In the modern world, borders are often no longer perceived as a barrier, but, on the contrary, become a contact zone for border regions, engaging nations and peoples, their cultures and economies. Presumably, at present the remoteness of any area from a country’s center does not imply its cultural or economic backwardness; conversely, it most likely offers additional opportunities for economic and socio-cultural development. This article examines the border regions of the Republic of Tajikistan and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, their cooperation and the consequences of these ties for their socio-economic development. The beginning of the post-Soviet period was characterized by weak economic ties between Tajikistan and Afghanistan due to the civil wars that affected both countries at the time. The countries also lacked the transport infrastructure required for cross-border trade and cooperation. Subsequently, through the efforts of the authorities of the two countries and international organizations, these problems began to be resolved. The article’s scientific novelty lies in the analysis of the socio-demographic development of the border areas in Tajikistan and Afghanistan and the identification of the key forms of ethnocultural interaction of the border population. As a result of the study, the authors identify and characterize the forms of socio-economic and ethnocultural contacts that occur through border trade, commercial migration, education and the integration of refugees into the Tajik community. The significant role of these contacts plays a significant role in the life of the population of the border areas, which are cut off from the centers of their countries. First, it is a mutually complementary process that involves obtaining new knowledge and strengthening ties. Secondly, cross-border trade and commercial migration between Tajikistan and Afghanistan play a vital role in the livelihoods of the respective communities and support the development of border regions, contributing to the development of friendly relations between countries and act as effective methods of fighting poverty, creating new jobs and providing income for the population of the border regions. In addition, the study examined the programs and projects of international organizations that contribute to the development and strengthening of border relations between Tajikistan and Afghanistan in the sphere of border trade and strengthening of security. The authors conducted an observation and a survey at the border market, where residents of the neighboring territories of Tajikistan and Afghanistan come together. The observation revealed that for many households, border markets are the only platforms for earning money.
{"title":"TAJIK-AFGHAN BORDER AREAS AS A SOCIO-ECONOMIC and ETHNOCULTURAL CONTACT ZONE","authors":"S. Ryazantsev, F. Garibova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.012","url":null,"abstract":"In the modern world, borders are often no longer perceived as a barrier, but, on the contrary, become a contact zone for border regions, engaging nations and peoples, their cultures and economies. Presumably, at present the remoteness of any area from a country’s center does not imply its cultural or economic backwardness; conversely, it most likely offers additional opportunities for economic and socio-cultural development. This article examines the border regions of the Republic of Tajikistan and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, their cooperation and the consequences of these ties for their socio-economic development. The beginning of the post-Soviet period was characterized by weak economic ties between Tajikistan and Afghanistan due to the civil wars that affected both countries at the time. The countries also lacked the transport infrastructure required for cross-border trade and cooperation. Subsequently, through the efforts of the authorities of the two countries and international organizations, these problems began to be resolved. The article’s scientific novelty lies in the analysis of the socio-demographic development of the border areas in Tajikistan and Afghanistan and the identification of the key forms of ethnocultural interaction of the border population. As a result of the study, the authors identify and characterize the forms of socio-economic and ethnocultural contacts that occur through border trade, commercial migration, education and the integration of refugees into the Tajik community. The significant role of these contacts plays a significant role in the life of the population of the border areas, which are cut off from the centers of their countries. First, it is a mutually complementary process that involves obtaining new knowledge and strengthening ties. Secondly, cross-border trade and commercial migration between Tajikistan and Afghanistan play a vital role in the livelihoods of the respective communities and support the development of border regions, contributing to the development of friendly relations between countries and act as effective methods of fighting poverty, creating new jobs and providing income for the population of the border regions. In addition, the study examined the programs and projects of international organizations that contribute to the development and strengthening of border relations between Tajikistan and Afghanistan in the sphere of border trade and strengthening of security. The authors conducted an observation and a survey at the border market, where residents of the neighboring territories of Tajikistan and Afghanistan come together. The observation revealed that for many households, border markets are the only platforms for earning money.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46675031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Republic of Turkey has entered what may be the most complicated period in its modern history; its ambitions are on the rise; its final aim to become one of the pillars of the world order is a challenging one. The paper analyzes the present and future of Turkish policy towards the Russian Federation, Central Asia and the People’s Republic of China. Turkey’s relations with Russia can be described as mutually beneficial cooperation in many spheres. The sides demonstrate their skills when compromises are required in complex situations or even conflicts. They are invariably found despite the sides’ diverging interests in the Middle East, the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia. Special attention is heeded to the mid-term prospects of cooperation between Turkey and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) up to Turkey’s possible membership. In Central Asia, Turkey’s strategy relies on essential mechanisms of Turkic integration realized by many means, including the Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States (the Turkic Council), and on the specifics of Turkey’s relationships with each of the five Central Asian states. It seems that trade, economic and investment cooperation between Turkey and the Central Asian states are treated as priorities along with the expected emergence of the Turkic World in the mid-term. In this context, convergence of interests of the Turkic and Eurasian integration is especially important. As could be expected, the paper pays a lot of attention to the Chinese policy towards Turkey and connectivity between the Turkish Middle Corridor and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. While the contradictions between Turkey and its Western neighbors are growing increasingly vehement, Ankara and Beijing are consolidating their economic, energy, transport and logistic cooperation. At the same time, we should bear in mind that the so-called Uyghur issue is in the way of the otherwise smooth process of rapprochement. Keywords: Republic of Turkey, Russian Federation, EAEU, China, Belt and Road Initiative, Kazakhstan, Middle East, Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States.
{"title":"TURKEY’S STRATEGY IN RUSSIA, CENTRAL ASIA AND CHINA TODAY AND TOMORROW","authors":"M. Shaikhutdinov","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.04","url":null,"abstract":"The Republic of Turkey has entered what may be the most complicated period in its modern history; its ambitions are on the rise; its final aim to become one of the pillars of the world order is a challenging one. The paper analyzes the present and future of Turkish policy towards the Russian Federation, Central Asia and the People’s Republic of China. Turkey’s relations with Russia can be described as mutually beneficial cooperation in many spheres. The sides demonstrate their skills when compromises are required in complex situations or even conflicts. They are invariably found despite the sides’ diverging interests in the Middle East, the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia. Special attention is heeded to the mid-term prospects of cooperation between Turkey and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) up to Turkey’s possible membership. In Central Asia, Turkey’s strategy relies on essential mechanisms of Turkic integration realized by many means, including the Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States (the Turkic Council), and on the specifics of Turkey’s relationships with each of the five Central Asian states. It seems that trade, economic and investment cooperation between Turkey and the Central Asian states are treated as priorities along with the expected emergence of the Turkic World in the mid-term. In this context, convergence of interests of the Turkic and Eurasian integration is especially important. As could be expected, the paper pays a lot of attention to the Chinese policy towards Turkey and connectivity between the Turkish Middle Corridor and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. While the contradictions between Turkey and its Western neighbors are growing increasingly vehement, Ankara and Beijing are consolidating their economic, energy, transport and logistic cooperation. At the same time, we should bear in mind that the so-called Uyghur issue is in the way of the otherwise smooth process of rapprochement. Keywords: Republic of Turkey, Russian Federation, EAEU, China, Belt and Road Initiative, Kazakhstan, Middle East, Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45383591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Together with independence, the Republic of Kazakhstan reacquired its lost traditional values; religion, controlled and suppressed by the Soviet atheist ideology, being one of the most important elements along with the growing number of religious communities and associations, as well as places of public worship. Today, religiosity is on the rise, especially among the younger generation: everyday religious practices are observed by individuals or groups of people at workplaces and homes and in the course of communication. The author has analyzed the role of religion in axiological orientation and the level of religious feelings of the young people aged 18-22 on the basis of sociological poll results.
{"title":"RELIGION IN THE AXIOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF KAZAKHSTANI YOUTH","authors":"Aigerim Zhampetova","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.3.015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.015","url":null,"abstract":"Together with independence, the Republic of Kazakhstan reacquired its lost traditional values; religion, controlled and suppressed by the Soviet atheist ideology, being one of the most important elements along with the growing number of religious communities and associations, as well as places of public worship. Today, religiosity is on the rise, especially among the younger generation: everyday religious practices are observed by individuals or groups of people at workplaces and homes and in the course of communication. The author has analyzed the role of religion in axiological orientation and the level of religious feelings of the young people aged 18-22 on the basis of sociological poll results.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45405694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Central Asia is one of the least integrated regions of Asia. Being a landlocked region, it depends on its neighboring states, especially Russia and China for its international trade through land. Both these states also have geo-political and geo-economic interests in this region. Both have been pro-active to integrate Central Asia into ‘their’ initiatives of integration. Russian led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are two good examples in this regard. It has been observed that both EAEU and BRI may complement each other in the fields of infrastructure and transportation network development, energy security, and environmental issues. However, there are certain challenges to both the initiatives which include the divergent natures of both initiatives. First, BRI is a bilateral project while EAEU is a multilateral institution with well-defined hierarchy, rules and regulations. Second, all the Central Asian Republics (CARs) are members of BRI, whereas only two CARs viz. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of EAEU. Third, both Russia and China compete with each other for the hydrocarbons of the region. However, both initiatives have failed to contribute substantially in the industrial development of Central Asia. This research focuses on how both EAEU and BRI projects would help out Central Asia to become a Land-Linked region. The article addresses the questions; what are the objectives of EAEU and BRI? Why have CARs joined these organizations? And How can CARs benefits from both the organizations while balancing Russia and China in their foreign policies? Qualitative research methodology with secondary sources has been applied to this research while World Orders and Neo-Functionalism explain the problem.
{"title":"EAEU and BRI in Central Asia: Transformation from Land-Locked to Land-Linked Region?","authors":"Adam Saud, Sarwat Rauf","doi":"10.54418/ca-88.146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-88.146","url":null,"abstract":"Central Asia is one of the least integrated regions of Asia. Being a landlocked region, it depends on its neighboring states, especially Russia and China for its international trade through land. Both these states also have geo-political and geo-economic interests in this region. Both have been pro-active to integrate Central Asia into ‘their’ initiatives of integration. Russian led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are two good examples in this regard. It has been observed that both EAEU and BRI may complement each other in the fields of infrastructure and transportation network development, energy security, and environmental issues. However, there are certain challenges to both the initiatives which include the divergent natures of both initiatives. First, BRI is a bilateral project while EAEU is a multilateral institution with well-defined hierarchy, rules and regulations. Second, all the Central Asian Republics (CARs) are members of BRI, whereas only two CARs viz. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of EAEU. Third, both Russia and China compete with each other for the hydrocarbons of the region. However, both initiatives have failed to contribute substantially in the industrial development of Central Asia. This research focuses on how both EAEU and BRI projects would help out Central Asia to become a Land-Linked region. The article addresses the questions; what are the objectives of EAEU and BRI? Why have CARs joined these organizations? And How can CARs benefits from both the organizations while balancing Russia and China in their foreign policies? Qualitative research methodology with secondary sources has been applied to this research while World Orders and Neo-Functionalism explain the problem.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"87 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76656611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pakistan and Afghanistan share the longest border in the northwest with each other. Afghanistan is the most influential factor for Pakistani policymakers in terms of foreign policy. Relations of both the countries have not been cordial since the inception of Pakistan. Internal circumstances affected Pakistan in one way or another during the Cold War era and the invasion of the USSR. Between different powers, this country became a focus regarding of interest after 9/11. The western border has become very uncertain due to Indian’s involvement. With relation to Afghanistan, Pakistan has always been a victim of instability. Pakistan's internal peace has greatly disrupted by the movement across the border. By smuggling weapons, drugs and terrorists anti-state actors have always used this border to destabilize the country. Being already weakened country, Pakistan overwhelmed by migration of a large number of Afghan citizens. To assess the effects of the instability in Afghanistan on Pakistan, numerous attempts are being made. In addition, this study will aim at the classification of the features and political objectives of the players concerned in the conflict on violence in Afghanistan. It will analyze the evolution of the peace course in Afghanistan as well as its significance for regional solidity.
{"title":"Political Instabilities in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan","authors":"S. Yasmeen","doi":"10.54418/ca-88.141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-88.141","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan and Afghanistan share the longest border in the northwest with each other. Afghanistan is the most influential factor for Pakistani policymakers in terms of foreign policy. Relations of both the countries have not been cordial since the inception of Pakistan. \u0000Internal circumstances affected Pakistan in one way or another during the Cold War era and the invasion of the USSR. Between different powers, this country became a focus regarding of interest after 9/11. The western border has become very uncertain due to Indian’s involvement. With relation to Afghanistan, Pakistan has always been a victim of instability. Pakistan's internal peace has greatly disrupted by the movement across the border. By smuggling weapons, drugs and terrorists anti-state actors have always used this border to destabilize the country. Being already weakened country, Pakistan overwhelmed by migration of a large number of Afghan citizens. \u0000To assess the effects of the instability in Afghanistan on Pakistan, numerous attempts are being made. In addition, this study will aim at the classification of the features and political objectives of the players concerned in the conflict on violence in Afghanistan. It will analyze the evolution of the peace course in Afghanistan as well as its significance for regional solidity.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85065343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Pukhtoon culture, the Jirga system is the oldest and well-established institution for conflict resolution. However, to date, its history, constitution and actions mostly remain verbal. It is one of the institutions that act as a strong power behind the entire lives of the tribal people individually and publically. Jirga system is practiced as the best tool for conflict resolution and satisfies the aspirations of the people. The mechanism of Jirga is very simple and straightforward, it proceeded in the local language according to custom and tradition of the locality. It provides swift justice and accessible as well as affordable to everyone. However, despite some good results, the Jirga system is not without problems and serious challenges. The fingers pointed out on it, such as favoritism in making and implementing the decision. The procedure of Jirga is simple; it is traditional and cost-effective. It follows local language, customs, and traditions, thus creates ownership in the local population.
{"title":"The Mechanism of Tribal Jirga System: Challenges and Prospects","authors":"Shaukatullah, Rubina Ali","doi":"10.54418/ca-88.143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-88.143","url":null,"abstract":"In Pukhtoon culture, the Jirga system is the oldest and well-established institution for conflict resolution. However, to date, its history, constitution and actions mostly remain verbal. It is one of the institutions that act as a strong power behind the entire lives of the tribal people individually and publically. Jirga system is practiced as the best tool for conflict resolution and satisfies the aspirations of the people. The mechanism of Jirga is very simple and straightforward, it proceeded in the local language according to custom and tradition of the locality. It provides swift justice and accessible as well as affordable to everyone. However, despite some good results, the Jirga system is not without problems and serious challenges. The fingers pointed out on it, such as favoritism in making and implementing the decision. The procedure of Jirga is simple; it is traditional and cost-effective. It follows local language, customs, and traditions, thus creates ownership in the local population. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"183 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74646384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Manuscripts of Pashto classical literature are found in various libraries around the world. Many of these Pashto manuscripts have been recorded in published catalogues. The first complete catalogue of Pashto manuscripts was published by James Fuller Blumhardt and D.N. Mackenzie. Before this Blumhardt also included Pashto manuscripts along with other manuscripts published from London in 1905. There are a few rare and ancient manuscripts of Pashto in the State Library Berlin, Germany. These manuscripts have not been catalogued and properly introduced. This article attempts to introduce ten Pashto manuscripts housed at State Library Berlin Germany. Among them one manuscript Majma’ ul-ash’ār is new among the Pashtun researchers and literary circles.
{"title":"An Introduction of Pashto Manuscripts in the State Library Berlin, Germany","authors":"Muhammad Ali Dinakhel","doi":"10.54418/ca-88.142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-88.142","url":null,"abstract":"Manuscripts of Pashto classical literature are found in various libraries around the world. Many of these Pashto manuscripts have been recorded in published catalogues. The first complete catalogue of Pashto manuscripts was published by James Fuller Blumhardt and D.N. Mackenzie. Before this Blumhardt also included Pashto manuscripts along with other manuscripts published from London in 1905. There are a few rare and ancient manuscripts of Pashto in the State Library Berlin, Germany. These manuscripts have not been catalogued and properly introduced. This article attempts to introduce ten Pashto manuscripts housed at State Library Berlin Germany. Among them one manuscript Majma’ ul-ash’ār is new among the Pashtun researchers and literary circles. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"161 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80193366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Iran-China deal amid global power shifts from unipolarity to bipolarity suggests Iran’s counterbalancing vis-à-vis Western Powers, particularly U.S. as, the U.S. withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in May 2018 agreed upon on July 14, 2015, between Iran, the U.S., and its western allies. However, another view persists that Iran’s “Look to the East Policy” adopted back in 2005 was meant to strengthen relations with natural regional neighbors that seem a rational choice for Iran. This notion is somewhat true as ideological concerns became obsolete with the demise of the Soviet Union. Today’s foreign policy approach moves around the spatial(relates to geography) dimension as states cannot change their neighbors. Furthermore, it is in the mutual interest of the countries of the region as well. To understand the true essence of the Iran-China deal it is pivotal to understand the factual history and thorough understanding of Iran’s foreign policy on an ontological basis. Academicians gauge this deal from the prism of power balance or bandwagoning approach epistemologically, but this study uncovers the facts based on rational choice theory and its impacts on Iran.
{"title":"Iran – China Deal: An Episode of Iran’s Look to the East Policy","authors":"A. Rashid, Anjum Ghouri","doi":"10.54418/ca-88.2021-140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-88.2021-140","url":null,"abstract":"Iran-China deal amid global power shifts from unipolarity to bipolarity suggests Iran’s counterbalancing vis-à-vis Western Powers, particularly U.S. as, the U.S. withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in May 2018 agreed upon on July 14, 2015, between Iran, the U.S., and its western allies. However, another view persists that Iran’s “Look to the East Policy” adopted back in 2005 was meant to strengthen relations with natural regional neighbors that seem a rational choice for Iran. This notion is somewhat true as ideological concerns became obsolete with the demise of the Soviet Union. Today’s foreign policy approach moves around the spatial(relates to geography) dimension as states cannot change their neighbors. Furthermore, it is in the mutual interest of the countries of the region as well. To understand the true essence of the Iran-China deal it is pivotal to understand the factual history and thorough understanding of Iran’s foreign policy on an ontological basis. Academicians gauge this deal from the prism of power balance or bandwagoning approach epistemologically, but this study uncovers the facts based on rational choice theory and its impacts on Iran.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76127198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The tribal region of the North West Frontier (NWF) of the Indian Sub-continent was geo-politically an important region for the British India. It provided a direct link to Afghanistan. During the colonial history of India, Afghanistan was used as a buffer between the expanding Russian Empire and India. So the tribal areas of the NWF were to be used as a buffer between Afghanistan and India in case Russia penetrate in Afghanistan. Beside this, controlling the tribal areas also helped in protecting the adjacent settled districts from the plunder of the tribesmen. The tribal areas also provided safe passages to the British convoys. The paper highlights colonization and administration of the tribal areas of the NWF, and the geopolitical interests of the British colonial power in this area. The paper explores all this through the lens of the colonial literature produced during that time.
{"title":"Geopolitics and Strategic Interests of the British in the Tribal Areas of the North West Frontier and its Administration","authors":"Raid Khan, Tariq Amin","doi":"10.54418/ca-87.120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-87.120","url":null,"abstract":"The tribal region of the North West Frontier (NWF) of the Indian Sub-continent was geo-politically an important region for the British India. It provided a direct link to Afghanistan. During the colonial history of India, Afghanistan was used as a buffer between the expanding Russian Empire and India. So the tribal areas of the NWF were to be used as a buffer between Afghanistan and India in case Russia penetrate in Afghanistan. Beside this, controlling the tribal areas also helped in protecting the adjacent settled districts from the plunder of the tribesmen. The tribal areas also provided safe passages to the British convoys. The paper highlights colonization and administration of the tribal areas of the NWF, and the geopolitical interests of the British colonial power in this area. The paper explores all this through the lens of the colonial literature produced during that time. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"642 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80134612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We relied on the “geopolitical codes” concept formulated by Colin Flint as “the manner in which a country orientates itself towards the world” to analyze the changes that the new President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev has brought to the country’s foreign policy. Geopolitical codes include assessments of strategic importance of the neighboring states defined by the leaders of state and potential threats emanating from them. We have studied the new foreign policy priorities formulated by President Mirziyoyev and possible variants of the foreign policy course pursued by the Republic of Uzbekistan in Central Asia, the EAEU and WTO, as well as specifics of its relationships with the leading centers of power. We have selected comparative analysis, SWOT analysis and the prognostication method as our main instruments.
{"title":"NEW FOREIGN POLICY COURSE IN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN: OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES","authors":"Ye.A. Izteleuova, M. Lapenko","doi":"10.37178/ca-c.21.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"We relied on the “geopolitical codes” concept formulated by Colin Flint as “the manner in which a country orientates itself towards the world” to analyze the changes that the new President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev has brought to the country’s foreign policy. Geopolitical codes include assessments of strategic importance of the neighboring states defined by the leaders of state and potential threats emanating from them. We have studied the new foreign policy priorities formulated by President Mirziyoyev and possible variants of the foreign policy course pursued by the Republic of Uzbekistan in Central Asia, the EAEU and WTO, as well as specifics of its relationships with the leading centers of power. We have selected comparative analysis, SWOT analysis and the prognostication method as our main instruments.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47989921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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