Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.26577
T. Hadiati, Darmawan Utomo
Local people in the North Semarang area continue to aggregate and articulate critical political thoughts, pressing political thinking, and in fact, have a strong influence on the political decisions of the ruling elite in the city of Semarang. This has been done by local people starting in 2004 until now. For example, Kanjengan Mall in the Johar market area, which was contracted by investors from PT. Pagar Gunung Kencana, in 2004 has expired. However, Jamaah Peduli Dugder in the North Semarang who always monitor the area say, there is still a development of the Johar market area, the Kauman area, and Malay villages that are not right and lack the attention of local elites and slow development. This research problem formulation is how does the community build the strength of its political thinking? The purpose of this study is to analyze the results of local people's political thinking on changes in elite political decisions and to analyze them with the approach of the power of civil society. The methodology of this research was qualitative methodology, which was supplemented by descriptive analysis, including conducting in-depth interviews. In addition to primary data collection, secondary data collection from relevant documents was then analyzed. The conclusion of the political thinking of the local community on the Dugderan Tradition is very strong. This resulted in a change in the political decisions of the elite who were then pro-local people.
北三宝垄地区的当地人继续聚集和表达批判性的政治思想，推动政治思想，事实上，对三宝垄市统治精英的政治决策有很强的影响。从2004年开始，一直到现在都是由当地人来做的。例如，2004年由PT. Pagar Gunung Kencana投资者承包的Johar市场区的Kanjengan Mall已经到期。但是，一直监督该地区的三宝垄州议员达格德(Jamaah Peduli Dugder)说:“佐哈尔市场地区、考曼地区和马来村庄的发展仍然不正确，缺乏当地精英的关注，发展缓慢。”这个研究问题的提法是社区如何建立其政治思维的力量?本研究的目的是分析当地民众的政治思维对精英政治决策变化的影响，并以公民社会力量的方法进行分析。本研究的研究方法为定性方法，并辅以描述性分析，包括进行深度访谈。在收集一手数据的基础上，对相关文献中收集的二次数据进行分析。地方社区对杜德伦传统的政治思维结论性很强。这导致当时亲地方的精英阶层的政治决策发生了变化。
{"title":"Local People's Political Thought Against Changes in Elite Political Decrees of the Ruler","authors":"T. Hadiati, Darmawan Utomo","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.26577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.26577","url":null,"abstract":"Local people in the North Semarang area continue to aggregate and articulate critical political thoughts, pressing political thinking, and in fact, have a strong influence on the political decisions of the ruling elite in the city of Semarang. This has been done by local people starting in 2004 until now. For example, Kanjengan Mall in the Johar market area, which was contracted by investors from PT. Pagar Gunung Kencana, in 2004 has expired. However, Jamaah Peduli Dugder in the North Semarang who always monitor the area say, there is still a development of the Johar market area, the Kauman area, and Malay villages that are not right and lack the attention of local elites and slow development. This research problem formulation is how does the community build the strength of its political thinking? The purpose of this study is to analyze the results of local people's political thinking on changes in elite political decisions and to analyze them with the approach of the power of civil society. The methodology of this research was qualitative methodology, which was supplemented by descriptive analysis, including conducting in-depth interviews. In addition to primary data collection, secondary data collection from relevant documents was then analyzed. The conclusion of the political thinking of the local community on the Dugderan Tradition is very strong. This resulted in a change in the political decisions of the elite who were then pro-local people.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46139927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21363
Dini Dubelmar, Made Astrin Dwi Kartini, Sabila Mareli, Murwendah Murwendah
As a country with high potential for natural disaster, Indonesia can suffer from economic disruptions arising from significant decline in gross domestic income (GDP) due to financing losses caused by natural disaster. To reduce the risk of loss caused by natural disasters, the government has issued disaster mitigation policies in the form of structural and non-structural policies. In 2018, the government initiated a disaster mitigation policy in the form of natural disaster insurance prioritized to protect state assets. It does not exclude the possibility that this insurance shall be given to civil society, yet an issue arises regarding the source of funding for the insurance. Tax instruments are expected to be a policy innovation to overcome the issue of financing insurance. The purpose of this study is to explore the potential and role of fiscal policy through tax instruments in the context of disaster management in Indonesia. This study applied a qualitative approach and collected data through field studies and in-depth interviews. The findings of this study indicate that the natural disaster insurance policy may adopt the concept of tax allowance on donation and zakat as stipulated in Law No. 36 of 2008 on Income Tax. This incentive provides a tax facility in the form of tax allowance on income for calculating Income Tax. The policy is expected to attract the community to participate in natural disaster insurance amid the general lack of participation in insurance in Indonesia. On the other hand, the government obtains a source of revenue to finance disaster mitigation without disrupting the economy of the country.
{"title":"Disaster Response in Indonesia: Initiating Income Tax Policy Pro Disaster Mitigation","authors":"Dini Dubelmar, Made Astrin Dwi Kartini, Sabila Mareli, Murwendah Murwendah","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21363","url":null,"abstract":"As a country with high potential for natural disaster, Indonesia can suffer from economic disruptions arising from significant decline in gross domestic income (GDP) due to financing losses caused by natural disaster. To reduce the risk of loss caused by natural disasters, the government has issued disaster mitigation policies in the form of structural and non-structural policies. In 2018, the government initiated a disaster mitigation policy in the form of natural disaster insurance prioritized to protect state assets. It does not exclude the possibility that this insurance shall be given to civil society, yet an issue arises regarding the source of funding for the insurance. Tax instruments are expected to be a policy innovation to overcome the issue of financing insurance. The purpose of this study is to explore the potential and role of fiscal policy through tax instruments in the context of disaster management in Indonesia. This study applied a qualitative approach and collected data through field studies and in-depth interviews. The findings of this study indicate that the natural disaster insurance policy may adopt the concept of tax allowance on donation and zakat as stipulated in Law No. 36 of 2008 on Income Tax. This incentive provides a tax facility in the form of tax allowance on income for calculating Income Tax. The policy is expected to attract the community to participate in natural disaster insurance amid the general lack of participation in insurance in Indonesia. On the other hand, the government obtains a source of revenue to finance disaster mitigation without disrupting the economy of the country.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49549886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21522
Prima Suci Maharani, Nisma Laela Nurafifah
Social media makes it easy for a group to exchange information and influence each other. Today, most Indonesians are familiar with social media and have social media accounts. Participating candidates in the 2019 General Election did not just ignore this, they used social media as a means to campaign. The candidates introduce their programs and try to get the sympathy of potential voters without having to go outside. It is more efficient in terms of time and cost. But apart from having a positive side, social media also has negative impacts such as the rise of hoaxes, post-truth and black campaigns. This study aims to examine the phenomenon of the widespread use of social media as a political campaign strategy by building a sense of sympathy and voter emotions rather than rationality. The author uses data collection methods with literature study, and the method used for this study is literature study.
{"title":"Political Communication: Social Media Strengths and Threats in the 2019 General Election","authors":"Prima Suci Maharani, Nisma Laela Nurafifah","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21522","url":null,"abstract":"Social media makes it easy for a group to exchange information and influence each other. Today, most Indonesians are familiar with social media and have social media accounts. Participating candidates in the 2019 General Election did not just ignore this, they used social media as a means to campaign. The candidates introduce their programs and try to get the sympathy of potential voters without having to go outside. It is more efficient in terms of time and cost. But apart from having a positive side, social media also has negative impacts such as the rise of hoaxes, post-truth and black campaigns. This study aims to examine the phenomenon of the widespread use of social media as a political campaign strategy by building a sense of sympathy and voter emotions rather than rationality. The author uses data collection methods with literature study, and the method used for this study is literature study.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45071030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.20607
Rina Hermawati, Caroline Paskarina
This article discusses how power relation run in daily life and how they relate in governing public issue within multi-stakeholders’ context. The setting of this relations is in the governance of street vendors in Bandung City. Street vendors is usually perceived as problem for urban governance, not only for public convenience and order, but also as spatial or territorial contestation among various actors, namely street vendors, the City Government of Bandung, and the public. In this spatial contestation, there is a power relation that connects various interests and demonstrates the network pattern of actors in fighting for their interests. This article is purposed for mapping of street vendor’s power relation pattern. By mapping the pattern of power relation, it is expected that the handling of street vendors can be more substantive in addressing the source of the problem, and it does not just focus on the eviction on the surface. This research used qualitative method. Data collection technique contains participative observation, through interview with street vendors, city government officials, street vendors association, and focus group discussion. The research result found three patterns of power relation in governing street vendors. The first pattern, street vendors use the association of street vendors as the mediator in negotiating the problem they face. The second pattern, street vendors use the local community of street vendors as the mediator. The third pattern, street vendors use non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as the mediator.
{"title":"Patterns of Power Relation of Street Vendors in Bandung City","authors":"Rina Hermawati, Caroline Paskarina","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.20607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.20607","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses how power relation run in daily life and how they relate in governing public issue within multi-stakeholders’ context. The setting of this relations is in the governance of street vendors in Bandung City. Street vendors is usually perceived as problem for urban governance, not only for public convenience and order, but also as spatial or territorial contestation among various actors, namely street vendors, the City Government of Bandung, and the public. In this spatial contestation, there is a power relation that connects various interests and demonstrates the network pattern of actors in fighting for their interests. This article is purposed for mapping of street vendor’s power relation pattern. By mapping the pattern of power relation, it is expected that the handling of street vendors can be more substantive in addressing the source of the problem, and it does not just focus on the eviction on the surface. This research used qualitative method. Data collection technique contains participative observation, through interview with street vendors, city government officials, street vendors association, and focus group discussion. The research result found three patterns of power relation in governing street vendors. The first pattern, street vendors use the association of street vendors as the mediator in negotiating the problem they face. The second pattern, street vendors use the local community of street vendors as the mediator. The third pattern, street vendors use non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as the mediator.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44199762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21712
Ayu Rikza
Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is a community organization that was born from the resistance of the Islamic community against Western occupation. Western values that hegemony national and state life are currently considered by HTI to be highly irrelevant to Islamic values. In addition, deteriorating national political conditions are perceived by HTI as a result of the failure of the Western system in Indonesia, so to resolve the issue there needs efforts to return Muslims to an Islamic system based on the Qur'an and Sunnah. By the Indonesian government, the ideas and solutions envisioned by HTI are considered to threaten national security which is referenced to Pancasila as the idea of state and community harmonization as the physical base of state. HTI construction as a threat that led to the dissolution of HTI on July 19, 2017 is a form of securitization carried out by the Indonesian government. This paper tries to explain how and why the securitization process was carried out and what the impact of HTI securitization itself was in Indonesian politics. This study seeks to fill the gap that previous research regarding how non-state actors play a major role in the HTI securitization process and how HTI securitization is a turning point for efforts to politicize and securitize other Indonesia's so called radical communities after the PERPPU ORMAS.
{"title":"The Securitization of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia","authors":"Ayu Rikza","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21712","url":null,"abstract":"Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is a community organization that was born from the resistance of the Islamic community against Western occupation. Western values that hegemony national and state life are currently considered by HTI to be highly irrelevant to Islamic values. In addition, deteriorating national political conditions are perceived by HTI as a result of the failure of the Western system in Indonesia, so to resolve the issue there needs efforts to return Muslims to an Islamic system based on the Qur'an and Sunnah. By the Indonesian government, the ideas and solutions envisioned by HTI are considered to threaten national security which is referenced to Pancasila as the idea of state and community harmonization as the physical base of state. HTI construction as a threat that led to the dissolution of HTI on July 19, 2017 is a form of securitization carried out by the Indonesian government. This paper tries to explain how and why the securitization process was carried out and what the impact of HTI securitization itself was in Indonesian politics. This study seeks to fill the gap that previous research regarding how non-state actors play a major role in the HTI securitization process and how HTI securitization is a turning point for efforts to politicize and securitize other Indonesia's so called radical communities after the PERPPU ORMAS.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47291939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21544
Hanan Nugroho
This article intends to provide an overview of the role of local elites in public service innovation. Through a qualitative descriptive approach, this research discusses the dilemmas and success factors of the role of local elites in public service innovation. The objective of this research is the role of Rosyid Ma'ruf and Suhadi as initiators in innovating public services. This problem is interesting to study because there is a role played, where formal actors are able to manipulate community participation due to the formal carrying capacity of the environment while non-formal actors are only limited to practical awareness of the problems that arise at the time and also follow what the actors want. The results showed that public service innovation can be influenced by critical awareness as well as practical awareness of the role of local elites. The tendency of critical awareness arises from the consequences of the actor's understanding of the authority, problems, and existing solutions. That is, actors have the ability to mobilize and direct solutions that are comprehensive. Furthermore, the tendency of practical awareness arises from the consequences of the actor's understanding of the existing problem and solution. That is, the actor has the ability to move and direct the solution that is moving to the solution desired by the actor. The recommendation of this research is the importance of the ability of local elites to understand authority, problems, and solutions so that they can understand how the solution is done to achieve goals that are comprehensive, not only in accordance with what is desired by the elite.
{"title":"The Role of Local Elite in Public Service Innovation in Sleman Regency (Comparative Study of Wukirsari Village and Blue Lagoon Tourism Village)","authors":"Hanan Nugroho","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21544","url":null,"abstract":"This article intends to provide an overview of the role of local elites in public service innovation. Through a qualitative descriptive approach, this research discusses the dilemmas and success factors of the role of local elites in public service innovation. The objective of this research is the role of Rosyid Ma'ruf and Suhadi as initiators in innovating public services. This problem is interesting to study because there is a role played, where formal actors are able to manipulate community participation due to the formal carrying capacity of the environment while non-formal actors are only limited to practical awareness of the problems that arise at the time and also follow what the actors want. The results showed that public service innovation can be influenced by critical awareness as well as practical awareness of the role of local elites. The tendency of critical awareness arises from the consequences of the actor's understanding of the authority, problems, and existing solutions. That is, actors have the ability to mobilize and direct solutions that are comprehensive. Furthermore, the tendency of practical awareness arises from the consequences of the actor's understanding of the existing problem and solution. That is, the actor has the ability to move and direct the solution that is moving to the solution desired by the actor. The recommendation of this research is the importance of the ability of local elites to understand authority, problems, and solutions so that they can understand how the solution is done to achieve goals that are comprehensive, not only in accordance with what is desired by the elite.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47960474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.22865
Lili Romli
The Islamic political parties in the Reform era grew up exceeding the period of Parliamentary Democracy. In the electoral competition during the Reform era, Islamic political parties did not receive adequate votes. The votes won by Islamic parties tend to go down from election to election. There are several factors that have caused the Islamic party to fail to win the support of Muslim votes. First, Islamic parties are fragmented and internal conflict. Second, Muslim voters do a change in ideological orientation which no chooses an Islamic party but a nationalist party. Third, nationalist parties accommodate Muslim aspirations by forming Islamic organizations. Fourth, the crisis of leadership of the Islamic party. Fifth, the absence of a real party program. To improve the electoral, Islamic parties must concern on programs to improve people's welfare, democratization, eradicate corruption, and realize social justice. The leader of Islamic parties must be exemplary, visionary, integrity, and rooted in the community.
{"title":"Electoral Power Structure of Islamic Parties in Reform Era Indonesia","authors":"Lili Romli","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.22865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.22865","url":null,"abstract":"The Islamic political parties in the Reform era grew up exceeding the period of Parliamentary Democracy. In the electoral competition during the Reform era, Islamic political parties did not receive adequate votes. The votes won by Islamic parties tend to go down from election to election. There are several factors that have caused the Islamic party to fail to win the support of Muslim votes. First, Islamic parties are fragmented and internal conflict. Second, Muslim voters do a change in ideological orientation which no chooses an Islamic party but a nationalist party. Third, nationalist parties accommodate Muslim aspirations by forming Islamic organizations. Fourth, the crisis of leadership of the Islamic party. Fifth, the absence of a real party program. To improve the electoral, Islamic parties must concern on programs to improve people's welfare, democratization, eradicate corruption, and realize social justice. The leader of Islamic parties must be exemplary, visionary, integrity, and rooted in the community.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43036273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.23264
Elyta Elyta, Z. Zulkarnaen, Herlan Herlan
This research was conducted to design a Credit Union (CU) based democracy model at the Indonesia border especially the Sajingan Besar border facing the global economic era. This was done as an effort to improve the economy and minimize poverty. This study's location is in the border area of Sambas Regency to be precise in Sajingan Besar District because it is directly adjacent to the neighboring country so that it is a specific area. Still, the city is included in the underdeveloped category. Previous research that has been researched previously examined the importance of having women join CU business institutions using the perspective of women's emancipation in West Kalimantan. There is a novelty in this research, namely, discussing it from deliberative-participatory democracy based on CU at the border in the global economic era. Methods of data collection in this study using interview techniques, observation, and study documentation. Informants were determined using a purposive technique. Based on these techniques, the informants in this study were the Head of the Sajingan Besar sub-district, community leaders, youth leaders, administrators of CU Bonaventura, members of CU Bonaventura, and Chairman of the West Kalimantan Border Forum. The analysis used is using qualitative analysis. The study results found that to minimize poverty that occurs in border area communities, it is necessary to implement democracy based on CU as an effort to improve the community's economy in the era of the global economy by utilizing natural resources. This CU-based deliberative-participatory democracy is proven through deliberation and participation by members who prioritize member empowerment and the political inclusion of CU members.
{"title":"Credit Union-based Democracy at the Border of Indonesia in the Global Economic Era","authors":"Elyta Elyta, Z. Zulkarnaen, Herlan Herlan","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.23264","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.23264","url":null,"abstract":"This research was conducted to design a Credit Union (CU) based democracy model at the Indonesia border especially the Sajingan Besar border facing the global economic era. This was done as an effort to improve the economy and minimize poverty. This study's location is in the border area of Sambas Regency to be precise in Sajingan Besar District because it is directly adjacent to the neighboring country so that it is a specific area. Still, the city is included in the underdeveloped category. Previous research that has been researched previously examined the importance of having women join CU business institutions using the perspective of women's emancipation in West Kalimantan. There is a novelty in this research, namely, discussing it from deliberative-participatory democracy based on CU at the border in the global economic era. Methods of data collection in this study using interview techniques, observation, and study documentation. Informants were determined using a purposive technique. Based on these techniques, the informants in this study were the Head of the Sajingan Besar sub-district, community leaders, youth leaders, administrators of CU Bonaventura, members of CU Bonaventura, and Chairman of the West Kalimantan Border Forum. The analysis used is using qualitative analysis. The study results found that to minimize poverty that occurs in border area communities, it is necessary to implement democracy based on CU as an effort to improve the community's economy in the era of the global economy by utilizing natural resources. This CU-based deliberative-participatory democracy is proven through deliberation and participation by members who prioritize member empowerment and the political inclusion of CU members.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48956157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-21DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21602
Daswati Daswati, M. Samad, I. Wekke
This article tells the involvement of humanitarian organizations in the post-war reconstruction process of disaster in the city of Palu, Sigi and Donggala Regencies. The presence of humanitarian organizations is urgently needed to help the process of acceleration of reconstruction. In carrying out its humanitarian mission, it is expected that these institutions are coordinated by the authority of the government/state. Management of Integrated Community Shelter expected able to help the process of reconstruction post disaster apparently also still constrained in the pattern of coordination. Coordination pattern which is less likely to occur in delivering open and funneling aid to victims. this paper found that the existence of the weakness of the State in controlling and embody the humanitarian agency's involvement in the process of reconstructions. Collaborative approach to governance in the management of Integrated Community Shelter appears as an alternative solution in the answer to these problems.
{"title":"Collaborative Governance in the Management of Integrated Community Shelters Post Disaster (ICS) in the City of Palu","authors":"Daswati Daswati, M. Samad, I. Wekke","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I2.21602","url":null,"abstract":"This article tells the involvement of humanitarian organizations in the post-war reconstruction process of disaster in the city of Palu, Sigi and Donggala Regencies. The presence of humanitarian organizations is urgently needed to help the process of acceleration of reconstruction. In carrying out its humanitarian mission, it is expected that these institutions are coordinated by the authority of the government/state. Management of Integrated Community Shelter expected able to help the process of reconstruction post disaster apparently also still constrained in the pattern of coordination. Coordination pattern which is less likely to occur in delivering open and funneling aid to victims. this paper found that the existence of the weakness of the State in controlling and embody the humanitarian agency's involvement in the process of reconstructions. Collaborative approach to governance in the management of Integrated Community Shelter appears as an alternative solution in the answer to these problems.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46024388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-16DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.20678
Bandiyah Bandiyah, R. Ginting
This research aimed to determine the response of Balinese Society on 2019 Indonesian Simultaneous Elections. The response includes three components, namely perception, participation, and attitude. This research used a descriptive type with a quantitative approach. This study was conducted in Bali Province, especially 9 (nine) districts and cities that held simultaneous elections on April 17, 2019. Based on data compiled from General Election Commission (KPU), Bali Province had 716 villages with 12,384 polling stations (TPS). Based on Bali’s DPT 2019 from General Election Commission (KPU), there were 3,130,288 voters. The number of samples was determined using the Slovin’s formula with a 5% significance level that obtained 400 respondents. This study used a cluster sampling technique. Based on the analysis of the data obtained, the responses of the Balinese society on the implementation of the 2019 simultaneous elections were fair and good. The perception of the Balinese society on the implementation of the 2019 simultaneous election was good with an average score of 4.04 (out of 5.00). The participation of the Balinese society on the holding of the 2019 simultaneous elections was fairly good with an average score of 3.62 (out of 5.00). The attitude of the Balinese society on the implementation of 2019 simultaneous elections was good with an average score of 4.26 (out of 5.00). This is an interesting finding, considering that Bali is an area known for representing the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan (PDIP), that naturally support for them through high political participation.
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