Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa9
C. Morgado
gnate objects (OC) (espirrar um espirro...) can be paraphrased by light verbs (dar um espirro). However, some paraphrases appear to be ungrammatical or generate several readings (brito & Choupina 2018; Gonçalves et al. 2010; Mirto 2007). Cognate objects are of various types (Choupina 2013a and b), with real cognates being more restrictive syntactically and semantically. There are more or less inflexible expressions that resemble structures with OC (reir la risa.., chorar lágrimas de crocodilo...) and that occur in certain languages, not being subject to the same morphosyntactic restrictions of good formation as the OC and distinguishing them for the conditions of use. It is the properties that OC, constructions with light verbs and lexicalized expressions share and those that individualize them that we will deal with in this article
生成对象(OC) (espirrar um espirro…)可以用轻动词(dar um espirro)来解释。然而，一些释义似乎不符合语法或产生几个阅读(brito & Choupina 2018;gonalalves等，2010;Mirto 2007)。同源对象类型多样(Choupina 2013a和b)，真实的同源对象在句法和语义上的限制更大。有一些或多或少不灵活的表达式类似于OC (reir la risa)的结构。， chorar lágrimas de crocodilo…)，并且出现在某些语言中，不受与OC相同的良好形成的形态语法限制，并根据使用条件区分它们。我们将在本文中讨论的是OC、带有轻动词的结构和词汇化表达所共有的属性，以及那些使它们个性化的属性
{"title":"Reir la risa de un niño, chorar lágrimas de crocodilo um revisitar dos objetos cognatos entre expressões lexicalizadas e construções com verbos leves","authors":"C. Morgado","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa9","url":null,"abstract":"gnate objects (OC) (espirrar um espirro...) can be paraphrased by light verbs (dar um espirro). However, some paraphrases appear to be ungrammatical or generate several readings (brito & Choupina 2018; Gonçalves et al. 2010; Mirto 2007). Cognate objects are of various types (Choupina 2013a and b), with real cognates being more restrictive syntactically and semantically. There are more or less inflexible expressions that resemble structures with OC (reir la risa.., chorar lágrimas de crocodilo...) and that occur in certain languages, not being subject to the same morphosyntactic restrictions of good formation as the OC and distinguishing them for the conditions of use. It is the properties that OC, constructions with light verbs and lexicalized expressions share and those that individualize them that we will deal with in this article","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73351127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa1
Cristina Villas-Boas
{"title":"À minha mãe","authors":"Cristina Villas-Boas","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89647128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa19
J. Costa
In this paper, we will aim at contributing to the linguistic characterization of the verb ter de/ter que [have to], pointing out some particularities that individualize it among the modal semi-auxiliaries of Portuguese. We will gather information from morphology, syntax, semantics and textual and discourse linguistics, also observed in examples collected from the CETEMPúblico corpus. The semi-auxiliary ter de, like dever [must], appears in the domain of necessity. Although the deontic reading prevails in several contexts, it is possible to find utterances of epistemic nature, external to the participant and even internal to the participant, following the typological classification proposed by van der Auwera and Plungian (1998). Its modal strength results from a maximum restriction of possible worlds (Kratzer 1981; 2012), being situated in the positive pole (certain/obligatory) of the modal verbs scale, which, in Portuguese, contemplates two other verbs, poder [can] and dever (Oliveira 1988). However, the prototypical strong obligation reading associated with ter de is only available in controllable by the subject situations and, even in these cases, the principle of politeness and the hedging effect can convert utterances with this semi-auxiliary into suggestions or recommendations, particularly in injunctive acts of a non-impositive nature and in certain expressive acts. From a syntactic point of view, and following a proposal outlined by Óscar Lopes (2005), we tried to evaluate the effects of the combination of ter de with different syntactic types of verbs, namely unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs. Besides the aspects mentioned above, it was necessary to consider criteria such as the aspectual class of the verb, the nature (impositional or not) of the discourse acts, and the intentionality and status of the interlocutors. As a rule, and taking into account the analysis of utterances from CETEMPúblico, unaccusative verbs combine with aspectual classes that predict an achievement and, in the face of the modal semiauxiliary ter de, they may activate readings that focus on needs determined by external or internal circumstances of the participant. Regarding unergative verbs, we see that the atelic verbs are present in predicates that configure processes and activate the reading of modality external to the participant, while the potentially telic verbs are articulated with accomplishments and may also assume a modal reading external to the participant. Careful observation of other examples may, however, open the way to new modal readings
{"title":"O que tem de ser tem muita força... deôntica Contributos para a caracterização do verbo modal ter de","authors":"J. Costa","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa19","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we will aim at contributing to the linguistic characterization of the verb ter de/ter que [have to], pointing out some particularities that individualize it among the modal semi-auxiliaries of Portuguese. We will gather information from morphology, syntax, semantics and textual and discourse linguistics, also observed in examples collected from the CETEMPúblico corpus. The semi-auxiliary ter de, like dever [must], appears in the domain of necessity. Although the deontic reading prevails in several contexts, it is possible to find utterances of epistemic nature, external to the participant and even internal to the participant, following the typological classification proposed by van der Auwera and Plungian (1998). Its modal strength results from a maximum restriction of possible worlds (Kratzer 1981; 2012), being situated in the positive pole (certain/obligatory) of the modal verbs scale, which, in Portuguese, contemplates two other verbs, poder [can] and dever (Oliveira 1988). However, the prototypical strong obligation reading associated with ter de is only available in controllable by the subject situations and, even in these cases, the principle of politeness and the hedging effect can convert utterances with this semi-auxiliary into suggestions or recommendations, particularly in injunctive acts of a non-impositive nature and in certain expressive acts. From a syntactic point of view, and following a proposal outlined by Óscar Lopes (2005), we tried to evaluate the effects of the combination of ter de with different syntactic types of verbs, namely unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs. Besides the aspects mentioned above, it was necessary to consider criteria such as the aspectual class of the verb, the nature (impositional or not) of the discourse acts, and the intentionality and status of the interlocutors. As a rule, and taking into account the analysis of utterances from CETEMPúblico, unaccusative verbs combine with aspectual classes that predict an achievement and, in the face of the modal semiauxiliary ter de, they may activate readings that focus on needs determined by external or internal circumstances of the participant. Regarding unergative verbs, we see that the atelic verbs are present in predicates that configure processes and activate the reading of modality external to the participant, while the potentially telic verbs are articulated with accomplishments and may also assume a modal reading external to the participant. Careful observation of other examples may, however, open the way to new modal readings","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89652600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa11
C. Barros
this paper I intend to analyse some aspects of the evolution observable in the way the legislative discourse justifies the legal-legislative provisions in legislative texts of different synchronies of the Portuguese language: this is especially apparent when they present statements which contain acts of discourse with justification value.From a comparative and diachronic perspective, I will confront Afonso X’s medieval legislative texts (such as the Portuguese versions of the Primeyra Partida and the Foro Real) with contemporary Portuguese legislative texts. I will attempt to demonstrate that in medieval legislative texts, in addition to the greater extent of the supporting segments, there is also a discursive structure that uses arguments of authority. In Afonso X’s legislative texts royal legislation is conveyed and the Speaker, designated by the first person “we”, is identified with the king, holding a power inherent to this statute. It reaffirms its status as authority and the desirability of royal legislative action and affirms the pragmatic need for the existence of justice by its favourable effect (which is ethically identified with the Common Good).By contrast, contemporary legislative discourse is presented in the third person and this does not designate any individualized subject. The law is stabilized, established in multi-secular institutions and fundamental rights are already guaranteed, and new legislation is generally conjunctural and especially case-by-case legislation. In contemporary legislative formulations there is no discourse of the legitimization of power and the dimension of the supporting segments is smaller.
{"title":"Dimensões da justificação no discurso legislativo uma abordagem diacrónica","authors":"C. Barros","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa11","url":null,"abstract":"this paper I intend to analyse some aspects of the evolution observable in the way the legislative discourse justifies the legal-legislative provisions in legislative texts of different synchronies of the Portuguese language: this is especially apparent when they present statements which contain acts of discourse with justification value.From a comparative and diachronic perspective, I will confront Afonso X’s medieval legislative texts (such as the Portuguese versions of the Primeyra Partida and the Foro Real) with contemporary Portuguese legislative texts. I will attempt to demonstrate that in medieval legislative texts, in addition to the greater extent of the supporting segments, there is also a discursive structure that uses arguments of authority. In Afonso X’s legislative texts royal legislation is conveyed and the Speaker, designated by the first person “we”, is identified with the king, holding a power inherent to this statute. It reaffirms its status as authority and the desirability of royal legislative action and affirms the pragmatic need for the existence of justice by its favourable effect (which is ethically identified with the Common Good).By contrast, contemporary legislative discourse is presented in the third person and this does not designate any individualized subject. The law is stabilized, established in multi-secular institutions and fundamental rights are already guaranteed, and new legislation is generally conjunctural and especially case-by-case legislation. In contemporary legislative formulations there is no discourse of the legitimization of power and the dimension of the supporting segments is smaller.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79897278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/1647-4058/eling10_2a1
B. Santos, Catarina Silva
Thisarticlehasasitsfirstobjectivetoverifywhichverbaltensespredominateinthenewsandasasecondobjectivetoverifyandanalyzetheexistingtemporalrelationsaswellastheverbaltensespresentintheserelations.Tothisend,weanalyzedacorpusconsistingof10newsitems,allcenteredonthethemeofcriminalityandwithsimilarsizes.Afterouranalysis,wefoundthatthepretéritoperfeito(SimplePast)andthepresente(Present)ofindicativo(indicative)werethepredominant verb tenses and the relationship of anteriority was the most recurrent.
{"title":"Os Tempos Verbais e as Relações Temporais em Notícias","authors":"B. Santos, Catarina Silva","doi":"10.21747/1647-4058/eling10_2a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/1647-4058/eling10_2a1","url":null,"abstract":"Thisarticlehasasitsfirstobjectivetoverifywhichverbaltensespredominateinthenewsandasasecondobjectivetoverifyandanalyzetheexistingtemporalrelationsaswellastheverbaltensespresentintheserelations.Tothisend,weanalyzedacorpusconsistingof10newsitems,allcenteredonthethemeofcriminalityandwithsimilarsizes.Afterouranalysis,wefoundthatthepretéritoperfeito(SimplePast)andthepresente(Present)ofindicativo(indicative)werethepredominant verb tenses and the relationship of anteriority was the most recurrent.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74359962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa6
Ângela Filipe Lopes, M. Pinto
When it comes to L2 reading, literary texts are often seen as barriers which are difficult to overcome even in higher proficiency levels, since they do not rely solely on a certain level of language performance. This text questions the influence that inferential processing (Kintsch 1998; Koda 2004) has on deep comprehension (Bernhardt 1991: 2011) and on the distance that this genre demands from its reader (Armstrong 2013; Olson 1994). Advantages of literary reading are pointed out in what concerns a L2 learning process, insofar as they leave a mark on the reader’s mental flexibility, as s/he is forced to escape cognitive routines, and led into feeding a future cognitive reservoir (Armstrong 2013; Paradis 2004; Pinto 2010; 2013).
{"title":"Das inferências à interpretação recursiva na leitura do texto literário em L2","authors":"Ângela Filipe Lopes, M. Pinto","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa6","url":null,"abstract":"When it comes to L2 reading, literary texts are often seen as barriers which are difficult to overcome even in higher proficiency levels, since they do not rely solely on a certain level of language performance. This text questions the influence that inferential processing (Kintsch 1998; Koda 2004) has on deep comprehension (Bernhardt 1991: 2011) and on the distance that this genre demands from its reader (Armstrong 2013; Olson 1994). Advantages of literary reading are pointed out in what concerns a L2 learning process, insofar as they leave a mark on the reader’s mental flexibility, as s/he is forced to escape cognitive routines, and led into feeding a future cognitive reservoir (Armstrong 2013; Paradis 2004; Pinto 2010; 2013).","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"250 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86710666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa23
Rogelio Ponce de León, I. Duarte
Following previous work by the authors (Ponce de León & Duarte 2013; Duarte & Ponce de León 2015; Duarte & Ponce de León 2017; Duarte & Ponce de León 2018; Ponce de León & Duarte 2020), the paper aims to analyse the discourse values of the Spanish forms ahora (que) / ahora bien - studied in detail by specialists (Martín Zorraquino & Portolés 1999; Santos Río 2003; Fuentes 2009; Loureda & Acín 2010) - and their correspondences with Portuguese discourse markers, by analysing Portuguese translations of Spanish literary texts. The paper is divided in three parts: a) In the first part, following our previous work (Ponce de León & Duarte 2020) and other studies - some of them cited above - that analyse discourse markers, the different discourse values assumed by these forms are briefly presented and analysed, from a synchronic and diachronic perspective, based on grammatical and lexicographical resources, as well as on Spanish corpora. b) In the second part, the correspondences of the analysed values of ahora (que) / ahorabien with Portuguese expressions, ora and agora are determined. Studies on these Portuguese markers (Duarte 1989; Gonçalves 2004; Marques & Rei 2020) are used to establish these correspondences. c) In the third part, the correspondences of ahora (que) / ahora bien in a corpus of translations into Portuguese of Spanish-language literary texts are studied, trying to clarify the acceptability of different translation solutions for each value of the forms ahora (que) / ahora bien.
继作者之前的工作(Ponce de León & Duarte 2013;Duarte & Ponce de León 2015;Duarte & Ponce de León 2017;Duarte & Ponce de León 2018;Ponce de León & Duarte 2020)，本文旨在分析西班牙语形式ahora (que) / ahora bien的话语价值-由专家详细研究(Martín Zorraquino & portolsamas 1999;桑托斯Río 2003;f 2009;Loureda & Acín 2010) -通过分析西班牙文学文本的葡萄牙语翻译，他们与葡萄牙语话语标记的对应关系。本文分为三个部分:a)在第一部分中，根据我们之前的工作(Ponce de León & Duarte 2020)和其他研究(上面引用的一些研究)分析话语标记，从共时和历时的角度，基于语法和词典资源以及西班牙语料库，简要介绍和分析了这些形式所假定的不同话语价值。b)第二部分，确定了ahora (que) / ahorabien的分析值与葡萄牙语表达、ora和agora的对应关系。对这些葡萄牙语标记的研究(Duarte 1989;Goncalves 2004;Marques & Rei 2020)用于建立这些对应关系。c)第三部分，研究了西班牙语文学文本的葡萄牙语翻译语料库中“ahora (que) / ahora bien”的对应关系，试图阐明每种形式“ahora (que) / ahora bien”的不同翻译方案的可接受性。
{"title":"Os operadores discursivos ahora bien / ahora, (que) e as suas correspondências em traduções literárias para português","authors":"Rogelio Ponce de León, I. Duarte","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa23","url":null,"abstract":"Following previous work by the authors (Ponce de León & Duarte 2013; Duarte & Ponce de León 2015; Duarte & Ponce de León 2017; Duarte & Ponce de León 2018; Ponce de León & Duarte 2020), the paper aims to analyse the discourse values of the Spanish forms ahora (que) / ahora bien - studied in detail by specialists (Martín Zorraquino & Portolés 1999; Santos Río 2003; Fuentes 2009; Loureda & Acín 2010) - and their correspondences with Portuguese discourse markers, by analysing Portuguese translations of Spanish literary texts. The paper is divided in three parts: a) In the first part, following our previous work (Ponce de León & Duarte 2020) and other studies - some of them cited above - that analyse discourse markers, the different discourse values assumed by these forms are briefly presented and analysed, from a synchronic and diachronic perspective, based on grammatical and lexicographical resources, as well as on Spanish corpora. b) In the second part, the correspondences of the analysed values of ahora (que) / ahorabien with Portuguese expressions, ora and agora are determined. Studies on these Portuguese markers (Duarte 1989; Gonçalves 2004; Marques & Rei 2020) are used to establish these correspondences. c) In the third part, the correspondences of ahora (que) / ahora bien in a corpus of translations into Portuguese of Spanish-language literary texts are studied, trying to clarify the acceptability of different translation solutions for each value of the forms ahora (que) / ahora bien.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81018670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa16
I. Bosque
Definiteness effects have been attested in the literature for some DPs complementing HAVE (= English have and their counterparts in other languages). In this paper, which focuses on English and Spanish, demonstrative DPs are shown to be affected by the type-token distinction in HAVE contexts: the internal argument of HAVE receives a type reading in these cases and rejects a to-ken interpretation. The “type restriction on demonstrative DPs” (TRD) is shown to follow from the need for narrow focus NPs complementing HAVE to receive a hearer-new reading, a well-known property of presentational structures. Type readings of demonstrative DPs are shown to meet this condition. Apparent exceptions to the TRD effect include (i) DPs in so-called “remainder contexts”; (ii) structures in which the relevant DP is the subject of a small clause (sometimes with a non-overt predicate); and (iii) structures containing a number of anti-assertive operators. The contexts in (i) are shown to be hearer-new, in spite of being definite. Those in (ii) and (iii) provide DPs which escape the narrow focus interpretation that gives ride to this variety of the definiteness effect.
{"title":"Demonstratives, definiteness effects and the type-token distinction","authors":"I. Bosque","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa16","url":null,"abstract":"Definiteness effects have been attested in the literature for some DPs complementing HAVE (= English have and their counterparts in other languages). In this paper, which focuses on English and Spanish, demonstrative DPs are shown to be affected by the type-token distinction in HAVE contexts: the internal argument of HAVE receives a type reading in these cases and rejects a to-ken interpretation. The “type restriction on demonstrative DPs” (TRD) is shown to follow from the need for narrow focus NPs complementing HAVE to receive a hearer-new reading, a well-known property of presentational structures. Type readings of demonstrative DPs are shown to meet this condition. Apparent exceptions to the TRD effect include (i) DPs in so-called “remainder contexts”; (ii) structures in which the relevant DP is the subject of a small clause (sometimes with a non-overt predicate); and (iii) structures containing a number of anti-assertive operators. The contexts in (i) are shown to be hearer-new, in spite of being definite. Those in (ii) and (iii) provide DPs which escape the narrow focus interpretation that gives ride to this variety of the definiteness effect.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"452 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82928541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespr1
Enio José Porfírio Soares
{"title":"Manole, Veronica. O debate parlamentar em português (Portugal, Brasil) e romeno: análise pragmático‑discursiva. Cluj‑Napoca: Casa Cărţii de Ştiinţă. 2020. 443 pp. ISBN 9786061715114","authors":"Enio José Porfírio Soares","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespr1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespr1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"458 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83032850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa8
A. Silva, Susana Afonso
tuguese se constructions, posited in the transitive continuum, have a constructional counterpart in which the clitic is absent. The null clitic construction, observed in all the seconstructions (i.e. reflexive, reciprocal, middle, anticausative, passive and impersonal) is more frequently used in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) than in European Portuguese (EP). The phenomenon has largely been studied from a morphosyntatic lens or as a result of an ongoing deletion of clitics in BP, shying away from the possible implications in terms of the semantic differentiation between overt and null se constructions. This chapter focuses on reflexive, reciprocal and middle se constructions and aims to investigate what factors determine the choice between overt seconstructions and their null counterpart. Based on an extensive usage-feature and profile-based analysis, and using multivariate statistical methods, we show that reflexive, reciprocal and middle null se constructions are associated with a reconceptualization of an event as non-energetic or absolute, profiling the result of the event. On the other hand, the overt counterpart profiles the moment of change, construing the event as energetic. Reflexive and reciprocal constructions are more frequently encoded by an overt se construction whereas middle construction (in all its subcategories) is more frequently encoded by the null se construction. The study concludes that null reflexive, reciprocal and middle se constructions are new constructions semantically differentiated from overt se constructions, which, we argue, has wider implications, namely for reconceptualization of voice patterns in BP which tend towards ergativization.
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