D. Tyulebekova, S. Abildin, Y. Nechayeva, M. Dyussembekova
The article aims to assess the results of the development of the Eurasian Economic Union, including in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. The theoretical and methodological foundation of the study of integration is based on studying the activity of various regional associations from the viewpoint of the integration levels and ultimate goals. Depending on the set goals, it is possible to predict and strategically calculate the consequences and possible benefits of economic integration. Using statistical analysis tools, the authors analyzed the key economic indicators affecting the development of the EAEU. Official data of international structures (World Bank, U.N., EAEU), government agencies, various reports and reviews were also used in the work. The studied indicators are presented in the article in tables and graphs, created by the authors for the purpose of visualizing the relevant processes. Logical reasoning is used to describe the results obtained. The article assesses the consequences of the pandemic for global trade and analyzes further ways of developing the world political process. Today, many countries face similar problems due to the pandemic, and take unprecedented measures in order to address them. Most countries have restricted the export of essential goods, such as medical supplies and food. Global economic ties aimed at liberalizing trade have been called into question, since each state is forced to ensure its own national security in the face of the pandemic. In this respect, the question of strength and stability of the globalization processes are in a changing world? Certain event scenarios are considered in the conclusion of the article, one of which is a transition to a policy of protectionism and import substitution.
{"title":"EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION DURING THE PANDEMIC: INTEGRATION PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS","authors":"D. Tyulebekova, S. Abildin, Y. Nechayeva, M. Dyussembekova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.07","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to assess the results of the development of the Eurasian Economic Union, including in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. The theoretical and methodological foundation of the study of integration is based on studying the activity of various regional associations from the viewpoint of the integration levels and ultimate goals. Depending on the set goals, it is possible to predict and strategically calculate the consequences and possible benefits of economic integration. Using statistical analysis tools, the authors analyzed the key economic indicators affecting the development of the EAEU. Official data of international structures (World Bank, U.N., EAEU), government agencies, various reports and reviews were also used in the work. The studied indicators are presented in the article in tables and graphs, created by the authors for the purpose of visualizing the relevant processes. Logical reasoning is used to describe the results obtained. The article assesses the consequences of the pandemic for global trade and analyzes further ways of developing the world political process. Today, many countries face similar problems due to the pandemic, and take unprecedented measures in order to address them. Most countries have restricted the export of essential goods, such as medical supplies and food. Global economic ties aimed at liberalizing trade have been called into question, since each state is forced to ensure its own national security in the face of the pandemic. In this respect, the question of strength and stability of the globalization processes are in a changing world? Certain event scenarios are considered in the conclusion of the article, one of which is a transition to a policy of protectionism and import substitution.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49081908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The South of Russia is characterized by a complex structure, a contradictory history of interethnic relations and active migration processes. All of the above creates difficulties for the region’s societal integration and strengthening of macroregional ties. The state’s national strategy presupposes the formation of a positive civic identity of Russia’s population while preserving its ethnocultural diversity. The self-determination processes of ethnosocial groups in the post-Soviet space have revealed a competition between the civic and ethnic components in the identity of the national republics’ population. Therefore, the structural and dynamic dimension of the identity of the multiethnic population in the South of Russia is being actualized. The article empirically characterizes the complex identity of the population in the multiethnic subregions of the Russian South in terms of the region’s societal (macrolevel) integration. Based on the sociological research conducted in early 2021 in the Rostov region, the Republic of Adygea and the Republic of Daghestan, the nature of the local residents’ identity along the following axes is analyzed: (1) civic, regional and ethnic identifications; (2) I- and we-identifications; (3) primordial and constructed forms of identity. Modern sociological measurements demonstrate that in the structure of cognitive I-identifications of the population of the Russian South, primordial (gender, marital status) and constructed civic (Russian citizen) identity components prevail. In the Rostov region, the core of the respondents’ identity comprises a macroregional component (resident of the South of Russia). Whereas in the North Caucasian republics in question, ethnic (in Adygea and Daghestan), confessional and republican (in Daghestan) identifications compete with the all-Russian identity. At the emotional we-identity level, residents of the Russian South most often indicate affinity with groups of everyday communication (people of the same generation and occupation) and supra-ethnic constructed communities (citizens of Russia). A strong orientation towards the South Russian identity is also manifested among the Rostov residents, while ethnic, religious and republican identification complexes have greater significance in the national republics of the Northern Caucasus. Comparative analysis with the results of 2010-2011 studies (conducted using identical instruments in the Rostov region and Adygea) shows a stable predominance of constructed civic and macroregional identities in the subregions dominated by the Russian population, and ethnic and North Caucasian identities—in the republican segment. The continuing discrepancy in the identity content structure in the ethnoterritorial segments of the Russian South may have disintegration potential and slow down the formation of a supra-ethnic societal integrity of a multi-component macroregion.
{"title":"IDENTITY OF THE POPULATION OF THE MULTIETHNIC SOUTH OF RUSSIA IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIETAL INTEGRATION OF THE MACROREGION","authors":"L. Klimenko, Z. Zhade, Irina A. Petrulevich","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.011","url":null,"abstract":"The South of Russia is characterized by a complex structure, a contradictory history of interethnic relations and active migration processes. All of the above creates difficulties for the region’s societal integration and strengthening of macroregional ties. The state’s national strategy presupposes the formation of a positive civic identity of Russia’s population while preserving its ethnocultural diversity. The self-determination processes of ethnosocial groups in the post-Soviet space have revealed a competition between the civic and ethnic components in the identity of the national republics’ population. Therefore, the structural and dynamic dimension of the identity of the multiethnic population in the South of Russia is being actualized. The article empirically characterizes the complex identity of the population in the multiethnic subregions of the Russian South in terms of the region’s societal (macrolevel) integration. Based on the sociological research conducted in early 2021 in the Rostov region, the Republic of Adygea and the Republic of Daghestan, the nature of the local residents’ identity along the following axes is analyzed: (1) civic, regional and ethnic identifications; (2) I- and we-identifications; (3) primordial and constructed forms of identity. Modern sociological measurements demonstrate that in the structure of cognitive I-identifications of the population of the Russian South, primordial (gender, marital status) and constructed civic (Russian citizen) identity components prevail. In the Rostov region, the core of the respondents’ identity comprises a macroregional component (resident of the South of Russia). Whereas in the North Caucasian republics in question, ethnic (in Adygea and Daghestan), confessional and republican (in Daghestan) identifications compete with the all-Russian identity. At the emotional we-identity level, residents of the Russian South most often indicate affinity with groups of everyday communication (people of the same generation and occupation) and supra-ethnic constructed communities (citizens of Russia). A strong orientation towards the South Russian identity is also manifested among the Rostov residents, while ethnic, religious and republican identification complexes have greater significance in the national republics of the Northern Caucasus. Comparative analysis with the results of 2010-2011 studies (conducted using identical instruments in the Rostov region and Adygea) shows a stable predominance of constructed civic and macroregional identities in the subregions dominated by the Russian population, and ethnic and North Caucasian identities—in the republican segment. The continuing discrepancy in the identity content structure in the ethnoterritorial segments of the Russian South may have disintegration potential and slow down the formation of a supra-ethnic societal integrity of a multi-component macroregion.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45070036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ruslan M. Sarsembayev, N. Aitymbetov, S. Tleubayev, Zh.E. Aldiyarova
It is widely known that Islamic revival is behind numerous national security threats, religious tension and political challenges. This is confirmed by the fact that practically all terrorist acts are committed by extremist and terrorist groups, which reproduce and execute specific projects of Islamic revival, the Islamic Caliphate being one of the pertinent examples. Fully aware of the threats rooted in the radical and extremist ideas of Islamic revival, the state has no choice but an active and determined opposition. In the 2005-2020, Kazakhstan adopted several normative legal program documents and took certain organizational measures to improve the regulation of the religious situation in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Many of these laws and organizational measures, however, stirred up heated discussions: the opposition insisted that the state should secularize the society, securitize Islam, etc. Much has been said about the efficiency of opposition to radical and extremist models of Islamic revival. Together, this creates a varied and even contradictory background for the state policy related to Islamic revival and calls for closer attention to the situation unfolding among the Muslims of Kazakhstan. We are already in the third decade of the 21st century, an important stage at which the religious and political environment created by Islamic revival and the relations between the state and confessions should be assessed. In this article, we analyze the state policy in the context of Islamic revival and offer its conceptual analysis as a multifaceted phenomenon. A modernist trend, which often prevails, is developing along with the fundamentalist trend within the framework of the Islamic revival. Accordingly, the authors argue that state policy is not directed against the Islamic revival as such and does not aim for the securitization of Islam or the secularization of society; on the contrary, it seeks to preserve the historically formed recontextualized Islam, which is rooted in the fundamentals of Islam and is simultaneously consistent with modernization and national heritage. In the concluding part of the article the authors touch upon a scholarly discussion of whether state policy of opposing the extremist Islamic revival models is efficient and to which extent. Our discussion and conclusions are supported by sociological data on the religious situation in the Muslim community, obtained through comparison of the religiosity level and the extent of people’s respect for the country’s authorities.
{"title":"ISLAMIC REVIVAL IN KAZAKHSTAN: STATE POLICY","authors":"Ruslan M. Sarsembayev, N. Aitymbetov, S. Tleubayev, Zh.E. Aldiyarova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.014","url":null,"abstract":"It is widely known that Islamic revival is behind numerous national security threats, religious tension and political challenges. This is confirmed by the fact that practically all terrorist acts are committed by extremist and terrorist groups, which reproduce and execute specific projects of Islamic revival, the Islamic Caliphate being one of the pertinent examples. Fully aware of the threats rooted in the radical and extremist ideas of Islamic revival, the state has no choice but an active and determined opposition. In the 2005-2020, Kazakhstan adopted several normative legal program documents and took certain organizational measures to improve the regulation of the religious situation in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Many of these laws and organizational measures, however, stirred up heated discussions: the opposition insisted that the state should secularize the society, securitize Islam, etc. Much has been said about the efficiency of opposition to radical and extremist models of Islamic revival. Together, this creates a varied and even contradictory background for the state policy related to Islamic revival and calls for closer attention to the situation unfolding among the Muslims of Kazakhstan. We are already in the third decade of the 21st century, an important stage at which the religious and political environment created by Islamic revival and the relations between the state and confessions should be assessed. In this article, we analyze the state policy in the context of Islamic revival and offer its conceptual analysis as a multifaceted phenomenon. A modernist trend, which often prevails, is developing along with the fundamentalist trend within the framework of the Islamic revival. Accordingly, the authors argue that state policy is not directed against the Islamic revival as such and does not aim for the securitization of Islam or the secularization of society; on the contrary, it seeks to preserve the historically formed recontextualized Islam, which is rooted in the fundamentals of Islam and is simultaneously consistent with modernization and national heritage. In the concluding part of the article the authors touch upon a scholarly discussion of whether state policy of opposing the extremist Islamic revival models is efficient and to which extent. Our discussion and conclusions are supported by sociological data on the religious situation in the Muslim community, obtained through comparison of the religiosity level and the extent of people’s respect for the country’s authorities.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46874660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The highly favorable geographic location and rich natural resources are the main attractions of post-Soviet Central Asia. After the disintegration of the U.S.S.R, it became clear that different actors operated differently in this strategically important region. This area occupied different places in their strategies, and their goals were realized using different instruments. Regional disunity (Central Asian states then failed to tune up multilateral cooperation) brought grist to the mill of extra-regional players. Mutual political claims and personal ambitions of the regional leaders made it hard or even impossible to initiate common regional projects. Local contradictions in the water and energy sphere became a serious obstacle on the road towards political interaction when dealing with regional problems, environmental protection being one of them. In short, at that time, Central Asian countries did not yet master the art of pushing aside disagreements and problems for the sake of positive actions. Extra-regional actors capitalized on this fact without reservations. The U.S., the EU, Russia, China, India, Japan, and Turkey proceeded from their long-term interests when they tried to impose their political agenda on the local states and draw them into the sphere of their economic interests. Apparently, they preferred bilateral agreements with each of the Central Asian states, since their importance for each of the external players depended on their economic development, geopolitical significance and natural resources that they possessed. In recent years, the extra-regional states have revised and readjusted their Central Asian politics. Today, they prefer multilateral relations; in some cases, this format has been used for a long time, while other extra-regional countries have only recently employed the “5 + an extra-regional actor” format. Turkey and Japan are two leaders in this respect: they were the first to suggest this format, and others followed suit. Many countries limit their multilateral formats to the foreign minister level and, therefore, to declarations and joint statements. Regional states prefer this format, which allows them to balance out external players and address their own problems. Predictably, Central Asian countries are ready to be involved in multilateral formats.
{"title":"EXTERNAL ACTORS IN CENTRAL ASIA: MULTILATERAL COOPERATION MECHANISMS","authors":"S. Zhiltsov","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.02","url":null,"abstract":"The highly favorable geographic location and rich natural resources are the main attractions of post-Soviet Central Asia. After the disintegration of the U.S.S.R, it became clear that different actors operated differently in this strategically important region. This area occupied different places in their strategies, and their goals were realized using different instruments. Regional disunity (Central Asian states then failed to tune up multilateral cooperation) brought grist to the mill of extra-regional players. Mutual political claims and personal ambitions of the regional leaders made it hard or even impossible to initiate common regional projects. Local contradictions in the water and energy sphere became a serious obstacle on the road towards political interaction when dealing with regional problems, environmental protection being one of them. In short, at that time, Central Asian countries did not yet master the art of pushing aside disagreements and problems for the sake of positive actions. Extra-regional actors capitalized on this fact without reservations. The U.S., the EU, Russia, China, India, Japan, and Turkey proceeded from their long-term interests when they tried to impose their political agenda on the local states and draw them into the sphere of their economic interests. Apparently, they preferred bilateral agreements with each of the Central Asian states, since their importance for each of the external players depended on their economic development, geopolitical significance and natural resources that they possessed. In recent years, the extra-regional states have revised and readjusted their Central Asian politics. Today, they prefer multilateral relations; in some cases, this format has been used for a long time, while other extra-regional countries have only recently employed the “5 + an extra-regional actor” format. Turkey and Japan are two leaders in this respect: they were the first to suggest this format, and others followed suit. Many countries limit their multilateral formats to the foreign minister level and, therefore, to declarations and joint statements. Regional states prefer this format, which allows them to balance out external players and address their own problems. Predictably, Central Asian countries are ready to be involved in multilateral formats.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44863271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
K. Mukhtarova, K. Makasheva, Z. Kenzhebaeva, M. Sadyrova
This research article examines the state and prospects of economic cooperation among the countries of Central Asia (CA). As history would have it, economic cooperation within the CA region was previously limited, and investments in Central Asia were mainly concentrated in the mining sector of the economy. Demographic and economic trends in the region have led to an expansion of the internal market; most Central Asian states have implemented wide-ranging reforms, which have improved the overall investment climate; and the CA states have stepped up the development of multilateral trade and economic relations, laying the groundwork for broader cooperation. The article also covers recent problems related to the economic situation in the region. For example, the current situation associated with COVID-19 has had an impact on economic relations between the CA countries. In the view of international experts, this crisis has not provided any new reasons for integration in the region. The quarantine measures taken in various Central Asian countries have had a negative effect on their foreign trade and thus on intra-regional trade and economic cooperation in general. The authors also examine other problems, such as those caused by the CA countries’ economic dependence on other countries, namely their dependence on imports from outside the region. These problems also affect the prospects of economic cooperation in Central Asia. All countries, including those rich in natural resources, want to produce and export finished goods with high value added. The production of high value added products and services enables a country to earn more revenue and reduce its dependence on primary commodity exports. The Central Asian countries are no exception. But for many reasons their finished products are often insufficiently competitive in countries outside the region. Despite the existence of economic problems connected with the need to improve the economic aspects of cooperation, there is a clear trend towards diversification of the economy of the CA countries caused by a desire to develop various specializations. These include agricultural processing, production of consumer goods for the population, development of the service sector, and other areas. Thus, the choice of a new model for the development of multilateral relations and the emerging trend towards economic growth in the region have made it possible to lay the foundation for long-term cooperation among the Central Asian states. Keywords: regional cooperation, Central Asia region, diversification of the economy, trade regimes, external economic policy, region, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan.
{"title":"PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC COOPERATION IN CENTRAL ASIA","authors":"K. Mukhtarova, K. Makasheva, Z. Kenzhebaeva, M. Sadyrova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.08","url":null,"abstract":"This research article examines the state and prospects of economic cooperation among the countries of Central Asia (CA). As history would have it, economic cooperation within the CA region was previously limited, and investments in Central Asia were mainly concentrated in the mining sector of the economy. Demographic and economic trends in the region have led to an expansion of the internal market; most Central Asian states have implemented wide-ranging reforms, which have improved the overall investment climate; and the CA states have stepped up the development of multilateral trade and economic relations, laying the groundwork for broader cooperation. The article also covers recent problems related to the economic situation in the region. For example, the current situation associated with COVID-19 has had an impact on economic relations between the CA countries. In the view of international experts, this crisis has not provided any new reasons for integration in the region. The quarantine measures taken in various Central Asian countries have had a negative effect on their foreign trade and thus on intra-regional trade and economic cooperation in general. The authors also examine other problems, such as those caused by the CA countries’ economic dependence on other countries, namely their dependence on imports from outside the region. These problems also affect the prospects of economic cooperation in Central Asia. All countries, including those rich in natural resources, want to produce and export finished goods with high value added. The production of high value added products and services enables a country to earn more revenue and reduce its dependence on primary commodity exports. The Central Asian countries are no exception. But for many reasons their finished products are often insufficiently competitive in countries outside the region. Despite the existence of economic problems connected with the need to improve the economic aspects of cooperation, there is a clear trend towards diversification of the economy of the CA countries caused by a desire to develop various specializations. These include agricultural processing, production of consumer goods for the population, development of the service sector, and other areas. Thus, the choice of a new model for the development of multilateral relations and the emerging trend towards economic growth in the region have made it possible to lay the foundation for long-term cooperation among the Central Asian states. Keywords: regional cooperation, Central Asia region, diversification of the economy, trade regimes, external economic policy, region, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45546577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The authors discuss the evolution of religious identity of Azerbaijan and the impact of Middle Eastern actors (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) on the process. Today, the pro-Islamic leaders of the Middle East are attempting, with the persistence that can hardly be overestimated, to move into the Southern Caucasus, one of the world’s strategically important regions. Thus, the uncompromising rivalry of religious ideologies is hardly surprising. It means that the national and religious identities of post-Soviet Azerbaijan have come to the fore in the context of Iranian-Turkic, Iranian-Arab and Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation. Today, there are enough drivers behind the already obvious awareness of their religious identity among young Azeris. The complicated search for national and religious identities in independent Azerbaijan is driven by an outburst of national and religious sentiments during the protracted Karabakh conflict and two wars with Armenia (in 1992-1994 and 2020). The process is unfolding under the huge influence of theocratic Shi‘a Iran, the closest neighbor with its twenty-five million-strong Azeri diaspora; proliferation of the puritanical Wahhabi teaching of Saudi Arabia and Salafism as its export variant throughout the Caucasus, and, last but not least, strategic rapprochement with Turkey that is moving away from nationalism towards Islamism. This has made Azerbaijan a fertile soil for a confrontation within the multipolar Islamic world, which is expanding the geography of its conflicts to the Southern Caucasus. The proxy wars in Syria and Iraq, in which the Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation is also obvious may destabilize the Caucasus in the future. Here the authors assess the impact of the Middle Eastern heavyweights—Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey— on the process of shaping the Azeri religious identity as an Islamic political factor.
{"title":"IRAN, SAUDI ARABIA AND TURKEY: EMERGING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF AZERBAIJAN","authors":"A. Battalov, S. Kozhirova, Tleutai Suleimenov","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.013","url":null,"abstract":"The authors discuss the evolution of religious identity of Azerbaijan and the impact of Middle Eastern actors (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) on the process. Today, the pro-Islamic leaders of the Middle East are attempting, with the persistence that can hardly be overestimated, to move into the Southern Caucasus, one of the world’s strategically important regions. Thus, the uncompromising rivalry of religious ideologies is hardly surprising. It means that the national and religious identities of post-Soviet Azerbaijan have come to the fore in the context of Iranian-Turkic, Iranian-Arab and Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation. Today, there are enough drivers behind the already obvious awareness of their religious identity among young Azeris. The complicated search for national and religious identities in independent Azerbaijan is driven by an outburst of national and religious sentiments during the protracted Karabakh conflict and two wars with Armenia (in 1992-1994 and 2020). The process is unfolding under the huge influence of theocratic Shi‘a Iran, the closest neighbor with its twenty-five million-strong Azeri diaspora; proliferation of the puritanical Wahhabi teaching of Saudi Arabia and Salafism as its export variant throughout the Caucasus, and, last but not least, strategic rapprochement with Turkey that is moving away from nationalism towards Islamism. This has made Azerbaijan a fertile soil for a confrontation within the multipolar Islamic world, which is expanding the geography of its conflicts to the Southern Caucasus. The proxy wars in Syria and Iraq, in which the Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation is also obvious may destabilize the Caucasus in the future. Here the authors assess the impact of the Middle Eastern heavyweights—Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey— on the process of shaping the Azeri religious identity as an Islamic political factor.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46233096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Topilin, G. Pogosyan, G. Osadchaya, N. Ryazantsev
The problems in the formation of the diaspora’s socio-economic potential are poorly studied by modern science. The article defines the notion of the diaspora’s socio-economic potential. The factors that determine the uniqueness of the Armenian diaspora phenomenon are identified, including professional specialization specifics, labor skills, ethnic entrepreneurship, aggregation of property and capital, socio-demographic structure, corporatism, social solidarity and cohesion and social capital. The Armenian diaspora, which formed in Russia in the 17th century, is a conventional diaspora with deep historical roots. Its influence on the economy, social policy, culture, interethnic relations and other spheres of life of the population in the host country and country of origin is steadily increasing. New opportunities for continued development of the Armenian diaspora opened up along with the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in the post-Soviet space and Armenia’s accession to the EAEU. The secret of the advancement of the Armenian diaspora as an ethnocultural and ethnopolitical phenomenon is rooted in the peculiarities of formation of its socio-economic potential throughout the entire history of good-neighborly relations between Russia and Armenia. A methodological strategy and an applied sociological research model, as well as tools for studying the Armenian diaspora’s socio-economic potential in the context of EAEU integration processes have been created. In order to study the problem further, authors intend to conduct a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews in the Moscow agglomeration, Krasnoyarsk and Stavropol regions, which will allow to reveal the attitude of members of the Armenian diaspora to various aspects of life: migration and repatriation intentions, the degree of cohesion and corporatism, subjective assessments of the contribution of the Armenian diaspora to Russia’s and Armenia’s socio-economic development, as well as to assess the EAEU integration trends. Based on the results of the sociological study, scientific recommendations will be developed to improve the efficiency of using the Armenian diaspora’s socio-economic potential for the sake of improving the quality of life and social well-being of citizens of Russia and Armenia, and the advancement of EAEU integration processes.
{"title":"SOCIO-ECONOMIC POTENTIAL OF THE ARMENIAN DIASPORA IN THE CONTEXT OF EAEU INTEGRATION","authors":"A. Topilin, G. Pogosyan, G. Osadchaya, N. Ryazantsev","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.09","url":null,"abstract":"The problems in the formation of the diaspora’s socio-economic potential are poorly studied by modern science. The article defines the notion of the diaspora’s socio-economic potential. The factors that determine the uniqueness of the Armenian diaspora phenomenon are identified, including professional specialization specifics, labor skills, ethnic entrepreneurship, aggregation of property and capital, socio-demographic structure, corporatism, social solidarity and cohesion and social capital. The Armenian diaspora, which formed in Russia in the 17th century, is a conventional diaspora with deep historical roots. Its influence on the economy, social policy, culture, interethnic relations and other spheres of life of the population in the host country and country of origin is steadily increasing. New opportunities for continued development of the Armenian diaspora opened up along with the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in the post-Soviet space and Armenia’s accession to the EAEU. The secret of the advancement of the Armenian diaspora as an ethnocultural and ethnopolitical phenomenon is rooted in the peculiarities of formation of its socio-economic potential throughout the entire history of good-neighborly relations between Russia and Armenia. A methodological strategy and an applied sociological research model, as well as tools for studying the Armenian diaspora’s socio-economic potential in the context of EAEU integration processes have been created. In order to study the problem further, authors intend to conduct a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews in the Moscow agglomeration, Krasnoyarsk and Stavropol regions, which will allow to reveal the attitude of members of the Armenian diaspora to various aspects of life: migration and repatriation intentions, the degree of cohesion and corporatism, subjective assessments of the contribution of the Armenian diaspora to Russia’s and Armenia’s socio-economic development, as well as to assess the EAEU integration trends. Based on the results of the sociological study, scientific recommendations will be developed to improve the efficiency of using the Armenian diaspora’s socio-economic potential for the sake of improving the quality of life and social well-being of citizens of Russia and Armenia, and the advancement of EAEU integration processes.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41601193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The authors present their attempt at rethinking the development of interaction between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan against the background of a change in political elites in both countries. The interaction of the two countries, which received a new impetus after several years of stagnation, is viewed as a factor of partnership, which, in turn, can be considered the first step towards full-fledged integration. The accumulated experience demonstrates that the intensification of international cooperation between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan is an objective process with its own logic. This process, analyzed on the basis of empirical, general scientific and general logical research methods, has both positive and negative aspects. The data obtained in the course of in-person and correspondence questionnaires (100 respondents from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan each) allowed to formulate the expectations of both the expert community and the wider circles for subsequent manifestations of the accumulated cooperation experience in the process of changing political elites and generations, and the subsequent transformation of public consciousness. The authors believe that the historical moment will come in the course of the generational change when the process of consolidation of the Central Asian countries will become natural, practically spontaneous and recognized.
{"title":"EXPECTATIONS AND PREDICTABILITY OF THE ACCUMULATED COOPERATION EXPERIENCE: KAZAKHSTAN AND UZBEKISTAN","authors":"Zh.S. Sembayeva, Zarema Shaymordanova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.06","url":null,"abstract":"The authors present their attempt at rethinking the development of interaction between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan against the background of a change in political elites in both countries. The interaction of the two countries, which received a new impetus after several years of stagnation, is viewed as a factor of partnership, which, in turn, can be considered the first step towards full-fledged integration. The accumulated experience demonstrates that the intensification of international cooperation between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan is an objective process with its own logic. This process, analyzed on the basis of empirical, general scientific and general logical research methods, has both positive and negative aspects. The data obtained in the course of in-person and correspondence questionnaires (100 respondents from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan each) allowed to formulate the expectations of both the expert community and the wider circles for subsequent manifestations of the accumulated cooperation experience in the process of changing political elites and generations, and the subsequent transformation of public consciousness. The authors believe that the historical moment will come in the course of the generational change when the process of consolidation of the Central Asian countries will become natural, practically spontaneous and recognized.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44849693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zh. Zharmakhanova, S. Nurdavletova, L. Akhmetzhanova
As Central Asia undergoes a rapid transformation process, political, economic and security developments remain uncertain and difficult to predict. External actors will play a key role in defining the contours of transformation in Central Asia. In recent years, a number of powerful countries—mainly China, the Russian Federation and, to a lesser extent, the United States, Japan and Turkey—have sought to increase their influence in Central Asia. There was a timely initiative proposed by Germany, which presided over the European Union at the time, to launch the process of rethinking EU participation in Central Asia, culminating in the development of a Strategy for Central Asia. Thus, the European Union has reinforced its presence at a strategic moment for Central Asia. The Strategy for a New Partnership, adopted by the European Council on 21-22 June, 2007, became the main document for the significant and decisive strengthening of EU policy in Central Asia. The strategy represents the most ambitious EU project in the region and demonstrates a significant improvement in relations. The EU has the needed resources and, in line with the Strategy, it wants to do its part to transform the region into a secure and well-governed area, which is also in the interests of Central Asians. In 2019, in order to intensify cooperation, the EU updated and launched the new Strategy for Central Asia. It should be noted that security is a particularly important issue. In both the first Strategy 2007 and the updated Strategy 2019, the theme of security is reflected in various EU programs and projects. Thus, the article will provide a general analysis of EU’s security programs in Central Asia.
{"title":"EUROPEAN UNION’S SECURITY POLICY IN REGARD TO CENTRAL ASIA WITHIN THE EU STRATEGY FOR CA","authors":"Zh. Zharmakhanova, S. Nurdavletova, L. Akhmetzhanova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.01","url":null,"abstract":"As Central Asia undergoes a rapid transformation process, political, economic and security developments remain uncertain and difficult to predict. External actors will play a key role in defining the contours of transformation in Central Asia. In recent years, a number of powerful countries—mainly China, the Russian Federation and, to a lesser extent, the United States, Japan and Turkey—have sought to increase their influence in Central Asia. There was a timely initiative proposed by Germany, which presided over the European Union at the time, to launch the process of rethinking EU participation in Central Asia, culminating in the development of a Strategy for Central Asia. Thus, the European Union has reinforced its presence at a strategic moment for Central Asia. The Strategy for a New Partnership, adopted by the European Council on 21-22 June, 2007, became the main document for the significant and decisive strengthening of EU policy in Central Asia. The strategy represents the most ambitious EU project in the region and demonstrates a significant improvement in relations. The EU has the needed resources and, in line with the Strategy, it wants to do its part to transform the region into a secure and well-governed area, which is also in the interests of Central Asians. In 2019, in order to intensify cooperation, the EU updated and launched the new Strategy for Central Asia. It should be noted that security is a particularly important issue. In both the first Strategy 2007 and the updated Strategy 2019, the theme of security is reflected in various EU programs and projects. Thus, the article will provide a general analysis of EU’s security programs in Central Asia.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42859532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the modern military power of the Turkish Republic and its role in ensuring national security and advancing Turkey on the path of regional leadership. An analysis of Turkey’s geopolitical and strategic military position in the Middle East, as well as the geopolitical and strategic military views of the Turkish leadership, is presented. The article examines the potential of the sides and possible scenarios in the event of a hypothetical military conflict between Turkey and Iran, Egypt and Israel. The goals and methods of military operations conducted by the Turkish armed forces in Syria and Northern Iraq, Turkey’s participation in the civil war in Libya and its assistance to Azerbaijan in the war to liberate Nagorno-Karabakh are analyzed. The article concludes that Turkey’s modern armed forces, despite certain difficulties in development, are the most combat-ready in the NATO bloc and in the Middle East region and provide the Turkish leadership with a solution to all military and political problems.
{"title":"MILITARY POWER OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN REGIONAL PROJECTIONS OF TRANSBORDER MILITARY OPERATIONS","authors":"T. Ganiev, V. Karyakin","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.05","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the modern military power of the Turkish Republic and its role in ensuring national security and advancing Turkey on the path of regional leadership. An analysis of Turkey’s geopolitical and strategic military position in the Middle East, as well as the geopolitical and strategic military views of the Turkish leadership, is presented. The article examines the potential of the sides and possible scenarios in the event of a hypothetical military conflict between Turkey and Iran, Egypt and Israel. The goals and methods of military operations conducted by the Turkish armed forces in Syria and Northern Iraq, Turkey’s participation in the civil war in Libya and its assistance to Azerbaijan in the war to liberate Nagorno-Karabakh are analyzed. The article concludes that Turkey’s modern armed forces, despite certain difficulties in development, are the most combat-ready in the NATO bloc and in the Middle East region and provide the Turkish leadership with a solution to all military and political problems.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45963179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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