Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-106-122
M. Ovsyannikova
This corpus-based study examines the functions of the conditional converb in Forest Enets and investigates the differences in its use between two generations of Enets speakers. In line with the previous descriptions, independent clauses with conditional converbs are used as self-addressed questions (yes/no, special, and alternative questions). The conditional converb of the verb ɛ ‘be’ when used with numerals is developing into a marker of approximation. Dependent clauses with conditional converbs include protases of conditional and concessive conditional constructions as well as complement clauses. This study discusses the diachronic relation between independent clauses with conditional converbs and the protasis of conditional constructions and concludes that either of the two directions of development is possible. Complement clauses with conditional converbs include, first, irrealis complements to negative propositional attitude predicates (dʲɔxara ‘not know’, dʲurta ‘forget’), which, showing signs of relatively recent grammaticalization, have hitherto received scant attention by scholars, and, second, sentential subjects in modal constructions with such predicates as sɔjza ‘good’, bɔɔ ‘bad’ etc. To compare the use of the Enets conditional converb across types of clauses and generations of speakers, this paper analyses the occurrence of the future tense marker on the converb, the order of clauses in multi-clause constructions, the range of verbs in the main and in the dependent clauses. Many of these parameters can be interpreted as the signs of the growing level of clause integration in the process of grammaticalization of polypredicative constructions.
本研究以语料库为基础,考察了Forest Enets中条件转换的功能,并调查了两代Enets使用者在使用条件转换方面的差异。与前面的描述一致,带有条件转换的独立子句被用作自寻址问题(是/否、特殊和替代问题)。与数字连用时,动词“be”的条件转换正在发展成为近似的标记。带条件转换的从属子句包括条件句和让步句的蛋白酶以及补语子句。本文探讨了带条件转换的独立分句与条件构筑物基础之间的历时关系,并认为这两个发展方向都是可能的。带有条件转换的补语从句包括:首先,否定命题态度谓语的非现实补语(d æ xara ' not know ', d æ urta ' forget '),它们显示出相对较新的语法化迹象,迄今为止很少受到学者的关注;其次,情态结构中的句子主语带有s æ jza ' good ', b æ o ' bad '等谓语。为了比较Enets条件句在不同类型分句和不同年代说话人的使用情况,本文分析了将来时标记在条件句上的出现情况、多分句结构中的分句顺序、主句和从属句中动词的范围。在多谓语结构的语法化过程中,这些参数中的许多可以被解释为子句整合水平不断提高的标志。
{"title":"Условное деепричастие в лесном диалекте энецкого языка: корпусное исследование системы употреблений","authors":"M. Ovsyannikova","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-106-122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-106-122","url":null,"abstract":"This corpus-based study examines the functions of the conditional converb in Forest Enets and investigates the differences in its use between two generations of Enets speakers. In line with the previous descriptions, independent clauses with conditional converbs are used as self-addressed questions (yes/no, special, and alternative questions). The conditional converb of the verb ɛ ‘be’ when used with numerals is developing into a marker of approximation. Dependent clauses with conditional converbs include protases of conditional and concessive conditional constructions as well as complement clauses. This study discusses the diachronic relation between independent clauses with conditional converbs and the protasis of conditional constructions and concludes that either of the two directions of development is possible. Complement clauses with conditional converbs include, first, irrealis complements to negative propositional attitude predicates (dʲɔxara ‘not know’, dʲurta ‘forget’), which, showing signs of relatively recent grammaticalization, have hitherto received scant attention by scholars, and, second, sentential subjects in modal constructions with such predicates as sɔjza ‘good’, bɔɔ ‘bad’ etc. To compare the use of the Enets conditional converb across types of clauses and generations of speakers, this paper analyses the occurrence of the future tense marker on the converb, the order of clauses in multi-clause constructions, the range of verbs in the main and in the dependent clauses. Many of these parameters can be interpreted as the signs of the growing level of clause integration in the process of grammaticalization of polypredicative constructions.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70125559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-21-29
A. Gadzhieva
The article describes vowel and consonant features of “The Tale of Kara-Mergen” (Kazan, 1901) from N. N. Pantusov’s collection which was recorded in Semirechye. The author considers in detail the monument`s writing system and analyzes the phonological and morphological features of the text’s language in comparison with the data of previously studied Cyrillic books in the Kazakh language [Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach 1891; Primer for Kyrgyz people 1892; School of Piety 1892; The Baptism of Russia 1892], which were published within the framework of the Kyrgyz mission at the end of 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. The analysis showed that the vocalism presented in “Kara-Mergen” does not differ significantly from the vocalism of the compared first Cyrillic books in Kazakh. A review of examples illustrating the tendencies of labial vowel harmony showed that the labialization of narrow vowels of the second, third and fourth syllables is fixed in writing in all cases. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the system of vowel harmony in “Kara-Mergen” differs from the literary Kazakh language and from the first books studied earlier. This confirms the fact that scientists have not previously studied the first books in the Semirechensk dialect. An analysis of the accusative affix, the archaic version of which (-ny) sporadically preserved in “Kara-Mergen” and in Western [Wisdom 1891] and Northern [Primer 1892] dialect books, shows that its change, apparently, was not yet completed at the end of the 19th century.
{"title":"Отражение особенностей говоров жителей Семиреченской области в «Сказке о Кара-Мергене»","authors":"A. Gadzhieva","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-21-29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-21-29","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes vowel and consonant features of “The Tale of Kara-Mergen” (Kazan, 1901) from N. N. Pantusov’s collection which was recorded in Semirechye. The author considers in detail the monument`s writing system and analyzes the phonological and morphological features of the text’s language in comparison with the data of previously studied Cyrillic books in the Kazakh language [Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach 1891; Primer for Kyrgyz people 1892; School of Piety 1892; The Baptism of Russia 1892], which were published within the framework of the Kyrgyz mission at the end of 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. The analysis showed that the vocalism presented in “Kara-Mergen” does not differ significantly from the vocalism of the compared first Cyrillic books in Kazakh. A review of examples illustrating the tendencies of labial vowel harmony showed that the labialization of narrow vowels of the second, third and fourth syllables is fixed in writing in all cases. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the system of vowel harmony in “Kara-Mergen” differs from the literary Kazakh language and from the first books studied earlier. This confirms the fact that scientists have not previously studied the first books in the Semirechensk dialect. An analysis of the accusative affix, the archaic version of which (-ny) sporadically preserved in “Kara-Mergen” and in Western [Wisdom 1891] and Northern [Primer 1892] dialect books, shows that its change, apparently, was not yet completed at the end of the 19th century.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70126325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-123-140
Daria Ryzhova
The study describes the semantics of the Kazym Khanty verbs pitti ‘to fall; to get into somewhere’ and χɔjti ‘to touch; to hit the target’ as analyzed from the perspective of the frame-based approach to lexical typology. According to this approach, semantic fields consist of certain situation types, or frames, which are denoted by the lexemes belonging to the field. The situation types correspond to distributional patterns and serve as a basis for cross-linguistic comparison of word meanings. The paper identifies and illustrates the sets of physical meanings of the verbs in question, with a special focus on the domain of variation between pitti and χɔjti. It is shown that these verbs concur in contexts involving the semantics of either getting (occasionally) into somewhere (cf. A fly got into my soup) or hitting the target (cf. The arrow hit him in the arm). Evidence from Kazym Khanty, as well as from available cross-linguistic data, suggests that these meanings are adjacent to each other, while the meaning ‘to get into somewhere’ is closer to the domain of falling, and the meaning ‘to hit the target’ is closer to the domain of physical contact. Thus, the meanings ‘to fall’, ‘to get into somewhere’, ‘to hit the target’, and ‘to touch’ form a semantic continuum with no clear-cut boundaries between the semantic fields. This hypothesis is further supported by morphosyntactic variation in encoding of the patientive argument of the verb χɔjti, which seems to be influenced by the morphological pattern inherent to the verb pitti.
本研究描述了Kazym汉特语动词pitti ' to fall的语义;“进入某处”和“接触”;从基于框架的词汇类型学方法的角度分析“击中目标”。根据这种方法,语义字段由特定的情景类型或框架组成,这些情景类型或框架由属于该字段的词汇表示。情境类型与分布模式相对应,是跨语言词义比较的基础。本文识别并说明了所讨论的动词的物理意义集,特别关注pitti和χ _jti之间的变化域。结果表明,这些动词在涉及(偶尔)进入某处(如:一只苍蝇进入了我的汤)或击中目标(如:箭射中了他的手臂)的语义上下文中是一致的。来自Kazym hanty的证据以及现有的跨语言数据表明,这些意思彼此相邻,而“进入某处”的意思更接近于坠落的领域,“击中目标”的意思更接近于身体接触的领域。因此,“坠落”、“进入某处”、“击中目标”和“接触”的意思形成了一个语义连续体,在语义场之间没有明确的界限。这一假设进一步得到了动词χ _jti的耐心论点编码的形态句法变化的支持,这似乎受到动词pitti固有的形态模式的影响。
{"title":"Фрагмент лексической системы казымского диалекта хантыйского языка: глаголы pitti ‘упасть, попасть’ и χɔjti ‘задеть, попасть’ и их аргументная структура","authors":"Daria Ryzhova","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-123-140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-123-140","url":null,"abstract":"The study describes the semantics of the Kazym Khanty verbs pitti ‘to fall; to get into somewhere’ and χɔjti ‘to touch; to hit the target’ as analyzed from the perspective of the frame-based approach to lexical typology. According to this approach, semantic fields consist of certain situation types, or frames, which are denoted by the lexemes belonging to the field. The situation types correspond to distributional patterns and serve as a basis for cross-linguistic comparison of word meanings. The paper identifies and illustrates the sets of physical meanings of the verbs in question, with a special focus on the domain of variation between pitti and χɔjti. It is shown that these verbs concur in contexts involving the semantics of either getting (occasionally) into somewhere (cf. A fly got into my soup) or hitting the target (cf. The arrow hit him in the arm). Evidence from Kazym Khanty, as well as from available cross-linguistic data, suggests that these meanings are adjacent to each other, while the meaning ‘to get into somewhere’ is closer to the domain of falling, and the meaning ‘to hit the target’ is closer to the domain of physical contact. Thus, the meanings ‘to fall’, ‘to get into somewhere’, ‘to hit the target’, and ‘to touch’ form a semantic continuum with no clear-cut boundaries between the semantic fields. This hypothesis is further supported by morphosyntactic variation in encoding of the patientive argument of the verb χɔjti, which seems to be influenced by the morphological pattern inherent to the verb pitti.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70125570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-63-74
Y. Normanskaya, Idalia Fedotova
This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of proximity between the dialects within Khanty and Mansi languages, which form the Ob-Ugric group within the Uralic languages. Even though they are thought to be closely related, research has shown the discrepancy between the phonological and lexicostatistical distance between Khanty varieties vs. Mansi varieties. In the article, innovations in phonology, morphology and basic vocabulary are brought together and compared. New data from archives (18th century) and latest fieldwork shed the light on chronology of phonetic, morphological and lexical changes. Using comparative method, it is shown that in the late 18th century Mansi dialects were still not very distant from each other. Moreover, phonetic differences which hindered mutual understanding between speakers of eastern and northern dialects in the 20th century became distinctive not earlier than 250 years ago. On the contrary, Khanty dialects were as distant as separate languages back in the late 18th century. Judging by glottochronological calculations, the time of divergence of contemporary Kazym and Vakh Khanty can be dated back as early as the beginning of the first millennium AD. These Khanty varieties have more differences than any Slavic and even Turkic (except Chuvash) languages between each other. Therefore, they should be counted as different languages, not dialects. Overall, from the extensive analysis of phonetics, morphology and basic vocabulary, it is proved that Mansi varieties were still dialects (until all but one became extinct) and Khanty varieties were separate languages when they were first recorded in the late 1700s.
{"title":"Phonetic and lexical innovations in Ob-Ugric dialects in the 18th—21st centuries: new archival and field data","authors":"Y. Normanskaya, Idalia Fedotova","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-63-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-63-74","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of proximity between the dialects within Khanty and Mansi languages, which form the Ob-Ugric group within the Uralic languages. Even though they are thought to be closely related, research has shown the discrepancy between the phonological and lexicostatistical distance between Khanty varieties vs. Mansi varieties. In the article, innovations in phonology, morphology and basic vocabulary are brought together and compared. New data from archives (18th century) and latest fieldwork shed the light on chronology of phonetic, morphological and lexical changes. Using comparative method, it is shown that in the late 18th century Mansi dialects were still not very distant from each other. Moreover, phonetic differences which hindered mutual understanding between speakers of eastern and northern dialects in the 20th century became distinctive not earlier than 250 years ago. On the contrary, Khanty dialects were as distant as separate languages back in the late 18th century. Judging by glottochronological calculations, the time of divergence of contemporary Kazym and Vakh Khanty can be dated back as early as the beginning of the first millennium AD. These Khanty varieties have more differences than any Slavic and even Turkic (except Chuvash) languages between each other. Therefore, they should be counted as different languages, not dialects. Overall, from the extensive analysis of phonetics, morphology and basic vocabulary, it is proved that Mansi varieties were still dialects (until all but one became extinct) and Khanty varieties were separate languages when they were first recorded in the late 1700s.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70126231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-43-62
Nikita Muravyev
This study features an alignment system in Kazym Khanty. Several facts including accusative marking of personal pronouns, verbal agreement with S/A and a strong tendency towards the clause-initial position of S/A suggest treating Kazym Khanty alignment as accusative. Meanwhile field and text data on the distribution of the active and passive voice as well as subject and subject-object agreement forms reveal several hierarchical coding effects. These include sensitivity of active/passive distinction to animacy and referentiality of the core participants and definiteness requirement of both participants for subject-object agreement. In sum, these facts suggest that Kazym Khanty can be considered an intermediate case of an alignment system combining certain surface properties of an accusative alignment with underlying hierarchical distribution patterns resembling some hierarchical coding systems of Algonquian and TibetoBurman languages.
{"title":"Севернохантыйский как язык с чертами аккузативного и иерархического кодирования","authors":"Nikita Muravyev","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-43-62","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-43-62","url":null,"abstract":"This study features an alignment system in Kazym Khanty. Several facts including accusative marking of personal pronouns, verbal agreement with S/A and a strong tendency towards the clause-initial position of S/A suggest treating Kazym Khanty alignment as accusative. Meanwhile field and text data on the distribution of the active and passive voice as well as subject and subject-object agreement forms reveal several hierarchical coding effects. These include sensitivity of active/passive distinction to animacy and referentiality of the core participants and definiteness requirement of both participants for subject-object agreement. In sum, these facts suggest that Kazym Khanty can be considered an intermediate case of an alignment system combining certain surface properties of an accusative alignment with underlying hierarchical distribution patterns resembling some hierarchical coding systems of Algonquian and TibetoBurman languages.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70126092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-7-33
Maria Bezenova
The article describes the vowel and consonant features of the “Primer book for Votyak children of the Sarapul districtˮ (1913). It is practically impossible to consider the phonetic isoglosses of this written record without taking into account its graphic and spelling system; therefore, the article also pays special attention to the graphics and orthography of the source material. The phonetic features are described by comparing the vowel and consonant system of the primer with the vowel and consonant system of the modern Udmurt literary language, adding, whenever available, correspondences from the dialect dictionary by Y. Wichmann [Wichmann 1987], the materials for which were collected at the end of the 19th century. Furthermore, corresponding modern forms from the audio dictionaries based on 2013 field data are also indicated. Such a comparison makes it possible to try to determine the archaic or innovative nature of each identified feature. The analysis shows that most of the phonetic features of the primer, both innovative and archaic, are characteristic of modern dialects of the Southern dialect zone. It follows that this record was most likely written in one of the dialects located on the border of the Middle and Central-Southern dialects of the Udmurt language, i. e. its present-day counterpart would be the dialect of the northern part of the Malopurginsky district of the Udmurt Republic. However, it turns out to be difficult to locate it more precisely at the moment as, unfortunately, this area is described by dialectologists rather poorly today.
{"title":"«Букварь для вотяцких детей Сарапульского уезда»: графико-орфографические и фонетические особенности","authors":"Maria Bezenova","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-7-33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-7-33","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes the vowel and consonant features of the “Primer book for Votyak children of the Sarapul districtˮ (1913). It is practically impossible to consider the phonetic isoglosses of this written record without taking into account its graphic and spelling system; therefore, the article also pays special attention to the graphics and orthography of the source material. The phonetic features are described by comparing the vowel and consonant system of the primer with the vowel and consonant system of the modern Udmurt literary language, adding, whenever available, correspondences from the dialect dictionary by Y. Wichmann [Wichmann 1987], the materials for which were collected at the end of the 19th century. Furthermore, corresponding modern forms from the audio dictionaries based on 2013 field data are also indicated. Such a comparison makes it possible to try to determine the archaic or innovative nature of each identified feature. The analysis shows that most of the phonetic features of the primer, both innovative and archaic, are characteristic of modern dialects of the Southern dialect zone. It follows that this record was most likely written in one of the dialects located on the border of the Middle and Central-Southern dialects of the Udmurt language, i. e. its present-day counterpart would be the dialect of the northern part of the Malopurginsky district of the Udmurt Republic. However, it turns out to be difficult to locate it more precisely at the moment as, unfortunately, this area is described by dialectologists rather poorly today.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70126157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-75-95
Maria Cheremisinova
The topic of this paper is comparative and attenuative polysemy in Finno-Ugric languages. In some Finno-Ugric languages comparative markers have attenuative meaning (‘a little bit, slightly’) as well. This paper focuses on three markers exhibiting such a polysemy: -ges in Beserman (Permic), -šək in Kazym Khanty (Ugric) and -rak in Hill Mari (Mari). These markers can be used in comparative constructions, have attenuative function and can be attached to the markers of negation. The markers can be used crosscategorically, therefore I also describe compatibility of the markers in different functions. In comparative constructions, all of the markers can be attached to adjectives and adverbs, while in Beserman it is also possible for the marker -ges to be combined with verbs, nouns and pronouns. However, in Kazym Khanty the marker -šək has attenuative meaning even in comparative constructions. In attenuative function, the markers in all three languages can attach to adjectives, adverbs, postpositions (or relational nouns), while in Beserman and Hill Mari verbs can be modified by the markers as well. Finally, comparative-attenuative markers in all of the languages can be attached to the markers of negation. In this function, the most common context allowing the use of the marker is the context meaning ‘not yet’: it appears in all of the described languages. In Kazym Khanty the marker -šək can also express the meaning of emphatic negation (‘no way’) when making a reference to future or present.
{"title":"Компаративно-аттенуативная полисемия в финно-угорских языках","authors":"Maria Cheremisinova","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-75-95","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-46-3-75-95","url":null,"abstract":"The topic of this paper is comparative and attenuative polysemy in Finno-Ugric languages. In some Finno-Ugric languages comparative markers have attenuative meaning (‘a little bit, slightly’) as well. This paper focuses on three markers exhibiting such a polysemy: -ges in Beserman (Permic), -šək in Kazym Khanty (Ugric) and -rak in Hill Mari (Mari). These markers can be used in comparative constructions, have attenuative function and can be attached to the markers of negation. The markers can be used crosscategorically, therefore I also describe compatibility of the markers in different functions. In comparative constructions, all of the markers can be attached to adjectives and adverbs, while in Beserman it is also possible for the marker -ges to be combined with verbs, nouns and pronouns. However, in Kazym Khanty the marker -šək has attenuative meaning even in comparative constructions. In attenuative function, the markers in all three languages can attach to adjectives, adverbs, postpositions (or relational nouns), while in Beserman and Hill Mari verbs can be modified by the markers as well. Finally, comparative-attenuative markers in all of the languages can be attached to the markers of negation. In this function, the most common context allowing the use of the marker is the context meaning ‘not yet’: it appears in all of the described languages. In Kazym Khanty the marker -šək can also express the meaning of emphatic negation (‘no way’) when making a reference to future or present.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70126312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-69-83
Igor L. Kyzlasov
In 1898, Dmitry A. Klements examined a small cave monastery in the Turfan oasis near the ancient city of Yar-Khoto. On the walls of two residential caves (nos. 3 and 6), 13 graffiti in the so-called Yenisei runic script were discovered and copied. Upon Klements' returning to St. Petersburg, the inscriptions were immediately studied and identified by Academician Wilhelm Radloff (in Russian — Vasily V. Radlov), who published four prints of the inscriptions, their reading and translation. Later, using archival cop-ies, all graffiti were examined and read by Marcel Erdal. Turkologists, including Sergei G. Klyashtornyi, considered them to be marks of passing travelers. New insights and readings offered in this article link these inscriptions with the numerous Manichean prayer inscriptions made in the Yenisei runes known in the Sayan-Altai highlands. Based on the accumulation of such inscriptions in Southern Siberia, the places where Manichean monasteries existed in the early Middle Ages have been identified. Therefore, graffiti near Yar-Khoto were also left by monks who came from the Ancient Khakass state, and this was done in the 9th–10th cen-turies. The cave monastery surveyed in 1898 was Manichean, as indicated by the form of its central temple (cave 4) described in written sources, which had five sacred chambers, mandatory for such places of worship. Further study of the inscriptions should proceed from their religious purpose and their belonging to the northern, Siberian-Turkic version of Manicheism.
1898年,德米特里·a·克莱门茨(Dmitry a . Klements)考察了位于吐鲁番绿洲(Turfan oasis)附近耶尔-科托古城(Yar-Khoto)的一座小型洞穴寺院。在两个居住洞穴(3号和6号)的墙壁上,发现并复制了13个所谓的叶尼塞符文涂鸦。克莱门茨回到圣彼得堡后,威廉·拉德洛夫院士(俄语:Vasily V. Radlov)立即对这些铭文进行了研究和鉴定,他出版了四份铭文的印刷品,以及它们的阅读和翻译。后来,使用档案副本,所有的涂鸦都被Marcel Erdal检查和阅读。包括谢尔盖·g·克列什托尼(Sergei G. Klyashtornyi)在内的突厥学家认为,它们是过往旅行者的标志。本文提供的新见解和解读将这些铭文与萨扬-阿尔泰高地已知的用叶尼塞符文制作的众多摩尼教祈祷文联系起来。根据在南西伯利亚积累的这些铭文,已经确定了中世纪早期摩尼教修道院存在的地方。因此,Yar-Khoto附近的涂鸦也是来自古代哈卡斯国的僧侣留下的,这是在9 - 10世纪完成的。1898年调查的洞穴修道院是摩尼教的,从书面资料中描述的中心寺庙(洞穴4)的形式可以看出,它有五个神圣的房间,这是这些礼拜场所的强制性规定。对这些铭文的进一步研究应该从它们的宗教目的和它们属于北方的、西伯利亚-突厥版本的摩尼教出发。
{"title":"Енисейские рунические надписи Яр-хото (Из находок первой археологической экспедиции Академии наук в Восточный Туркестан)","authors":"Igor L. Kyzlasov","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-69-83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-69-83","url":null,"abstract":"In 1898, Dmitry A. Klements examined a small cave monastery in the Turfan oasis near the ancient city of Yar-Khoto. On the walls of two residential caves (nos. 3 and 6), 13 graffiti in the so-called Yenisei runic script were discovered and copied. Upon Klements' returning to St. Petersburg, the inscriptions were immediately studied and identified by Academician Wilhelm Radloff (in Russian — Vasily V. Radlov), who published four prints of the inscriptions, their reading and translation. Later, using archival cop-ies, all graffiti were examined and read by Marcel Erdal. Turkologists, including Sergei G. Klyashtornyi, considered them to be marks of passing travelers. New insights and readings offered in this article link these inscriptions with the numerous Manichean prayer inscriptions made in the Yenisei runes known in the Sayan-Altai highlands. Based on the accumulation of such inscriptions in Southern Siberia, the places where Manichean monasteries existed in the early Middle Ages have been identified. Therefore, graffiti near Yar-Khoto were also left by monks who came from the Ancient Khakass state, and this was done in the 9th–10th cen-turies. The cave monastery surveyed in 1898 was Manichean, as indicated by the form of its central temple (cave 4) described in written sources, which had five sacred chambers, mandatory for such places of worship. Further study of the inscriptions should proceed from their religious purpose and their belonging to the northern, Siberian-Turkic version of Manicheism.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45850786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-84-105
Azim Malikov
This article, based on written sources and archival materials, analyzes the role of Mongolian components in the formation of tribal names and ethnotoponyms of the Zerafshan Valley from the 15th to the 19th centuries. The research revealed the dynamics of penetration and distribution of Mongolian ethnonyms at different levels of the tribal organization of Turkic-speaking tribes of the region. Numerous migrations of Turkic-Mongolian clans to the Zerafshan valley covered a long period, starting from the campaigns of Genghis Khan until the middle of the 18th century. In the region, at different times, the perception of the boundaries of the Mon-gol community changed. If in the 13th — early 14th centuries under the name Mongol an ethnopolitical community was understood, as well as the inhabitants of the Mogholistan region, then later it designated the tribe and clan as part of individual tribes. If in the first waves of migration of Mongolian tribes to the oases of Central Asia their composition could include the main Mongolian clans, then in the following centuries their Turkification took place in the steppe regions and already Turkified tribes or alliances of tribes containing Turkic clans invaded and settled into the valleys. As a result of the migrations of the nomadic population groups from the steppe regions to the Zerafshan valley, the tribal com-position of the population became enriched and the number of Mongolian names, which were perceived by the local population as Turkic, Uzbek, Kazakh and Karakalpak ethnonyms, increased. Many Mongolian elements were included in the toponymy not by the Mongols themselves, but by Turkic or Turkified tribes. The total number of Mongolian elements in the ethnotoponymy of the Zerafshan Valley rose due to the settlement of semi-nomadic clans in the 18th — early 19th centuries. They became more wide-spread in the Samarkand and Navoi provinces and less common in the Bukhara oasis.
{"title":"Монгольские элементы в этнонимике и этнотопонимах долины Зеравшана (XV—XIX вв.)","authors":"Azim Malikov","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-84-105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-84-105","url":null,"abstract":"This article, based on written sources and archival materials, analyzes the role of Mongolian components in the formation of tribal names and ethnotoponyms of the Zerafshan Valley from the 15th to the 19th centuries. The research revealed the dynamics of penetration and distribution of Mongolian ethnonyms at different levels of the tribal organization of Turkic-speaking tribes of the region. Numerous migrations of Turkic-Mongolian clans to the Zerafshan valley covered a long period, starting from the campaigns of Genghis Khan until the middle of the 18th century. In the region, at different times, the perception of the boundaries of the Mon-gol community changed. If in the 13th — early 14th centuries under the name Mongol an ethnopolitical community was understood, as well as the inhabitants of the Mogholistan region, then later it designated the tribe and clan as part of individual tribes. If in the first waves of migration of Mongolian tribes to the oases of Central Asia their composition could include the main Mongolian clans, then in the following centuries their Turkification took place in the steppe regions and already Turkified tribes or alliances of tribes containing Turkic clans invaded and settled into the valleys. As a result of the migrations of the nomadic population groups from the steppe regions to the Zerafshan valley, the tribal com-position of the population became enriched and the number of Mongolian names, which were perceived by the local population as Turkic, Uzbek, Kazakh and Karakalpak ethnonyms, increased. Many Mongolian elements were included in the toponymy not by the Mongols themselves, but by Turkic or Turkified tribes. The total number of Mongolian elements in the ethnotoponymy of the Zerafshan Valley rose due to the settlement of semi-nomadic clans in the 18th — early 19th centuries. They became more wide-spread in the Samarkand and Navoi provinces and less common in the Bukhara oasis.","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49143652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-124-148
Irina A. Khomchenkova, D. Zhornik
The paper describes coordinating and comitative constructions in Northern Mansi. It examines the following coordinating markers: the additive item os ‘ADD’, the lexeme tuwəl ‘then’, and the marker -ɣ ‘DU’ as well as the comitative postposition jot ‘COM’ and the instrumental marker -(ə)l, -təl. It shows that the items os and tuwəl do not impose restrictions on the number and part-of-speech attribution of conjuncts and can coordinate nouns with modifiers. In some idiolects, the basic NP coordinating strategy is to use tuwəl, while os is more restricted and primarily used as an additive particle. The double dual marker can only coordinate two NPs without modifiers. Its main function is to coordinate symmetrical pairs denoting objects that often occur together (e.g., mother and father, daughter and son). The postposition jot is used in the genuine comitative construction as well as in the actant, coordinat-ing, and inclusory constructions. In some idiolects, it is also used in copredicative constructions. The distribution of the instrumental case marker in the comitative function is very limited: it is only used in coordinating and inclusory constructions. In this case, it can be preceded by the dual possessive marker, which refers to both NPs. Furthermore, unlike the postposition jot, the instrumental case marker cannot be attached to pronouns. In coordinating comitative constructions, these markers can coordinate less symmetrical pairs denoting objects that often occur together (for example, mother and daughter).
本文描述了北满西地区的协调与模仿建筑。它检查了以下协调标记:附加项os ' ADD ',词素tuw æ l ' then ',标记- ' DU ',以及模仿后置位jot ' COM '和工具标记-(æ)l, -t æ l。结果表明,os和tuw * l对连词的数量和词性归属没有限制,可以使名词与修饰语相协调。在一些方言中,基本的NP配位策略是使用tuw / l,而os则受到更多限制,主要用作加性粒子。双双标记只能协调两个没有修饰语的np。它的主要功能是协调对称对,表示经常一起出现的对象(例如,母亲和父亲,女儿和儿子)。后置连词既用于真正的模仿结构,也用于主动、协调和包含结构。在一些方言中,它也用于谓语结构。工具性格标记在模仿功能中的分布非常有限,仅用于协调和包容结构。在这种情况下,可以在它前面加上双所有格标记,它指的是两个np。此外,与后置记号不同,工具格记号不能附在代词上。在协调的模仿结构中,这些标记可以协调不太对称的对,表示经常一起出现的对象(例如,母亲和女儿)。
{"title":"Именное сочинение и комитативные конструкции в северных диалектах мансийского языка","authors":"Irina A. Khomchenkova, D. Zhornik","doi":"10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-124-148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-124-148","url":null,"abstract":"The paper describes coordinating and comitative constructions in Northern Mansi. It examines the following coordinating markers: the additive item os ‘ADD’, the lexeme tuwəl ‘then’, and the marker -ɣ ‘DU’ as well as the comitative postposition jot ‘COM’ and the instrumental marker -(ə)l, -təl. It shows that the items os and tuwəl do not impose restrictions on the number and part-of-speech attribution of conjuncts and can coordinate nouns with modifiers. In some idiolects, the basic NP coordinating strategy is to use tuwəl, while os is more restricted and primarily used as an additive particle. The double dual marker can only coordinate two NPs without modifiers. Its main function is to coordinate symmetrical pairs denoting objects that often occur together (e.g., mother and father, daughter and son). The postposition jot is used in the genuine comitative construction as well as in the actant, coordinat-ing, and inclusory constructions. In some idiolects, it is also used in copredicative constructions. The distribution of the instrumental case marker in the comitative function is very limited: it is only used in coordinating and inclusory constructions. In this case, it can be preceded by the dual possessive marker, which refers to both NPs. Furthermore, unlike the postposition jot, the instrumental case marker cannot be attached to pronouns. In coordinating comitative constructions, these markers can coordinate less symmetrical pairs denoting objects that often occur together (for example, mother and daughter).","PeriodicalId":53462,"journal":{"name":"Ural-Altaic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46987587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}