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Do Democratic governors lower economic freedom? A regression discontinuity approach 民主党州长会降低经济自由吗?回归不连续性方法
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.1332/251569119x15675896226897
William B. Hankins, G. Hoover
Using a panel of US states over the period 1985–2010, we examine how Democratic governors affect economic freedom compared to Republican governors. Economic freedom is measured using the Economic Freedom of North America Index. Given the emphasis that this index places on smaller government, we expect that having a Democratic governor leads to less economic freedom. However, using a regression discontinuity approach, we find that Democratic governors do not reduce economic freedom compared to Republican governors elected by a similar margin. An implication of this result is that governors must appeal to the median voter when making policy.
利用1985-2010年期间的美国各州小组,我们研究了与共和党州长相比,民主党州长如何影响经济自由。经济自由度是用北美经济自由度指数来衡量的。鉴于该指数强调的是规模较小的政府,我们预计民主党州长会导致经济自由度降低。然而,使用回归不连续性方法,我们发现,与以类似优势当选的共和党州长相比,民主党州长并没有减少经济自由。这一结果的含义是,州长在制定政策时必须吸引中间选民。
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引用次数: 6
The political economy of Brazilian cultural policy: a case study of the Rouanet Law 巴西文化政策的政治经济学:以鲁瓦内法为例
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.1332/251569119x15675896589688
Erwin Dekker, Anabela S Rodrigues
This article provides an analysis of the effectiveness of cultural policy in Brazil under the Rouanet Law for the period 1993–2016. We find that the law, which provides tax incentives for donations to and sponsorships of the cultural sector, has exacerbated existing socio-economic inequalities, regional inequalities and inequalities between artistic genres. The gifts have predominantly gone to already successful projects, sometimes even already profitable projects. On the flip side, the gifts have primarily come from large, mostly partially state-owned, enterprises and act as the equivalent of a tax cut for these organisations. From the evidence, it is not clear that any particular market failure is alleviated through the Rouanet Law; instead, it seems that the system of indirect support led to strong control over the cultural sector by big business in Brazil. We use these findings to criticise much of the literature on cultural policy, which tends to take Western well-developed institutions for granted. We argue that this literature is ill-suited to capture the economy of Brazil and other ‘limited-access states’ because of its implicit assumption of a pre-existing ‘open-access state’.
本文分析了1993年至2016年期间巴西《鲁阿内特法》下文化政策的有效性。我们发现,该法律为文化部门的捐赠和赞助提供税收激励,加剧了现有的社会经济不平等、地区不平等和艺术流派之间的不平等。这些礼物主要流向了已经成功的项目,有时甚至是已经盈利的项目。另一方面,这些礼物主要来自大型企业(其中大部分是国有企业),对这些企业来说相当于减税。从证据来看,尚不清楚《鲁阿内法》是否减轻了任何特定的市场失灵;相反,这种间接支持制度似乎导致了巴西大企业对文化部门的强大控制。我们用这些发现来批评许多关于文化政策的文献,这些文献往往把西方发达的制度视为理所当然。我们认为,这种文献不适合捕捉巴西和其他“有限准入国家”的经济,因为它隐含地假设了一个预先存在的“开放准入国家”。
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引用次数: 4
Benjamin Constant: his debts towards Adam Smith 本杰明·康斯坦特:他欠亚当·斯密的债
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.1332/251569119X15537841204119
L. Infantino
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引用次数: 0
Term limits and state budgets 任期限制和州预算
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.1332/251569119X15526464720315
R. Holcombe, R. Gmeiner
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引用次数: 0
The chairman's solution 主席的解决方案
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.1332/251569118X15368236837875
D. Hebert
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引用次数: 3
Failing to ring up sales: tax evasion by a cash-intensive business 未能完成销售:现金密集型企业逃税
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2019-04-30 DOI: 10.1332/251569119X15526582435555
Gideon Yaniv
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引用次数: 2
The productive-unproductive puzzle in Adam Smith: what have we missed? 亚当·斯密的富有成效的非生产性难题:我们错过了什么?
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1332/251569118x15388187616080
Nimai M. Mehta
This paper returns to Adam Smith's much maligned distinction of productive versus unproductive labour to flesh out a dimension of capital productivity that has been missed by the modern theory of production and welfare. The puzzle lies in Smith's use of a binary measurement scale to suggest opposing productivity, and household welfare outcomes obtained with a durable versus non-durable good. A durable good generates a permanent fund of labour savings and service spillovers over time. This dimension of productivity exists separate from, and beyond, any marginal productivity attributed to capital or labour services within the neoclassical production function. And, it forms the basis of improvements in household welfare that Smith described in the Wealth of Nations – in terms of continual net increases in the consumption-production possibility frontier enjoyed by the household, as a result of service spillovers obtained with a durable good over time. In contrast, no such spillovers are obtained with a non-durable good. A preference-bias for non-durable goods, instead, proves to be welfare-reducing – by having households under-invest and/or fail in maintaining the accumulated stock of durable-goods-as-capital. Both lead to a loss of production-consumption possibilities available within the household economy. An exploration of Smith's concern with 'unproductive labour' brings back into focus the broad set of behavioural traits and ethical-legal restraints that underlie economic progress and have been missed by neoclassical theory.
本文回到亚当·斯密备受诟病的生产性劳动与非生产性劳动的区别,以充实现代生产和福利理论所忽略的资本生产率的一个维度。难题在于史密斯使用二元测量量表来表明对立的生产力,以及持久与非持久商品所获得的家庭福利结果。随着时间的推移,持久的商品会产生劳动力储蓄和服务溢出的永久基金。生产力的这一维度与新古典生产函数中归因于资本或劳动力服务的任何边际生产力是分开存在的。而且,它构成了史密斯在《国富论》中描述的家庭福利改善的基础——随着时间的推移,随着持久商品的服务溢出,家庭享有的消费-生产可能性边界不断净增加。相反,非持久性商品没有获得这种溢出效应。相反,对非耐用品的偏好偏见被证明是降低福利的——因为家庭投资不足和/或未能将耐用品的累积库存作为资本来维持。两者都会导致家庭经济中可用的生产-消费可能性的丧失。对史密斯对“非生产性劳动”的关注的探索,使人们重新关注到经济进步背后的一系列行为特征和道德法律约束,而新古典主义理论却忽略了这些特征和约束。
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引用次数: 0
Preference policies: perpetual costs of distributive politics 优惠政策:分配政治的永久成本
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1332/251510818X15368388991035
A. Hoffer, R. Sobel
Many, but not all, US state governments have adopted 'preference policies' that give an advantage to in-state businesses (vendors) who submit bid proposals for state projects. Most preference policies are specified in terms of a specific percentage advantage, which means that an in-state vendor will be chosen even if they submit a higher bid than a lower-cost out-of-state vendor. Some states have broad policies that apply to all or virtually all state contracts, while others apply these policies selectively only to one or a few specific goods and services. We estimate the effects of these policies on the costs of government. We find that preference policies are associated with a $167 increase per person in state construction costs and a $176 increase per capita in capital expenditures. In addition, we find that states implementing preference policies experienced a one unit decline in their economic freedom scores.
许多(但不是所有)美国州政府都采取了“优惠政策”,为提交州项目投标书的州内企业(供应商)提供优势。大多数优惠政策都是根据特定的百分比优势来指定的,这意味着即使州内供应商提交的报价高于成本较低的州外供应商,他们也会被选中。一些州有广泛的政策,适用于所有或几乎所有的州合同,而另一些州则选择性地只适用于一种或几种特定的商品和服务。我们估计这些政策对政府成本的影响。我们发现,优惠政策与人均国家建设成本增加167美元和人均资本支出增加176美元有关。此外,我们发现,实施优惠政策的州的经济自由度得分下降了一个单位。
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引用次数: 0
Imperfect democracy and economic freedom 不完善的民主和经济自由
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1332/251569118X15388187137839
Ryan H. Murphy
Recent research has explored the determinants of economic freedom, an important measure of institutional quality. Concurrently, some scholars have posited a negative relationship between the quality of economic institutions and democracy, specifically at very high levels of democracy. This paper disaggregates the Polity IV index into a vector of 20 dummy variables to explore how differing degrees of democracy and autocracy may impact economic freedom, thereby leaving open the possibility for levels of democracy modestly less than perfect democracy to have better effects on economic freedom. This paper will also consider the Vreeland re-estimate of the Polity IV index, the Grundler-Kreiger measure of democracy, the use of a quadratic term, and quantile regression. The weak evidence that is found points to a modest positive relationship between democracy and economic freedom, with little evidence that marginally less democracy will subsequently lead to more economic freedom.
最近的研究探讨了经济自由的决定因素,这是衡量制度质量的一个重要指标。与此同时,一些学者认为经济制度的质量与民主之间存在负面关系,特别是在高度民主的情况下。本文将Polity IV指数分解为一个由20个虚拟变量组成的向量,以探索不同程度的民主和专制如何影响经济自由,从而为适度低于完美民主的民主水平对经济自由产生更好影响提供了可能性。本文还将考虑对Polity IV指数的Vreeland重新估计、民主的Grundler Kreiger测度、二次项的使用和分位数回归。所发现的薄弱证据表明,民主和经济自由之间存在适度的积极关系,几乎没有证据表明,稍微减少的民主会带来更多的经济自由。
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引用次数: 2
James M. Buchanan: from Chicago to Virginia and Knight's influence on Buchanan 詹姆斯·M·布坎南:从芝加哥到弗吉尼亚与奈特对布坎南的影响
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1332/251569118X15402013042785
Francesco Forte, G. Brady
This paper examines the influence of Frank Knight on James Buchanan during the latter's time as a student at the University of Chicago through to the successive periods of his life. We maintain that Knight's approach to economics and politics – in which individual freedom, (institutional) rules of the game and ethical rules are all paramount in explaining behaviours in both the market and the public sector – strongly influenced Buchanan's interdisciplinary intellectual enterprise. In this context, we stress Knight's influence on Buchanan's catallactic approach to both the formation of rules at the constitutional level and ordinary level, as well as for the behaviour of individuals interacting in the market and public sector. In this inheritance, the relevance of ethical values for economic progress and protection of a good, free society increased during Buchanan's last period of scientific research, with positive and normative levels always carefully distinguished, as in the Frank Knight tradition.
本文考察了弗兰克·奈特对詹姆斯·布坎南的影响,从布坎南在芝加哥大学读书到他一生的各个时期。我们认为,奈特对经济和政治的研究方法——在解释市场和公共部门的行为时,个人自由、(制度)游戏规则和道德规则都是至关重要的——强烈地影响了布坎南的跨学科知识事业。在这种背景下,我们强调奈特对布坎南的催化方法的影响,包括宪法层面和普通层面的规则形成,以及市场和公共部门中相互作用的个人行为。在这种传承中,在布坎南最后的科学研究时期,伦理价值与经济进步和保护一个良好、自由的社会的相关性增加了,积极和规范的水平总是被仔细区分,就像弗兰克·奈特的传统一样。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice
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