rates)中指出,当利率处于低位时,政策制定者可以利用公共债务融资来增加一个国家的福利。我认为,布兰查德的模型受到了“国家有机体理论”的影响,因此得出了可疑的结论。有机模型的核心假设是,政治家能够而且确实进行了使所有个人福利最大化的转移支付。虽然这当然是合理的,但个人主义的观点认为,政府转移支付是否会增加所有人的福利,取决于时间和地点的政治决策过程。虽然有些政治过程对资金的再分配是平等的,但有些则是不平等的——也就是说,它们增加了一些人的福利,但减少了另一些人的福利。布兰查德的有机体模型将这一事实视为理所当然。我用个人主义的观点认为,即使利率很低,如果一个政治过程是一个再分配不平等的过程,公共债务融资下的转移支付也会导致或加剧收入不平等。为了说明这一点,我展示了在美国,公共债务融资的增加增加了一些人(低收入和高收入的五分之一)的福利,但却减少了另一些人(中等收入的五分之一)的福利。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice
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