Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058757
S. Couperus, Pier Domenico Tortola, L. Rensmann
ABSTRACT In recent years, we have seen a significant increase of memory politics among far-right political actors. In public spheres across Europe, discursive repertoires and historical tropes that mythologize the past have been (re)articulated by far-right actors who construe themselves as the true heirs and bearers of national historical traditions and values. This special issue, comprising six research articles on French, Polish, Italian, Spanish, Serbian and German cases, adds to new scholarship on memory politics among the far right in Europe: empirically, by presenting a wide range of geographically and culturally distinct case studies, and conceptually, by shedding new light on the role of memory politics and the use of historical legacies as factors and context variables in various far-right mobilizations today. In particular, this new research shows how supply and demand-side dimensions of far-right memory politics are mediated through discursive performance by parties, leaders, protest movements and social media. Methodologically, these studies demonstrate how mixed-methods approaches can yield remarkable and sometimes counterintuitive findings. They point to aggressive new far-right instrumentalizations and weaponizations of the past which ultimately seek to rehabilitate nostalgic ethno-nationalism as part of a politically articulated authoritarian revolt against liberal democracies and cosmopolitan social change in Europe.
{"title":"Memory politics of the far right in Europe","authors":"S. Couperus, Pier Domenico Tortola, L. Rensmann","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058757","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years, we have seen a significant increase of memory politics among far-right political actors. In public spheres across Europe, discursive repertoires and historical tropes that mythologize the past have been (re)articulated by far-right actors who construe themselves as the true heirs and bearers of national historical traditions and values. This special issue, comprising six research articles on French, Polish, Italian, Spanish, Serbian and German cases, adds to new scholarship on memory politics among the far right in Europe: empirically, by presenting a wide range of geographically and culturally distinct case studies, and conceptually, by shedding new light on the role of memory politics and the use of historical legacies as factors and context variables in various far-right mobilizations today. In particular, this new research shows how supply and demand-side dimensions of far-right memory politics are mediated through discursive performance by parties, leaders, protest movements and social media. Methodologically, these studies demonstrate how mixed-methods approaches can yield remarkable and sometimes counterintuitive findings. They point to aggressive new far-right instrumentalizations and weaponizations of the past which ultimately seek to rehabilitate nostalgic ethno-nationalism as part of a politically articulated authoritarian revolt against liberal democracies and cosmopolitan social change in Europe.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"435 - 444"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46882604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058755
M. Vulović
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the re-articulation of the Kosovo myth, specifically Serbia's claim to the territory of Kosovo, within the so-called internal dialogue on Kosovo initiated in 2017 by Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. It asks what elements are re-articulated and through which practices, in an effort to institute a counter-hegemonic project of partitioning Northern Kosovo from the rest of the territory. This is mainly achieved through de-mythologizing, de-emotionalizing/rationalizing and economizing Serbia's approach to Kosovo. Within this counter-hegemonic project, Vučić is constituted as an empty signifier, incarnating a solution to the Kosovo-Serbia dispute, whatever content it might take on. Re-articulation of the Kosovo myth involves both transposing Serbia's claim to the territory from Southern and Central to Northern Kosovo, and dis-articulating the Kosovo discourse from the sedimented affects of love and pride that constitute it. The article offers a deconstructive reading of the Kosovo myth, conceptualizing it as a discourse in poststructuralist terms and focusing on citationality and re-articulation of its elements in other discursive constellations. Such a reading has implications for re-thinking national myths as bounded narratives of the past, by examining how their elements can constitute even counter-hegemonic projects aimed at the future.
{"title":"The Serbian Progressive Party's re-articulation of the Kosovo myth within the internal dialogue on Kosovo, 2017–2018","authors":"M. Vulović","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058755","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058755","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on the re-articulation of the Kosovo myth, specifically Serbia's claim to the territory of Kosovo, within the so-called internal dialogue on Kosovo initiated in 2017 by Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. It asks what elements are re-articulated and through which practices, in an effort to institute a counter-hegemonic project of partitioning Northern Kosovo from the rest of the territory. This is mainly achieved through de-mythologizing, de-emotionalizing/rationalizing and economizing Serbia's approach to Kosovo. Within this counter-hegemonic project, Vučić is constituted as an empty signifier, incarnating a solution to the Kosovo-Serbia dispute, whatever content it might take on. Re-articulation of the Kosovo myth involves both transposing Serbia's claim to the territory from Southern and Central to Northern Kosovo, and dis-articulating the Kosovo discourse from the sedimented affects of love and pride that constitute it. The article offers a deconstructive reading of the Kosovo myth, conceptualizing it as a discourse in poststructuralist terms and focusing on citationality and re-articulation of its elements in other discursive constellations. Such a reading has implications for re-thinking national myths as bounded narratives of the past, by examining how their elements can constitute even counter-hegemonic projects aimed at the future.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"518 - 534"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47067482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058752
K. Jaskułowski, P. Majewski
ABSTRACT The article aims to analyse the mobilisation of a collective memory for political purposes by the Law and Justice party in Poland. PiS is often presented as a populist party, which came to power thanks to an anti-elite rhetoric and social programme. The party portrayed itself as a representative of socially excluded groups as well as a defender of ‘normal’ people against corrupted elites. At the same time, PiS mobilised its supporters by referring to a certain construction of the national past. We analyse the tension between populist rhetoric accompanying social reforms aimed at social inclusion and the practice of mobilising exclusive historical memory and strengthening exclusionary Polish national identity. In the selected examples of education reform, museum policy and the cult of the Cursed Soldiers, we demonstrate the traditional and nationalist approach of the party to history, which is reduced to heroic struggles for national freedom. In the image of the past evoked by PiS, the sharp division between ‘we, the simple people’ and ‘elites’ weakens; instead, the dichotomy between ‘us’ and ‘them’ is constructed in the national terms ‘Poles’ vs. ‘Others’.
{"title":"Populist in form, nationalist in content? Law and Justice, nationalism and memory politics","authors":"K. Jaskułowski, P. Majewski","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058752","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article aims to analyse the mobilisation of a collective memory for political purposes by the Law and Justice party in Poland. PiS is often presented as a populist party, which came to power thanks to an anti-elite rhetoric and social programme. The party portrayed itself as a representative of socially excluded groups as well as a defender of ‘normal’ people against corrupted elites. At the same time, PiS mobilised its supporters by referring to a certain construction of the national past. We analyse the tension between populist rhetoric accompanying social reforms aimed at social inclusion and the practice of mobilising exclusive historical memory and strengthening exclusionary Polish national identity. In the selected examples of education reform, museum policy and the cult of the Cursed Soldiers, we demonstrate the traditional and nationalist approach of the party to history, which is reduced to heroic struggles for national freedom. In the image of the past evoked by PiS, the sharp division between ‘we, the simple people’ and ‘elites’ weakens; instead, the dichotomy between ‘us’ and ‘them’ is constructed in the national terms ‘Poles’ vs. ‘Others’.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"461 - 476"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42331283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-13DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2050585
R. Kanet
ABSTRACT Russian policy has become much more hostile to the West in the last decade. Did the West, much as President Putin has charged, attempt to constrain or contain Russian influence in its ‘near abroad,' and, if so, were they successful in their efforts? It was Moscow’s decision to pursue its own path, by not integrating into the West, that put it at odds with the West. Besides its military intervention in Georgia, by fall 2008 Russia had successfully warded off most Western attempts to tie several post-Soviet states more closely to the West. With the collapse of the pro-Russian Yanukovych government in Ukraine six years later and the Russian military intervention in Crimea and its incorporation into the Russian Federation, and the establishment of Russian protectorates in the secessionist regions of eastern Ukraine and has led to its current invasion of Ukraine. It is extremely important to recognize the role of Moscow's view of Russia in relationship to the rest of the world since this almost messianic perception lies at the heart of foreign relations. Russians' current nationalism and self-image as a great power is built on centuries of such a view and implies Russia's dominant role, at least in its own neighborhood.
{"title":"Russia’s Enhanced role in Eurasia: the ‘near abroad’ three decades on*","authors":"R. Kanet","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2050585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2050585","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Russian policy has become much more hostile to the West in the last decade. Did the West, much as President Putin has charged, attempt to constrain or contain Russian influence in its ‘near abroad,' and, if so, were they successful in their efforts? It was Moscow’s decision to pursue its own path, by not integrating into the West, that put it at odds with the West. Besides its military intervention in Georgia, by fall 2008 Russia had successfully warded off most Western attempts to tie several post-Soviet states more closely to the West. With the collapse of the pro-Russian Yanukovych government in Ukraine six years later and the Russian military intervention in Crimea and its incorporation into the Russian Federation, and the establishment of Russian protectorates in the secessionist regions of eastern Ukraine and has led to its current invasion of Ukraine. It is extremely important to recognize the role of Moscow's view of Russia in relationship to the rest of the world since this almost messianic perception lies at the heart of foreign relations. Russians' current nationalism and self-image as a great power is built on centuries of such a view and implies Russia's dominant role, at least in its own neighborhood.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"421 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45862943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-27DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2044600
Konstantin A. Polovchenko
ABSTRACT The presented research is relevant, as the Constitutional Court of Bosnia has certain extremely specific powers that can determine the specifics of the legal nature of this state. The purpose of the article is to study of the influence of the Constitutional Court on the vital national interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Within the framework of this study, a set of methods was used, the central of which was the method of systems analysis, which allowed the author to analyse the degree of participation of the constitutional control body in ensuring the stability of the law-making process. It was revealed that the implementation of the constitutional project is associated with ensuring the parity of interests of constitutive peoples and making the state mechanism provided in the Constitution effective. It was concluded that the Constitutional Court significantly influenced the change in the structure and content of the institution of protection of vital interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
{"title":"Influence of the Constitutional Court on the transformation of vital national interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Konstantin A. Polovchenko","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2044600","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2044600","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The presented research is relevant, as the Constitutional Court of Bosnia has certain extremely specific powers that can determine the specifics of the legal nature of this state. The purpose of the article is to study of the influence of the Constitutional Court on the vital national interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Within the framework of this study, a set of methods was used, the central of which was the method of systems analysis, which allowed the author to analyse the degree of participation of the constitutional control body in ensuring the stability of the law-making process. It was revealed that the implementation of the constitutional project is associated with ensuring the parity of interests of constitutive peoples and making the state mechanism provided in the Constitution effective. It was concluded that the Constitutional Court significantly influenced the change in the structure and content of the institution of protection of vital interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"410 - 420"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44587052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-21DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2043066
Monika Brusenbauch Meislová, Dan Marek
ABSTRACT The article investigates strategies of blame avoidance in the discourse of the Czech Prime Minister (PM), Andrej Babiš, on the conflict-of-interest case over the misuse of European Union (EU) funds. Taking a critical discursive perspective and working with a dataset of Babiš’s public pronouncements on his conflict of interest during the period of 2019–2021, the study uncovers the particular ways of arguing, framing, denying, characterising social actors, legitimising and manipulating that Babiš exploited when trying to avoid blame in the conflict of interest case. It reveals that the conflict of interest case has provided opportunities for the Czech PM to play a multi-dimensional blame game against the EU, orchestrate a discursive battle with the EU and invoke nationalist feelings. We argue that this discursive patterning signals a departure from his hitherto pragmatic approach to the EU, with Babiš increasingly radicalizing his explicitly exclusionary construction of the EU, promulgating anti-EU sentiment and countenancing the polarization between the EU on the one hand and the Czech Republic on the other.
{"title":"‘It’s the EU’s fault!’ Strategies of blame avoidance in Andrej Babiš’s discourse on the conflict-of-interest case","authors":"Monika Brusenbauch Meislová, Dan Marek","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2043066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2043066","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article investigates strategies of blame avoidance in the discourse of the Czech Prime Minister (PM), Andrej Babiš, on the conflict-of-interest case over the misuse of European Union (EU) funds. Taking a critical discursive perspective and working with a dataset of Babiš’s public pronouncements on his conflict of interest during the period of 2019–2021, the study uncovers the particular ways of arguing, framing, denying, characterising social actors, legitimising and manipulating that Babiš exploited when trying to avoid blame in the conflict of interest case. It reveals that the conflict of interest case has provided opportunities for the Czech PM to play a multi-dimensional blame game against the EU, orchestrate a discursive battle with the EU and invoke nationalist feelings. We argue that this discursive patterning signals a departure from his hitherto pragmatic approach to the EU, with Babiš increasingly radicalizing his explicitly exclusionary construction of the EU, promulgating anti-EU sentiment and countenancing the polarization between the EU on the one hand and the Czech Republic on the other.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"392 - 409"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44866498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-19DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2037209
M. Ceron, C. Palermo
ABSTRACT Pandemic responses within the EU deviate from past large-scale crisis management substituting the austerity paradigm with the normalisation of generous fiscal support. Yet, traditional north-south fault lines remain. The article addresses such a puzzle systematically assessing the core-periphery divide in pandemic management and outcomes across the EU 27. The analysis highlights gaps and geographical heterogeneities across the north-south divide, refuting their sole attribution to differences in the scale of the health crisis. Conversely, we show the contribution of containment measures to heterogeneous economic outcomes across the core and periphery, which extend to the Southern Member States marginally impacted by the outbreak. Findings confirm the pandemic furthered divergences across the Member States, highlighting how the absence of austerity alone is not sufficient to enact convergence within the EU27. Supporting structural imbalances and the need for transnational solidarity, the work contributes to the debate on core-periphery relations and the future of economic integration in the context of the Conference on the Future of Europe and foreseen reform of the Stability and Growth Pact.
{"title":"Structural core–periphery divergences in the EU: the case of responses to the COVID-19 crisis in 2020","authors":"M. Ceron, C. Palermo","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2037209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2037209","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Pandemic responses within the EU deviate from past large-scale crisis management substituting the austerity paradigm with the normalisation of generous fiscal support. Yet, traditional north-south fault lines remain. The article addresses such a puzzle systematically assessing the core-periphery divide in pandemic management and outcomes across the EU 27. The analysis highlights gaps and geographical heterogeneities across the north-south divide, refuting their sole attribution to differences in the scale of the health crisis. Conversely, we show the contribution of containment measures to heterogeneous economic outcomes across the core and periphery, which extend to the Southern Member States marginally impacted by the outbreak. Findings confirm the pandemic furthered divergences across the Member States, highlighting how the absence of austerity alone is not sufficient to enact convergence within the EU27. Supporting structural imbalances and the need for transnational solidarity, the work contributes to the debate on core-periphery relations and the future of economic integration in the context of the Conference on the Future of Europe and foreseen reform of the Stability and Growth Pact.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"372 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46522782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2028346
Qingjiang Yao
ABSTRACT Using the five waves of Russian data in the World Value Survey, this study compares the late USSR with the Russian Federation from Russian people’s perceptions against several key social indicators and explores factors predicting Russian people’s commitment to the new nation. The transformation from the USSR to the Russian Federation is found enhancing Russian people’s social well-being, although beginning with bitterness. Social trust, confidence in the press and television, and personal political discourses have not been revived yet. Television news consumption appears to build people’s national pride and willingness to fight for the country. Russian peoples’ identification with, and pride of, the new federation are positively associated with their awareness of being a part of the CIS or the world. Their national identity, national pride, and willingness to fight for the country also show a form of the traditional cognitive-affective-conative hierarchy.
{"title":"The nation and the citizens: exploring Russian people’s perception of the socio-political-economic transition from the USSR to the Russian federation and their commitment to the new nation","authors":"Qingjiang Yao","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2028346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2028346","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using the five waves of Russian data in the World Value Survey, this study compares the late USSR with the Russian Federation from Russian people’s perceptions against several key social indicators and explores factors predicting Russian people’s commitment to the new nation. The transformation from the USSR to the Russian Federation is found enhancing Russian people’s social well-being, although beginning with bitterness. Social trust, confidence in the press and television, and personal political discourses have not been revived yet. Television news consumption appears to build people’s national pride and willingness to fight for the country. Russian peoples’ identification with, and pride of, the new federation are positively associated with their awareness of being a part of the CIS or the world. Their national identity, national pride, and willingness to fight for the country also show a form of the traditional cognitive-affective-conative hierarchy.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"354 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42413765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-12DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.2020482
F. Foret, Noemi Trino
ABSTRACT The ‘European way of life’ (EWOL) has emerged as a new narrative in the communication of the European Union (EU) after the 2019 European elections. The article analyses the social relevance and meanings of this legitimizing narrative against the background of similar past communicative attempts; and compares its framing by EU institutions with its understanding by citizens. We rely on the results of a survey exploring the cultural and normative foundations of the European multi-level governance in eight countries, (France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain, UK). Our findings are twofold. First, the EWOL narrative does not differ much of previous narratives; and the popular perceptions of EWOL are in line with its institutional definition. Second, EWOL has a low public salience and remains an elusive topic. As a conclusion, it is unlikely to significantly alter EU legitimization.
{"title":"The ‘European way of life’, a new narrative for the EU? Institutions’ vs citizens’ view","authors":"F. Foret, Noemi Trino","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2021.2020482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2021.2020482","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The ‘European way of life’ (EWOL) has emerged as a new narrative in the communication of the European Union (EU) after the 2019 European elections. The article analyses the social relevance and meanings of this legitimizing narrative against the background of similar past communicative attempts; and compares its framing by EU institutions with its understanding by citizens. We rely on the results of a survey exploring the cultural and normative foundations of the European multi-level governance in eight countries, (France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain, UK). Our findings are twofold. First, the EWOL narrative does not differ much of previous narratives; and the popular perceptions of EWOL are in line with its institutional definition. Second, EWOL has a low public salience and remains an elusive topic. As a conclusion, it is unlikely to significantly alter EU legitimization.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"336 - 353"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49634661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1994809
Patricia Rodi, L. Karavasilis, Leonardo Puleo
ABSTRACT This article provides an empirical contribution into the discursive repertoire of seven populist radical right-wing parties. Within the context of the European Parliamentary elections of 2014 and 2019, we examine and compare how these parties discursively shape the content of social demands by assessing how ‘the people’, ‘the nation’, ‘the elite’ and ‘others’ are constructed, and how different demands are incorporated. In doing so we assess the specific role of populism and nationalism in these parties’ discourse. We apply a two-stage measurement technique, combining both qualitative and quantitative content analytical modes of research, with advantages over existing methods, looking at both levels and form of the populist and nationalist signifiers. Our results suggest that although parties often combine both populism and nationalism, there is a general disposition to construct the signifer ‘the people’, not primarily through staging an antagonism between ‘people/elite’ (populism), but rather through articulating ‘the people’ as a national community in need of protection from the EU (nationalism). In view of this, we highlight that populism does not operate as the differentia specifica of populist radical right wing parties’ discourse.
{"title":"When nationalism meets populism: examining right-wing populist & nationalist discourses in the 2014 & 2019 European parliamentary elections","authors":"Patricia Rodi, L. Karavasilis, Leonardo Puleo","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2021.1994809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2021.1994809","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article provides an empirical contribution into the discursive repertoire of seven populist radical right-wing parties. Within the context of the European Parliamentary elections of 2014 and 2019, we examine and compare how these parties discursively shape the content of social demands by assessing how ‘the people’, ‘the nation’, ‘the elite’ and ‘others’ are constructed, and how different demands are incorporated. In doing so we assess the specific role of populism and nationalism in these parties’ discourse. We apply a two-stage measurement technique, combining both qualitative and quantitative content analytical modes of research, with advantages over existing methods, looking at both levels and form of the populist and nationalist signifiers. Our results suggest that although parties often combine both populism and nationalism, there is a general disposition to construct the signifer ‘the people’, not primarily through staging an antagonism between ‘people/elite’ (populism), but rather through articulating ‘the people’ as a national community in need of protection from the EU (nationalism). In view of this, we highlight that populism does not operate as the differentia specifica of populist radical right wing parties’ discourse.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"284 - 302"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42764142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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