Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a5
A. Martins
This article analyzes data extracted from the Syntax-oriented Corpus of Portuguese Dialects (CORDIAL-SIN) and Corpus Africa with the aim of demonstrating that the arbitrary/indefinite expressions uma pessoa and a pessoa convey first-person-based genericity, that is, what Moltmann (2010) calls ‘generalizing detached self-reference’. Differences in contextual adequacy between uma pessoa and a pessoa are then discussed using intuitive data. It is suggested that such distributional differences are a consequence of the greater interpretative flexibility of a pessoa (which allows an inclusive or exclusive reading) relative to uma pessoa(which only allows an inclusive reading). Finally, the geolinguistic distribution of uma pessoaand a pessoa in the Portuguese territory is compared to the geolinguistic patterns found for other expressions with human general nouns that also seem to convey generalizing detached self-reference (i.e. homem, fulano, fulana, gajo, tipo, indivíduo, mulher).
{"title":"Autorreferência generalizadora com a pessoa, uma pessoa e outros nomes humanos referencialmente vagos","authors":"A. Martins","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a5","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes data extracted from the Syntax-oriented Corpus of Portuguese Dialects (CORDIAL-SIN) and Corpus Africa with the aim of demonstrating that the arbitrary/indefinite expressions uma pessoa and a pessoa convey first-person-based genericity, that is, what Moltmann (2010) calls ‘generalizing detached self-reference’. Differences in contextual adequacy between uma pessoa and a pessoa are then discussed using intuitive data. It is suggested that such distributional differences are a consequence of the greater interpretative flexibility of a pessoa (which allows an inclusive or exclusive reading) relative to uma pessoa(which only allows an inclusive reading). Finally, the geolinguistic distribution of uma pessoaand a pessoa in the Portuguese territory is compared to the geolinguistic patterns found for other expressions with human general nouns that also seem to convey generalizing detached self-reference (i.e. homem, fulano, fulana, gajo, tipo, indivíduo, mulher).","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85214096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a12
Bárbara Azevedo
This work has as main objective to analyze the use of the Narrative Imperfect in European Portuguese, in order to verify if this use is present in the language. The analysis is based on data collected from a Portuguese language repository, CETEMPúblico. The study focuses on constructions, where the Imperfect Tense is found in order to verify to what extent European Portuguese presents or not occurrences of the Narrative Imperfect. After analyzing the data collected, it was observed that there are some occurrences, based on two of the aspectual classes with which the Imperfect Tense is combined.
{"title":"Sobre o Imperfeito Narrativo em Português Europeu","authors":"Bárbara Azevedo","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a12","url":null,"abstract":"This work has as main objective to analyze the use of the Narrative Imperfect in European Portuguese, in order to verify if this use is present in the language. The analysis is based on data collected from a Portuguese language repository, CETEMPúblico. The study focuses on constructions, where the Imperfect Tense is found in order to verify to what extent European Portuguese presents or not occurrences of the Narrative Imperfect. After analyzing the data collected, it was observed that there are some occurrences, based on two of the aspectual classes with which the Imperfect Tense is combined.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"64 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72454582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a9
Ángeles Carrasco Gutiérrez
In this paper, I will pay attention to the behavior of adjectives such as altísimo and torpe, called ambivalent (Luján 1981) or underspecified (Fernández Leborans 1995), due to the fact that they can be combined with both the copulative verb ser and the copulative verb estar in languages such as Spanish. More specifically, I am interested in two structures, both of them dependent on the Spanish verb of perception ver. In the first, altísimo and torpe combine with the copula estar in infinitive clauses. In the second, subordinate infinitive clauses are headed by the copula ser. I will try to elucidate which is the contribution of the copulative verbs to the interpretation of these structures. With Escandell-Vidal (2018), I assume that the adjectives altísimo and torpe in combination with estar give rise to an evidential effect: the spatio-temporal situation to which the property they denote is anchored is conceived as a situation of visual experience. In the first of the structures I am interested in, the source of information is likewise encoded in the verb of perception. Therefore, the research question that will guide this study is whether the evidential content is actually being expressed twice.
{"title":"On Evidentiality and Perception Ambivalent adjectives in the Spanish non-finite complements of ver","authors":"Ángeles Carrasco Gutiérrez","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a9","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I will pay attention to the behavior of adjectives such as altísimo and torpe, called ambivalent (Luján 1981) or underspecified (Fernández Leborans 1995), due to the fact that they can be combined with both the copulative verb ser and the copulative verb estar in languages such as Spanish. More specifically, I am interested in two structures, both of them dependent on the Spanish verb of perception ver. In the first, altísimo and torpe combine with the copula estar in infinitive clauses. In the second, subordinate infinitive clauses are headed by the copula ser. I will try to elucidate which is the contribution of the copulative verbs to the interpretation of these structures. With Escandell-Vidal (2018), I assume that the adjectives altísimo and torpe in combination with estar give rise to an evidential effect: the spatio-temporal situation to which the property they denote is anchored is conceived as a situation of visual experience. In the first of the structures I am interested in, the source of information is likewise encoded in the verb of perception. Therefore, the research question that will guide this study is whether the evidential content is actually being expressed twice.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77824756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a15
Rui Marques
Adding bem (lit. ‘well’) to a modalized proposition, as in it is quite possible that he already left, increases the degree of conviction being conveyed. Apparently, this epistemic reinforcement that results from the presence of bem corresponds to the expression of a higher degree of belief than what is expressed without bem. Concretely, while é possível que p (‘it is possible that p’) indicates that p is a possibility, é bem possível que p (‘it is quite possible that p’) will indicate that p is a good possibility. If so, the meaning of constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized proposition can be captured within the framework of modality analysis in Krazter (1991, a.o.), who considers different degrees of modality, including the notions of possibility and good possibility. This way, it will be understandable why bem can co-occur with weak modals, as the equivalents of possible or may, but not with strong modals, such as the equivalents of must or have to, since the latter already have a strong value, not being able to be reinforced by the addition of bem. However, there are counter-arguments to this hypothesis, which, among other problems, does not explain why bem may co-occur with various types of modal operators or propositional attitude verbs that express a strong epistemic value, such as, e.g., certo (‘right’), as in é bem certo! (‘quite right!’), or to know, as in the equivalent of he knows well that he is late. Thus, two questions arise: (i) how to explain the epistemic reinforcement resulting from the addition of bem to a sentence with an epistemic modal operator? (ii) why can bem combine with some epistemic modal operators, but not with all of them?An alternative hypothesis is presented and explored, according to which bem does not contribute to the truth conditions of the sentence, but functions at the discursive level. Specifically, the proposed hypothesis is that the addition of bem to a modalized proposition indicates the expectation that this proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. That is, bemhas the function of making the proposition in which it occurs persistent. Thus, the meaning of the constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized sentence is best captured by an analysis of modality within dynamic semantics. In dynamic semantics, the meaning of a sentence is its Context Change Potential, its capability to update the information of the context (or information state) relative to which it is asserted. The proposed analysis provides an answer the two aforementioned questions. Epistemic reinforcement conveyed by bem corresponds to expressing the expectation that the modalized proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. The reason why bem can co-occur with some, but not all, epistemic operators is linked to the type of epistemic state described by each sentence. As predicted by the proposed hypothesis, bem cannot co-occur with modal operators expressing an inference that arises fr
在一个情态化的命题中加上bem(即“好”)，就像他很可能已经离开一样，增加了所传达的信念的程度。显然，由于bem的存在而产生的这种认知强化，对应于比没有bem时表达的更高程度的信念。具体地说，虽然 possível que p(“p有可能”)表明p是一种可能性，但 possível que p(“p很有可能”)将表明p是一种很好的可能性。如果是这样的话，在Krazter (1991, a.o.)的情态分析框架内，可以捕捉到在情态命题中添加bem所产生的结构的意义，他考虑了不同程度的情态，包括可能性和良好可能性的概念。这样，就可以理解为什么bem可以与弱情态同时出现，作为possible或may的等量物，但不能与强情态同时出现，例如must或have to的等量物，因为后者已经具有强值，不能通过添加bem来加强。然而，对这一假设也有相反的观点，除了其他问题外，这并不能解释为什么bem可以与表达强烈认知价值的各种类型的情态操作符或命题态度动词共同出现，例如，例如，certo(“正确”)，如在 bem certo!(“完全正确!”)，或者知道，相当于他很清楚自己迟到了。因此，出现了两个问题:(i)如何解释在带有认知模态运算符的句子中添加bem所产生的认知强化?(ii)为什么bem可以与一些认知模态操作符结合，而不是与所有的操作符结合?提出并探讨了另一种假设，根据这种假设，bem不参与句子的真值条件，而是在话语层面起作用。具体来说，提出的假设是，向一个情态化命题添加bem表明该命题在话语流动中仍然有效的期望。也就是说，bembe具有使它所发生的命题持久的功能。因此，在动态语义学中对情态进行分析，可以最好地捕捉到在情态句中添加bem所产生的结构的含义。在动态语义学中，句子的意义是它的上下文变化潜力，它更新上下文信息(或信息状态)的能力。建议的分析提供了上述两个问题的答案。由bem传达的认知强化对应于表达期望，即在话语流动中，情态化的命题将保持有效。bem可以与一些而不是全部的认知运算符同时出现的原因与每个句子所描述的认知状态的类型有关。正如所提出的假设所预测的那样，bem不能与模态运算符同时出现，模态运算符表示从特定信息产生的推断，并且在收集新信息时可能不会保持。
{"title":"Modalidade epistémica e persistência","authors":"Rui Marques","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a15","url":null,"abstract":"Adding bem (lit. ‘well’) to a modalized proposition, as in it is quite possible that he already left, increases the degree of conviction being conveyed. Apparently, this epistemic reinforcement that results from the presence of bem corresponds to the expression of a higher degree of belief than what is expressed without bem. Concretely, while é possível que p (‘it is possible that p’) indicates that p is a possibility, é bem possível que p (‘it is quite possible that p’) will indicate that p is a good possibility. If so, the meaning of constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized proposition can be captured within the framework of modality analysis in Krazter (1991, a.o.), who considers different degrees of modality, including the notions of possibility and good possibility. This way, it will be understandable why bem can co-occur with weak modals, as the equivalents of possible or may, but not with strong modals, such as the equivalents of must or have to, since the latter already have a strong value, not being able to be reinforced by the addition of bem. However, there are counter-arguments to this hypothesis, which, among other problems, does not explain why bem may co-occur with various types of modal operators or propositional attitude verbs that express a strong epistemic value, such as, e.g., certo (‘right’), as in é bem certo! (‘quite right!’), or to know, as in the equivalent of he knows well that he is late. Thus, two questions arise: (i) how to explain the epistemic reinforcement resulting from the addition of bem to a sentence with an epistemic modal operator? (ii) why can bem combine with some epistemic modal operators, but not with all of them?An alternative hypothesis is presented and explored, according to which bem does not contribute to the truth conditions of the sentence, but functions at the discursive level. Specifically, the proposed hypothesis is that the addition of bem to a modalized proposition indicates the expectation that this proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. That is, bemhas the function of making the proposition in which it occurs persistent. Thus, the meaning of the constructions resulting from the addition of bem to a modalized sentence is best captured by an analysis of modality within dynamic semantics. In dynamic semantics, the meaning of a sentence is its Context Change Potential, its capability to update the information of the context (or information state) relative to which it is asserted. The proposed analysis provides an answer the two aforementioned questions. Epistemic reinforcement conveyed by bem corresponds to expressing the expectation that the modalized proposition will remain valid as discourse flows. The reason why bem can co-occur with some, but not all, epistemic operators is linked to the type of epistemic state described by each sentence. As predicted by the proposed hypothesis, bem cannot co-occur with modal operators expressing an inference that arises fr","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86157465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a15
Françoise Bacquelaine
Portuguese and French language systems have many common features, but it is well-known that each language has its peculiarities. The asymmetry between the universal quantifier pronoun chacun in French and the three Portuguese pronouns cada um, cada qual and cada raises challenges of equivalence between these two Romance languages. Choosing a Portuguese equivalent of chacun presents the translator with a challenge that Koller (1992) refers to as ‘diversification’ (one-to-many relationship). Conversely, choosing a French equivalent of cada qual results in a loss of its peculiar features compared to cada um (the most frequent) and the exclusively floating quantifier cada. This ‘neutralisation’ (several-to-one relationship) can be compensated for by the translator (ibid.). Admittedly, cada qual is much rarer than cada um, but this pronoun is very intriguing for a French speaker, who wonders how professional translators in search of equivalence react when confronted to diversification of chacun and neutralisation of cada qual. The analysis of two aligned bilingual corpora consisting of FR-PT segments (translation memories) provides some answers to these questions. The first one consists of 378 segments containing chacun and its Portuguese equivalents. These segments were extracted from a journalistic corpus (MondeDiplomatique.v1, Per-Fide 2012). The second consists of 89 segments containing cadaqual and its French equivalents. These segments come from translation memories of EU institutions, also made available to the public by the Per-Fide project. Not surprisingly, cada um is the most frequent equivalent of chacunand chacun is the most frequent equivalent of cada qual. But the solutions to the challenges raised by diversification and neutralisation are varied and even go beyond the framework of universal quantification. This finding confirms the diversity of factors involved in the choices of professional translators.
{"title":"Chacun en portugais et cada qual en français diversification et neutralisation","authors":"Françoise Bacquelaine","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v1a15","url":null,"abstract":"Portuguese and French language systems have many common features, but it is well-known that each language has its peculiarities. The asymmetry between the universal quantifier pronoun chacun in French and the three Portuguese pronouns cada um, cada qual and cada raises challenges of equivalence between these two Romance languages. Choosing a Portuguese equivalent of chacun presents the translator with a challenge that Koller (1992) refers to as ‘diversification’ (one-to-many relationship). Conversely, choosing a French equivalent of cada qual results in a loss of its peculiar features compared to cada um (the most frequent) and the exclusively floating quantifier cada. This ‘neutralisation’ (several-to-one relationship) can be compensated for by the translator (ibid.). Admittedly, cada qual is much rarer than cada um, but this pronoun is very intriguing for a French speaker, who wonders how professional translators in search of equivalence react when confronted to diversification of chacun and neutralisation of cada qual. The analysis of two aligned bilingual corpora consisting of FR-PT segments (translation memories) provides some answers to these questions. The first one consists of 378 segments containing chacun and its Portuguese equivalents. These segments were extracted from a journalistic corpus (MondeDiplomatique.v1, Per-Fide 2012). The second consists of 89 segments containing cadaqual and its French equivalents. These segments come from translation memories of EU institutions, also made available to the public by the Per-Fide project. Not surprisingly, cada um is the most frequent equivalent of chacunand chacun is the most frequent equivalent of cada qual. But the solutions to the challenges raised by diversification and neutralisation are varied and even go beyond the framework of universal quantification. This finding confirms the diversity of factors involved in the choices of professional translators.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87084269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a12
Nina Lanović
Starting from the hypothesis that proverbs represent prototypes of generic sentences and considering that, in our view, they have not been properly studied in the field of linguistics (especially Croatian linguistics), we propose in this work to reflect on the mechanisms that convey the generic value of proverbs. We believe that the generic interpretation in a proverbial context arises from the interaction of several factors – from the linguistic (semantic-pragmatic) ones to certain conceptual mechanisms. At the linguistic level, genericity is actualized in the behavior of several grammatical categories, from nouns and noun phrases, adverbial adjuncts, determiners and quantifiers, and temporal, aspectual and modal values, to the interpropositional relations that represent “type-situations”. For the purposes of this work, we focused on the noun phrase (in the subject position), an aspect that we find relevant even in terms of comparing Portuguese and Croatian proverbial texts, due to the differences between these two languages in the expression of the category (in)determination. The problematization of the properties of the subject noun phrase necessarily requires considering the semantic nature of predications. Since genericity is a linguistic, but also a logical and conceptual “universal”, we propose to investigate the mechanisms in which it is actualized in (European) Portuguese and Croatian proverbs
{"title":"Expressão do valor genérico nos provérbios portugueses e croatas","authors":"Nina Lanović","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling2022v2a12","url":null,"abstract":"Starting from the hypothesis that proverbs represent prototypes of generic sentences and considering that, in our view, they have not been properly studied in the field of linguistics (especially Croatian linguistics), we propose in this work to reflect on the mechanisms that convey the generic value of proverbs. We believe that the generic interpretation in a proverbial context arises from the interaction of several factors – from the linguistic (semantic-pragmatic) ones to certain conceptual mechanisms. At the linguistic level, genericity is actualized in the behavior of several grammatical categories, from nouns and noun phrases, adverbial adjuncts, determiners and quantifiers, and temporal, aspectual and modal values, to the interpropositional relations that represent “type-situations”. For the purposes of this work, we focused on the noun phrase (in the subject position), an aspect that we find relevant even in terms of comparing Portuguese and Croatian proverbial texts, due to the differences between these two languages in the expression of the category (in)determination. The problematization of the properties of the subject noun phrase necessarily requires considering the semantic nature of predications. Since genericity is a linguistic, but also a logical and conceptual “universal”, we propose to investigate the mechanisms in which it is actualized in (European) Portuguese and Croatian proverbs","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77821595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling17ed
A. Leal
{"title":"Espaço da direção","authors":"A. Leal","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling17ed","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling17ed","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"59 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84601489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/ling17a5
Telmo Móia
This paper addresses the semantic analysis of Portuguese temporal adjuncts headed by the polyvalent connective até and its English – also polyvalent – counterparts (chiefly, until and by), and discusses problems in translation between English and Portuguese, documented in the website linguee.com. Curious data obtained in machine translation services (Google Translate [GT], Systran Translate [ST] and DeepL Translator [DT]) is also briefly discussed. The semantic values under discussion include two modes of temporal location (durative and inclusive, the latter often marked by Portuguese até-phrases, but not by their prototypical counterparts, until-phrases), and a combination of temporal location with (explicit) quantification over eventualities. A seldom discussed discourse connective, até que, not exclusively temporal in meaning, is also explored, to a certain extent. The long-debated issue of the English construction not...until is revisited: a comparison with Portuguese data shows that this form of until does not have até as its perfect counterpart. The semantic analysis is made with the logic of the Discourse Representation Theory, elaborating on my previous work (Móia 1995, 2000, 2015, 2016).
{"title":"Particularidades semânticas das expressões temporais com até e desafios de tradução entre português e inglês","authors":"Telmo Móia","doi":"10.21747/16466195/ling17a5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/ling17a5","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the semantic analysis of Portuguese temporal adjuncts headed by the polyvalent connective até and its English – also polyvalent – counterparts (chiefly, until and by), and discusses problems in translation between English and Portuguese, documented in the website linguee.com. Curious data obtained in machine translation services (Google Translate [GT], Systran Translate [ST] and DeepL Translator [DT]) is also briefly discussed. The semantic values under discussion include two modes of temporal location (durative and inclusive, the latter often marked by Portuguese até-phrases, but not by their prototypical counterparts, until-phrases), and a combination of temporal location with (explicit) quantification over eventualities. A seldom discussed discourse connective, até que, not exclusively temporal in meaning, is also explored, to a certain extent. The long-debated issue of the English construction not...until is revisited: a comparison with Portuguese data shows that this form of until does not have até as its perfect counterpart. The semantic analysis is made with the logic of the Discourse Representation Theory, elaborating on my previous work (Móia 1995, 2000, 2015, 2016).","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"83 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85963016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa24
Violeta Demonte
In this article I will propose a new analysis of depictive secondary predication structures. Previous studies of these structures are framed within different approaches: C-command / categorial approaches (Williams 1980, Rothstein 1983, 2001, Demonte 1988, Mallén 1991, Bowers 1993, among others), C-command and Multiple Agree approaches (McNulty 1988, Irimia 2012), linearization after ‘Lateral Movement’ and attachment of identical eventive heads (Gallar 2017), or Parallel-Merge approaches (Irimia 2012, You 2016). Following Chomsky (2019) and Bošković (2020), among others, I will claim here, first, that adjunct depictive secondary predicates start as members of a Pair-MERGE(d) conjunction/ adjunction structure which is unlabeled. There are as many members of these pair merged phrases as modifiers in a sentence, and they are unbounded and unstructured. Pair merged structures are in principle opaque and non-sensible to syntactic operations. However, since they are semantically and syntactically conjoined phrases they have each a Link element. This Link merges at the edge of the phase at which the modifier is conjoined thus allowing extraction out of the opaque domain. I will suggest that perhaps Tagalog expresses overtly these links. I will previously present a detailed description of the properties of DPS in Spanish
{"title":"Rethinking Depictive Secondary Predicates A Pair- Merge approach and the Adjunct Condition","authors":"Violeta Demonte","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa24","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I will propose a new analysis of depictive secondary predication structures. Previous studies of these structures are framed within different approaches: C-command / categorial approaches (Williams 1980, Rothstein 1983, 2001, Demonte 1988, Mallén 1991, Bowers 1993, among others), C-command and Multiple Agree approaches (McNulty 1988, Irimia 2012), linearization after ‘Lateral Movement’ and attachment of identical eventive heads (Gallar 2017), or Parallel-Merge approaches (Irimia 2012, You 2016). Following Chomsky (2019) and Bošković (2020), among others, I will claim here, first, that adjunct depictive secondary predicates start as members of a Pair-MERGE(d) conjunction/ adjunction structure which is unlabeled. There are as many members of these pair merged phrases as modifiers in a sentence, and they are unbounded and unstructured. Pair merged structures are in principle opaque and non-sensible to syntactic operations. However, since they are semantically and syntactically conjoined phrases they have each a Link element. This Link merges at the edge of the phase at which the modifier is conjoined thus allowing extraction out of the opaque domain. I will suggest that perhaps Tagalog expresses overtly these links. I will previously present a detailed description of the properties of DPS in Spanish","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"74 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85818532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.21747/16466195/lingespa5
A. Mineiro
search on language evolution has recently focused on the issue of natural word order, that is, word order in the phylogenetic and cognitive sense (Pagel 2009; Gell-Mann and Ruhlen 2011). Sign language and gesture studies have inspired this discussion in the literature, with special emphasis on the seminal study by Goldin-Meadow and colleagues (2008). The results of this study revealed that participants tend to produce SVO and SOV word order, regardless of the syntax of their native language. This finding has been corroborated in later studies (Gibson et al. 2013; Hall et al. 2013; Sandler et al. 2005). Our study aims to verify if there is dominant word order, or not, in linguistic emergence of Sign Language of São Tomé and Príncipe.
最近关于语言进化的研究主要集中在自然语序问题上，即系统发育和认知意义上的语序(Pagel 2009;Gell-Mann and Ruhlen 2011)。手语和手势研究在文献中激发了这一讨论，特别强调了Goldin-Meadow及其同事(2008)的开创性研究。本研究的结果表明，参与者倾向于产生SVO和SOV词序，而与母语的语法无关。这一发现在后来的研究中得到了证实(Gibson et al. 2013;Hall et al. 2013;Sandler et al. 2005)。我们的研究旨在验证在 o tom和Príncipe手语的语言出现中是否存在主导语序。
{"title":"Evolução da Linguagem e Ordem Natural de Palavras os verbos reversíveis e não reversíveis da Língua Gestual de São Tomé e Príncipe num estudo piloto","authors":"A. Mineiro","doi":"10.21747/16466195/lingespa5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21747/16466195/lingespa5","url":null,"abstract":"search on language evolution has recently focused on the issue of natural word order, that is, word order in the phylogenetic and cognitive sense (Pagel 2009; Gell-Mann and Ruhlen 2011). Sign language and gesture studies have inspired this discussion in the literature, with special emphasis on the seminal study by Goldin-Meadow and colleagues (2008). The results of this study revealed that participants tend to produce SVO and SOV word order, regardless of the syntax of their native language. This finding has been corroborated in later studies (Gibson et al. 2013; Hall et al. 2013; Sandler et al. 2005). Our study aims to verify if there is dominant word order, or not, in linguistic emergence of Sign Language of São Tomé and Príncipe.","PeriodicalId":53272,"journal":{"name":"Linguistica Revista de Estudos Linguisticos da Universidade do Porto","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89124757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：