This paper examines public policy towards small and medium-sized enterprises in the Central Asian countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. A study of analytical surveys for 2020 and 2021 produced by international organizations (such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, KPMG, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development), as well as of legal and regulatory documents and strategic programs adopted in the countries of Central Asia during the coronavirus pandemic, has made it possible to identify the advantages and disadvantages of government decisions regarding business and to analyze public strategies for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the potential for economic recovery in the Central Asian countries is directly dependent on the measures taken by their governments to maintain and support the business sector. In particular, the study results show that the main business support tools during the coronavirus pandemic are mechanisms such as tax holidays for businesses, soft loans, loan restructuring and refinancing, and administrative support measures.
{"title":"THE CENTRAL ASIAN ECONOMY DURING THE PANDEMIC: AN ANALYSIS OF SMALL AND MEDIUM BUSINESS SUPPORT STRATEGIES","authors":"Aiganym Issenova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines public policy towards small and medium-sized enterprises in the Central Asian countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. A study of analytical surveys for 2020 and 2021 produced by international organizations (such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, KPMG, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development), as well as of legal and regulatory documents and strategic programs adopted in the countries of Central Asia during the coronavirus pandemic, has made it possible to identify the advantages and disadvantages of government decisions regarding business and to analyze public strategies for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the potential for economic recovery in the Central Asian countries is directly dependent on the measures taken by their governments to maintain and support the business sector. In particular, the study results show that the main business support tools during the coronavirus pandemic are mechanisms such as tax holidays for businesses, soft loans, loan restructuring and refinancing, and administrative support measures.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49214100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
B. Bokayev, Z. Torebekova, Zhuldyz Davletbayeva, Aigerim Kanafina
The article examines the issues of emigration of the population of Kazakhstan, the reasons and factors influencing the decision of citizens to leave the country. The analysis was based on the fall 2018 sociological poll results, which comprised responses from 3,215 Kazakhstani citizens and in-depth interviews with 143 experts in different civil service, science, education, and economics branches. The results thus obtained showed that labor migration predominated: people were driven by the desire to earn more, to realize their professional potential, to receive better education and professional training. We have also discovered that the low quality of education and lack of favorable conditions for the development of the younger generation are the two other causes of the outflow of Kazakhstanis from their homeland. The state is not doing enough to persuade young specialists and scientists to remain in the country, which explains the gradual increase of intellectual migration and brain-drain. The results brought us to a conclusion that certain political factors, including poorly protected legitimate rights, corruption and certain related reasons, are fairly important for those determined to leave. Many of those who are ready to leave, the older generation in particular, are kept back by family and friendly ties and the habitual life style.
{"title":"MIGRATION TRENDS IN KAZAKHSTAN: EXPLORING MIGRATION CAUSES AND FACTORS","authors":"B. Bokayev, Z. Torebekova, Zhuldyz Davletbayeva, Aigerim Kanafina","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.13","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the issues of emigration of the population of Kazakhstan, the reasons and factors influencing the decision of citizens to leave the country. The analysis was based on the fall 2018 sociological poll results, which comprised responses from 3,215 Kazakhstani citizens and in-depth interviews with 143 experts in different civil service, science, education, and economics branches. The results thus obtained showed that labor migration predominated: people were driven by the desire to earn more, to realize their professional potential, to receive better education and professional training. We have also discovered that the low quality of education and lack of favorable conditions for the development of the younger generation are the two other causes of the outflow of Kazakhstanis from their homeland. The state is not doing enough to persuade young specialists and scientists to remain in the country, which explains the gradual increase of intellectual migration and brain-drain. The results brought us to a conclusion that certain political factors, including poorly protected legitimate rights, corruption and certain related reasons, are fairly important for those determined to leave. Many of those who are ready to leave, the older generation in particular, are kept back by family and friendly ties and the habitual life style.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44901439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Daurenova, A. Ospanova, Panu Kilybaeva, Y. Sergazin
The purpose of this article is to analyze the activities of the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, as well as the dynamics of cooperation with each country and the region as a whole. The Bank provides a number of financing operations to promote socio-economic development in its member countries, enhance regional integration, and foster cooperation among all IDB states. The main focus of its operations is project financing. Since its inception, the Bank has approved many significant projects (already completed or still in progress) in the most important social and economic areas. In this study, use was made of the historical comparative method, the historical chronological method, and a systems approach to analyzing socio-economic activity in the region, namely, the method of analysis and synthesis. The historical comparative method was used to analyze data from annual IDB reports, particularly in identifying priority sectors of project implementation in the Central Asian countries for the entire period of cooperation, and the dynamics of project financing in the region over a period of five years. The historical chronological method was used to compile a timeline of the IDB’s relations with countries in the region. The method of analysis and synthesis was used to study the Bank’s socio-economic activities in each individual country and in the region as a whole. According to an analysis of project funding approvals, the main sectors in the Central Asia Region are transport, energy, and agriculture. Overall, despite the positive dynamics of IDB operations in the region, the amount of funding varies significantly from country to country. Kazakhstan, as a country with the most stable economic and political situation, is of particular interest to the Bank, just as Uzbekistan, which became an IDB member much later than other CA countries, but has already risen to top positions. In Turkmenistan, most of the funding goes to the transport and energy sectors, which are of interest to the country itself, whereas in other sectors the Bank’s presence is minimal, because the country is a closed one. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan get much less funding than the top recipients listed above. This is primarily due to their weak economy and unstable political situation, because under the IDB Articles of Agreement the main criterion for approving any financing operations is the social importance of the project for the development of the recipient country, but it is also necessary to take into account the country’s financial position and stability in order to avoid credit risks. On the whole, the IDB makes a significant contribution to the development of the region and promotes the adoption of Islamic finance in the CA countries.
{"title":"THE ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT BANK AND ITS ROLE IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC REFORMS IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES","authors":"A. Daurenova, A. Ospanova, Panu Kilybaeva, Y. Sergazin","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.07","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to analyze the activities of the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, as well as the dynamics of cooperation with each country and the region as a whole. The Bank provides a number of financing operations to promote socio-economic development in its member countries, enhance regional integration, and foster cooperation among all IDB states. The main focus of its operations is project financing. Since its inception, the Bank has approved many significant projects (already completed or still in progress) in the most important social and economic areas. In this study, use was made of the historical comparative method, the historical chronological method, and a systems approach to analyzing socio-economic activity in the region, namely, the method of analysis and synthesis. The historical comparative method was used to analyze data from annual IDB reports, particularly in identifying priority sectors of project implementation in the Central Asian countries for the entire period of cooperation, and the dynamics of project financing in the region over a period of five years. The historical chronological method was used to compile a timeline of the IDB’s relations with countries in the region. The method of analysis and synthesis was used to study the Bank’s socio-economic activities in each individual country and in the region as a whole. According to an analysis of project funding approvals, the main sectors in the Central Asia Region are transport, energy, and agriculture. Overall, despite the positive dynamics of IDB operations in the region, the amount of funding varies significantly from country to country. Kazakhstan, as a country with the most stable economic and political situation, is of particular interest to the Bank, just as Uzbekistan, which became an IDB member much later than other CA countries, but has already risen to top positions. In Turkmenistan, most of the funding goes to the transport and energy sectors, which are of interest to the country itself, whereas in other sectors the Bank’s presence is minimal, because the country is a closed one. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan get much less funding than the top recipients listed above. This is primarily due to their weak economy and unstable political situation, because under the IDB Articles of Agreement the main criterion for approving any financing operations is the social importance of the project for the development of the recipient country, but it is also necessary to take into account the country’s financial position and stability in order to avoid credit risks. On the whole, the IDB makes a significant contribution to the development of the region and promotes the adoption of Islamic finance in the CA countries.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46070441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Central Asian region has never been a priority area of EU external policy, although the European Union Global Strategy underlines its support for multilateralism in global strategy. The European Union has been more actively engaged in the region since the launch of the New Great Game in Central Asia between China, Russia and the U.S. Following the “neighbors of neighbors” concept, the EU shapes its relations with post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) on the basis of multilateral strategies and bilateral partnership agreements. The first comprehensive EU strategic document focused on post-Soviet Central Asia, The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership, was concluded in 2007. Despite some allegations that the strategy should take into account the individual needs and specificities of each country, it should be emphasized that the strategy intensified mutual relations between Central Asia and the EU, as well as the EU’s institutional presence in the region, mainly in terms of political and diplomatic dialog. Due to a dynamic approach, the analysis undertaken in the research study allowed for the presentation of positive and negative tendencies, changes and reversals in the implementation of the particular components of the previous EU strategy towards Central Asian countries over time. It should be noted that most objectives outlined in its normative strategy towards Central Asia were achieved to a limited extent, especially in terms of democratization and civil society.
{"title":"THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EU STRATEGIC PRIORITIES IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA","authors":"A. Konopelko","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"The Central Asian region has never been a priority area of EU external policy, although the European Union Global Strategy underlines its support for multilateralism in global strategy. The European Union has been more actively engaged in the region since the launch of the New Great Game in Central Asia between China, Russia and the U.S. Following the “neighbors of neighbors” concept, the EU shapes its relations with post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) on the basis of multilateral strategies and bilateral partnership agreements. The first comprehensive EU strategic document focused on post-Soviet Central Asia, The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership, was concluded in 2007. Despite some allegations that the strategy should take into account the individual needs and specificities of each country, it should be emphasized that the strategy intensified mutual relations between Central Asia and the EU, as well as the EU’s institutional presence in the region, mainly in terms of political and diplomatic dialog. Due to a dynamic approach, the analysis undertaken in the research study allowed for the presentation of positive and negative tendencies, changes and reversals in the implementation of the particular components of the previous EU strategy towards Central Asian countries over time. It should be noted that most objectives outlined in its normative strategy towards Central Asia were achieved to a limited extent, especially in terms of democratization and civil society.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49229354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the image of China in Kazakhstani society, analyzes the perception and attitude of Kazakhstan’s population towards China. Based on the results of a survey of Kazakhstan’s population (N = 2,594) and an expert survey (N = 23), the authors identify the principal stereotypes about China in the mass perception of Kazakhstanis. Also, the authors assess the level of awareness of the population about China and its projects and the perception by the Kazakhstani people of the economic, political and socio-cultural influence of Kazakhstan’s eastern neighbor. In addition, the article examines the attitude of Kazakhstanis to bilateral cooperation between Kazakhstan and China and the manifestations of Sinophobia in Kazakhstani society and identifies the main factors of anti-Chinese sentiments in society. The article also presents the authors’ original model of the China Perception Index in Kazakhstan, which consists of four parameters that reveal the level of cultural, economic and political perception of the country’s eastern neighbor. The results of the study establish that the general attitude of the Kazakhstani society towards China is neutral. The main factor that influences the perception of China is the degree of the Chinese investors’ presence in the region. The study proves the correlation between the duration of the presence of Chinese investors and the scale of business, on the one hand, and the level of perception, on the other: the longer the history of presence in the region, the less positive the attitude of the population towards China. Along with this, the study demonstrates a positive relationship between educational achievements and the China Perception Index. Thus, Kazakhstani citizens with an academic degree (Index = 0.24) have a significantly more positive attitude towards China, compared to those with a secondary technical and vocational education (Index = 0.09).
{"title":"ASSESSMENT OF PERCEPTION OF CHINA IN THE KAZAKHSTANI SOCIETY: MYTHS AND REALITY","authors":"Rakhim Oshakbayev, Fatima Zhakypova, Bolat Issayev, Xeniya Kolesnik","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the image of China in Kazakhstani society, analyzes the perception and attitude of Kazakhstan’s population towards China. Based on the results of a survey of Kazakhstan’s population (N = 2,594) and an expert survey (N = 23), the authors identify the principal stereotypes about China in the mass perception of Kazakhstanis. Also, the authors assess the level of awareness of the population about China and its projects and the perception by the Kazakhstani people of the economic, political and socio-cultural influence of Kazakhstan’s eastern neighbor. In addition, the article examines the attitude of Kazakhstanis to bilateral cooperation between Kazakhstan and China and the manifestations of Sinophobia in Kazakhstani society and identifies the main factors of anti-Chinese sentiments in society. The article also presents the authors’ original model of the China Perception Index in Kazakhstan, which consists of four parameters that reveal the level of cultural, economic and political perception of the country’s eastern neighbor. The results of the study establish that the general attitude of the Kazakhstani society towards China is neutral. The main factor that influences the perception of China is the degree of the Chinese investors’ presence in the region. The study proves the correlation between the duration of the presence of Chinese investors and the scale of business, on the one hand, and the level of perception, on the other: the longer the history of presence in the region, the less positive the attitude of the population towards China. Along with this, the study demonstrates a positive relationship between educational achievements and the China Perception Index. Thus, Kazakhstani citizens with an academic degree (Index = 0.24) have a significantly more positive attitude towards China, compared to those with a secondary technical and vocational education (Index = 0.09).","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44686566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Throughout its fairly short history, the Belt and Road initiative has demonstrated its good prospects, which explains why the government of Kazakhstan heeds a lot of attention to economic cooperation with China within this project. It has the greatest stake in the initiatives related to further development of cargo traffic routes and pipelines in different directions (primarily, Africa, the Middle East and Europe) and their potential impact on Kazakhstan’s economic health. Comprehensive studies are especially necessary in the current time of crisis, when the active realization of the Chinese initiative has run into certain problems. The authors examine the key ideas of the Chinese initiative to reveal the basic conceptual provisions and trends and analyze the problems and prospects of its realization. It is even more important to consider the ways to coordinate it with the projects of the Eurasian Economic Union and Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol (Bright Path) program. The possible threats and challenges that the Chinese initiative may create for Kazakhstan, or the positive effects that will help Kazakhstan realize its national interests should not be overlooked, either. The various processes related to the initiative and its numerous trends should be carefully studied against the background of the current dynamic changes in world politics.
{"title":"CHINA AND KAZAKHSTAN: BELT AND ROAD COOPERATION","authors":"A. Duisekina, Kulipa Baisultanova, Zh. Ashinova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.09","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout its fairly short history, the Belt and Road initiative has demonstrated its good prospects, which explains why the government of Kazakhstan heeds a lot of attention to economic cooperation with China within this project. It has the greatest stake in the initiatives related to further development of cargo traffic routes and pipelines in different directions (primarily, Africa, the Middle East and Europe) and their potential impact on Kazakhstan’s economic health. Comprehensive studies are especially necessary in the current time of crisis, when the active realization of the Chinese initiative has run into certain problems. The authors examine the key ideas of the Chinese initiative to reveal the basic conceptual provisions and trends and analyze the problems and prospects of its realization. It is even more important to consider the ways to coordinate it with the projects of the Eurasian Economic Union and Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol (Bright Path) program. The possible threats and challenges that the Chinese initiative may create for Kazakhstan, or the positive effects that will help Kazakhstan realize its national interests should not be overlooked, either. The various processes related to the initiative and its numerous trends should be carefully studied against the background of the current dynamic changes in world politics.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46343818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Bolysbayeva, Aigerim Bolysbayeva, K. Zatov, N. Tutinova
Today, religious renaissance across the post-Soviet space has moved into the center of academic attention mainly because post-Soviet countries have found themselves at the crest of religious awareness in the form of revived traditional religions. In Kazakhstan, this process has taken the form of Islamic revival, the religion of the autochthonous population, which lived in the territory of the contemporary state. According to many authors, the family is the main religious socialization institution: mothers as its main agents play the key role in raising the younger generation. This means that female religiosity requires close attention and detailed studies. With this aim in view, we carried out an online opinion poll among women 18 years and older in all regions of Kazakhstan to identify the interconnection between religious practices and involvement in religious life, on the one hand, and confessional self-identity, on the other, as well as the role of demographic statistical data (age, in particular) in shaping religious consciousness. We paid a lot of attention to the correlation between the degree of religiosity and the presence of Islamic dogmas in everyday life. Our studies brought us to a conclusion that the faithful generally tend to overestimate the extent of their religiosity. This means that the majority of our respondents can be described as conventional believers whose knowledge of the main Islamic dogmas is weak and who do not observe religious practices. Religious holidays and fasting are the two most frequently observed practices; praying and religious clothes are the two frequently avoided practices. Their performance requires a lot of time and the need to change appearance and lifestyle.
{"title":"FEMALE RELIGIOSITY IN POST-SECULAR SOCIETY: ISLAM IN KAZAKHSTAN","authors":"A. Bolysbayeva, Aigerim Bolysbayeva, K. Zatov, N. Tutinova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.15","url":null,"abstract":"Today, religious renaissance across the post-Soviet space has moved into the center of academic attention mainly because post-Soviet countries have found themselves at the crest of religious awareness in the form of revived traditional religions. In Kazakhstan, this process has taken the form of Islamic revival, the religion of the autochthonous population, which lived in the territory of the contemporary state. According to many authors, the family is the main religious socialization institution: mothers as its main agents play the key role in raising the younger generation. This means that female religiosity requires close attention and detailed studies. With this aim in view, we carried out an online opinion poll among women 18 years and older in all regions of Kazakhstan to identify the interconnection between religious practices and involvement in religious life, on the one hand, and confessional self-identity, on the other, as well as the role of demographic statistical data (age, in particular) in shaping religious consciousness. We paid a lot of attention to the correlation between the degree of religiosity and the presence of Islamic dogmas in everyday life. Our studies brought us to a conclusion that the faithful generally tend to overestimate the extent of their religiosity. This means that the majority of our respondents can be described as conventional believers whose knowledge of the main Islamic dogmas is weak and who do not observe religious practices. Religious holidays and fasting are the two most frequently observed practices; praying and religious clothes are the two frequently avoided practices. Their performance requires a lot of time and the need to change appearance and lifestyle.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49644026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to the current aspects of demographic development in the EAEU member states in the context of studying the specifics of the reproductive and migratory behavior of young people in Russia, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The modern generation of young people in post-Soviet countries over the past three decades has been influenced by various factors that have radically transformed their views on family, childbirth and migration. Their attitudes towards reproductive and migratory behavior will dominate the future demographic trends not only in each of the studied countries, but also in the Eurasian space as a whole. Therefore, a detailed study of the attitudes of the young and educated generation is the most important task of demographic and sociological sciences. Based on the results of a sociological survey conducted using a unified methodology, the article examines the features of reproductive and migratory behavior in countries at different stages of the “demographic transition.” It reveals the peculiarities of the respondents’ attitude from the three states to official marriage, age preferences for starting a family and giving birth to their first child. Reproductive judgments regarding anticipated and ideal number of children are identified. The use of the ranking method allowed to detect the normative childbearing models in the three countries and the differences between them. The conclusion states that in all the states in question, the prevailing socio-economic conditions are an obstacle to the implementation of the existing ideal reproductive attitudes. The gender peculiarities of the views of young people in the three countries on extramarital unions, reproductive patterns and “planned childlessness” were noted. The article demonstrates that, with regard to the results of the study, in the next 25 to 30 years families in Russia will likely have a small number of children, in Kazakhstan—an average number, and reproductive behavior in Kyrgyzstan will likely retain its tendency towards having many children. The article also contains conclusions about specific migration attitudes based on the replies to questions about the preferred place to apply professional skills, create a family and have children. The dependence of migration attitudes on gender and country of residence has been revealed. Based on empirical data, the groups of respondents characterized by pragmatic, patriotic and antipatriotic migratory behavior have been identified. It was determined that young people who live in Kyrgyzstan are more focused on moving to a new place of residence, while all respondents are quite cosmopolitan in regard to the place of application of their professional skills, and students are most patriotic about the place to start a family.
{"title":"REPRODUCTIVE AND MIGRATION ATTITUDES OF CONTEMPORARY YOUTH OF THE EAEU STATES (RUSSIA, KAZAKHSTAN, KYRGYZSTAN: A CASE STUDY)","authors":"E. Sigareva, S. Sivoplyasova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.11","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the current aspects of demographic development in the EAEU member states in the context of studying the specifics of the reproductive and migratory behavior of young people in Russia, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The modern generation of young people in post-Soviet countries over the past three decades has been influenced by various factors that have radically transformed their views on family, childbirth and migration. Their attitudes towards reproductive and migratory behavior will dominate the future demographic trends not only in each of the studied countries, but also in the Eurasian space as a whole. Therefore, a detailed study of the attitudes of the young and educated generation is the most important task of demographic and sociological sciences. Based on the results of a sociological survey conducted using a unified methodology, the article examines the features of reproductive and migratory behavior in countries at different stages of the “demographic transition.” It reveals the peculiarities of the respondents’ attitude from the three states to official marriage, age preferences for starting a family and giving birth to their first child. Reproductive judgments regarding anticipated and ideal number of children are identified. The use of the ranking method allowed to detect the normative childbearing models in the three countries and the differences between them. The conclusion states that in all the states in question, the prevailing socio-economic conditions are an obstacle to the implementation of the existing ideal reproductive attitudes. The gender peculiarities of the views of young people in the three countries on extramarital unions, reproductive patterns and “planned childlessness” were noted. The article demonstrates that, with regard to the results of the study, in the next 25 to 30 years families in Russia will likely have a small number of children, in Kazakhstan—an average number, and reproductive behavior in Kyrgyzstan will likely retain its tendency towards having many children. The article also contains conclusions about specific migration attitudes based on the replies to questions about the preferred place to apply professional skills, create a family and have children. The dependence of migration attitudes on gender and country of residence has been revealed. Based on empirical data, the groups of respondents characterized by pragmatic, patriotic and antipatriotic migratory behavior have been identified. It was determined that young people who live in Kyrgyzstan are more focused on moving to a new place of residence, while all respondents are quite cosmopolitan in regard to the place of application of their professional skills, and students are most patriotic about the place to start a family.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49274403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, the Caspian states have been paying increasingly more attention to port infrastructure development. The construction of new facilities and the reconstruction of existing ports received a new impetus. The Caspian states increase their investments in this sphere every year. They have developed national programs that aim to increase the volume of cargo passing through the Caspian states’ seaports. The development of port infrastructure, augmented by new railways, was deliberated by the Caspian states in the context of solving geopolitical problems. The advancement of the negotiation process on the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea brought the solution of economic issues to the fore, along with the development of transport and related infrastructure. The signing of this document in August 2018 only raised the interest of the regional states in trade and economic cooperation. Accordingly, one of the key tasks that the Caspian states were facing was port infrastructure development. The construction of new ports was believed to foster achievement of long-term goals. In addition to economic development, first and foremost, of coastal territories, regional countries sought to reinforce their positions in global trade flows. Besides, the facilities constructed by the Caspian countries in recent years have been integrated in large-scale infrastructure projects, which are being actively promoted by non-regional states. China, the EU and Turkey have a stake in their implementation, and the Caspian infrastructure served as a part of regional transportation projects. The adoption of documents related to the development of transport in the Caspian region by the Caspian states reflected the importance of infrastructure. They formulated long-term tasks and outlined the spheres of cooperation with their regional neighbors. The expansion of regional cooperation by the Caspian countries is accompanied by the intensified struggle for the flow of goods. The Caspian states are growing increasingly competitive in the transportation sphere. The struggle for container traffic volumes and hydrocarbon resources is pushing the Caspian states to apply various financial and administrative mechanisms in order to attract cargo.
{"title":"INFRASTRUCTURE POLICY OF THE CASPIAN STATES: DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY AND GEOPOLITICAL AIMS","authors":"S. Zhiltsov","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.06","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, the Caspian states have been paying increasingly more attention to port infrastructure development. The construction of new facilities and the reconstruction of existing ports received a new impetus. The Caspian states increase their investments in this sphere every year. They have developed national programs that aim to increase the volume of cargo passing through the Caspian states’ seaports. The development of port infrastructure, augmented by new railways, was deliberated by the Caspian states in the context of solving geopolitical problems. The advancement of the negotiation process on the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea brought the solution of economic issues to the fore, along with the development of transport and related infrastructure. The signing of this document in August 2018 only raised the interest of the regional states in trade and economic cooperation. Accordingly, one of the key tasks that the Caspian states were facing was port infrastructure development. The construction of new ports was believed to foster achievement of long-term goals. In addition to economic development, first and foremost, of coastal territories, regional countries sought to reinforce their positions in global trade flows. Besides, the facilities constructed by the Caspian countries in recent years have been integrated in large-scale infrastructure projects, which are being actively promoted by non-regional states. China, the EU and Turkey have a stake in their implementation, and the Caspian infrastructure served as a part of regional transportation projects. The adoption of documents related to the development of transport in the Caspian region by the Caspian states reflected the importance of infrastructure. They formulated long-term tasks and outlined the spheres of cooperation with their regional neighbors. The expansion of regional cooperation by the Caspian countries is accompanied by the intensified struggle for the flow of goods. The Caspian states are growing increasingly competitive in the transportation sphere. The struggle for container traffic volumes and hydrocarbon resources is pushing the Caspian states to apply various financial and administrative mechanisms in order to attract cargo.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44909000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S. Ryazantsev, Farrukh Khonkhodzhayev, S. Akramov, N. Ryazantsev
This paper aims to study the trends of labor migration (voluntary and forced) from Russia to Tajikistan and the peculiarities of the reintegration of returning migrants into Tajik society. Labor migration is the main driver of economic growth for Tajikistan and the most effective tool in the national fight against poverty. However, many migrants from Tajikistan do not have a formally documented status in Russia, which makes their predicament extremely difficult and vulnerable. One of the most sensitive measures for Tajik labor migrants was the introduction of administrative penalties through expulsion and the imposition of a massive ban on labor migrants from entering the Russian Federation. This has led to an increase in the return migration of Tajik migrants to their homeland. The article clarifies the concept of return migration, reveals the reasons for the return of labor migrants from Russia to Tajikistan and identifies the specific features of reintegration and the socio-economic situation of returning migrants in Tajikistan. The authors establish that a significant share of returning migrants have already reached retirement age after working in Russia for decades, but they do not receive a pension either in Tajikistan or in Russia. Unfortunately, as of today the Government of Tajikistan has not developed any special programs for the reintegration of returning migrants due to lack of funds and lack of experience in this area. Most returning migrants are forced to solve their problems on their own or resort to the help of their families and relatives. In fact, the government does not hold an interest in the massive return of labor migrants, since the increase in their number worsens the socio-economic situation and the general state of the labor market.
{"title":"RETURN MIGRATION TO TAJIKISTAN: FORMS, TRENDS, CONSEQUENCES","authors":"S. Ryazantsev, Farrukh Khonkhodzhayev, S. Akramov, N. Ryazantsev","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.14","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to study the trends of labor migration (voluntary and forced) from Russia to Tajikistan and the peculiarities of the reintegration of returning migrants into Tajik society. Labor migration is the main driver of economic growth for Tajikistan and the most effective tool in the national fight against poverty. However, many migrants from Tajikistan do not have a formally documented status in Russia, which makes their predicament extremely difficult and vulnerable. One of the most sensitive measures for Tajik labor migrants was the introduction of administrative penalties through expulsion and the imposition of a massive ban on labor migrants from entering the Russian Federation. This has led to an increase in the return migration of Tajik migrants to their homeland. The article clarifies the concept of return migration, reveals the reasons for the return of labor migrants from Russia to Tajikistan and identifies the specific features of reintegration and the socio-economic situation of returning migrants in Tajikistan. The authors establish that a significant share of returning migrants have already reached retirement age after working in Russia for decades, but they do not receive a pension either in Tajikistan or in Russia. Unfortunately, as of today the Government of Tajikistan has not developed any special programs for the reintegration of returning migrants due to lack of funds and lack of experience in this area. Most returning migrants are forced to solve their problems on their own or resort to the help of their families and relatives. In fact, the government does not hold an interest in the massive return of labor migrants, since the increase in their number worsens the socio-economic situation and the general state of the labor market.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49427147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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