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Citizens and the European Union since 1950 公民和欧盟自1950年以来
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-213
H. Kaelble
The article covers the relationship of the citizens with the European Union and its predecessors since the beginnings of the European integration in the 1950s. It dis­tinguishes the period of the unquestioned citizen during the 1950s and 1960s, the period of the questioned and mobilized citizen since the 1970s and the period of the active citizen since around the turn the of century, in looking at European elec­tions, referendums, European movements, interest organizations, regular European opinion polls, complaints by citizens at the European Parliament, at the European Commission and at the European ombudsman and legal proceedings by citizens at the European Court in Luxemburg. In addition, the article looks at the change be­tween periods of trust and periods of distrust by citizens in the European institu­tions since the 1950s. It argues that the trend towards the mobilized and active citi­zen includes an eventual strong rise of distrust in periods of crisis, but also by a return of trust by the citizens even in difficult periods such as the recent Covid19 pandemic.
本文涵盖了自20世纪50年代欧洲一体化开始以来公民与欧盟及其前身的关系。通过观察欧洲选举,公民投票,欧洲运动,利益组织,定期的欧洲民意调查,欧洲议会公民的投诉,它区分了20世纪50年代和60年代不受质疑的公民时期,70年代以来受到质疑和动员的公民时期以及世纪之交以来的积极公民时期,欧洲委员会和欧洲申诉专员以及卢森堡欧洲法院公民的法律诉讼。此外,本文还考察了自20世纪50年代以来,公民对欧洲机构的信任时期和不信任时期之间的变化。它认为,动员和积极的公民趋势包括在危机时期最终强烈增加不信任,但即使在最近的covid - 19大流行等困难时期,公民也会恢复信任。
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引用次数: 0
From subjects to citizens of Europe: An Introduction 《从臣民到欧洲公民:导论
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-193
Fernando Guirao
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引用次数: 0
Between Brussels, Strasbourg, and London: The European Strategy of Amnesty International’s Dutch Section, 1976-1983 布鲁塞尔、斯特拉斯堡和伦敦之间:大赦国际荷兰分部的欧洲战略,1976-1983
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-285
Emiel Geurts
This article examines the ties between Amnesty International’s Dutch section, the European Parliament, and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe between 1976 and 1983. It elaborates on the threefold manner in which analysing the Dutch section’s European strategy adds to the existing historiography on Euro­pean integration. First, this article illustrates that the European strategy of Amnesty was diffuse among its national and international sections, therefore problematising the approach to such transnational actors as monolithic organisations. Instead, sec­ondly, this article demonstrates that it was the Dutch section specifically that func­tioned as interlocutor between the European organisations through its attempt to closely intertwine the two on the field of human rights. Finally, this deepens our understanding of how the European organisations operated in the “human rights revolution” that took place in the 1970s and 1980s.
本文考察了大赦国际荷兰分部、欧洲议会和欧洲理事会议会大会在1976年至1983年间的关系。它详细阐述了分析荷兰部分的欧洲战略对现有的欧洲一体化史学的补充的三重方式。首先,这篇文章说明了大赦国际的欧洲战略在其国内和国际部门中是分散的,因此对这些跨国行动者作为单一组织的做法存在问题。相反,第二,这篇文章表明,正是荷兰分部通过其在人权领域紧密交织的尝试,在欧洲组织之间发挥了对话者的作用。最后,这加深了我们对欧洲组织在上世纪七八十年代发生的“人权革命”中如何运作的理解。
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引用次数: 0
L’Union européenne entre crise de légitimité et crise d’identité. Le rôle du mythe et de l’identité culturelle dans le processus d’intégration européenne 欧盟在合法性危机和身份危机之间摇摆不定。神话和文化认同在欧洲一体化进程中的作用
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-223
Giangiacomo Vale
The paper explores the origins of the EU’s legitimacy crisis and highlights the im­portance of cultural identity as a foundation and as a unifying factor for Europe. Despite the economical and political progress of European integration, the emo­tional dimension of the union is almost absent, so that the Europeans’ sense of be­longing remains mainly national. The process of European integration has used a certain political mythology in order to generate a sense of identification and to le­gitimate itself. Nevertheless, the emotional impact of this mythology has not been able to compete with national ones. The European institutions recently launched initiatives aimed at promoting cultural integration and at giving rise to a new narra­tive for Europe, which should strengthen the sense of belonging and bridge the le­gitimacy gap. We are then facing the beginnings of a new phase of European inte­gration, centred on enhancing the cultural dimension of the union.
本文探讨了欧盟合法性危机的起源,并强调了文化认同作为欧洲的基础和统一因素的重要性。尽管欧洲一体化在经济和政治上取得了进步,但欧盟的情感层面几乎缺失,因此欧洲人的归属感主要还是国家性的。欧洲一体化的进程使用了某种政治神话,以产生一种认同感并使自己合法化。然而,这个神话的情感影响还无法与国家的影响相比。欧洲各机构最近发起了旨在促进文化一体化和为欧洲创造一种新的叙述的倡议,这种叙述应加强归属感并弥合合法性的差距。因此,我们正面临着欧洲一体化新阶段的开端,其核心是加强欧盟的文化层面。
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引用次数: 0
From Recurring Reference to Identity Trait: the Emergence of Social Justice in the Political Discourse of the European Communities (1950-1986) 从反复提及到身份特征:欧洲共同体政治话语中社会正义的出现(1950-1986)
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-263
L. Mechi
Although the ECSC and the EEC were originally endowed with a narrow social di­mension, in the 1950s references to both Communities as promoters of social jus­tice were rather common in the European Parliament, especially in the speeches of Christian Democratic and Socialist members. In the following years, the progres­sive implementation of the social legislation of the two treaties, the first discus­sions on the launch of a regional policy, and the signing of the first association agreements with third countries, contributed to further spreading the idea of a pecu­liar European sensitivity to solidarity, fairness and inclusion. Widely shared in the European Parliament from the late 1960s, the perception of the Community as a natural bearer of social justice soon began to also permeate the statements of the other institutions, and was then formalized by the Declaration on European Identity approved by the Copenhagen summit of December 1973. From that moment on, the idea of social justice as a guiding principle of the entire European project was echoed in all solemn occasions, to be finally inserted in the founding treaties in 1986 by the Single European Act.
虽然欧洲共同体和欧洲经济共同体最初被赋予一个狭窄的社会层面,但在1950年代,欧洲议会中经常提到这两个共同体是社会正义的促进者,特别是在基督教民主党和社会主义成员的演讲中。在接下来的几年里,这两个条约的社会立法的逐步实施,关于启动区域政策的第一次讨论,以及与第三国签署的第一个联合协议,有助于进一步传播欧洲对团结、公平和包容的独特敏感性。从20世纪60年代末开始,欧洲议会就广泛认同欧共体作为社会正义的天然承载者的观念,这种观念很快也开始渗透到其他机构的声明中,并在1973年12月哥本哈根峰会通过的《欧洲认同宣言》中正式确立。从那一刻起,社会正义作为整个欧洲计划的指导原则的理念在所有庄严的场合得到呼应,并最终在1986年被《单一欧洲法案》(Single European Act)纳入创始条约。
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引用次数: 0
Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis Titelei /目录。
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-1
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引用次数: 0
A Parliament for the People? – The European Parliament’s Activism in the Area of Social Policy From the Early 1970s to the Single European Act 人民的议会?——从20世纪70年代初到《单一欧洲法案》,欧洲议会在社会政策领域的行动主义
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-37
Mechthild Roos
The formal powers of the European Parliament (EP) prior to the Single European Act (SEA, 1986) were marginal. However, this limited formal role did not correspond to the perception of the early Members of the EP (MEPs) as to what role the EP should play in Community policy-making. Predominantly driven by pro-integrationist ideas of ever-closer union - and of an ever-stronger Parliament - MEPs became activists for deeper political as well as institutional integration from the institution’s beginnings in the 1950s. This article studies the EP’s emerging legislative influence through the lens of Community social policy, a policy area with a particularly strong ideational dimension. Perceiving a lack of public support for and identification with the Community project, MEPs invested considerable time and effort prior to the SEA into attempts of creating a broad Community social policy. In so doing, the delegates hoped to convince the member states’ citizens of the added value of closer European integration whilst simultaneously enhancing their own institution’s position. Based on an extensive collection of EP archival documents, this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the EP’s gradual empowerment at a time when the Treaties foresaw little more than a consultative assembly.
在《单一欧洲法案》(SEA, 1986)之前,欧洲议会(EP)的正式权力是微不足道的。然而,这种有限的正式角色并不符合早期欧洲议会成员(MEPs)对欧洲议会在共同体决策中应该扮演什么角色的看法。从20世纪50年代该机构成立之初,欧洲议会议员们就成为了更深层次的政治和制度整合的积极分子,主要是受支持更紧密的联盟和更强大的议会的一体化思想的推动。本文通过共同体社会政策的视角来研究欧洲议会的立法影响力,这是一个具有特别强的理念维度的政策领域。意识到公众对社区项目缺乏支持和认同,欧洲议会议员在SEA之前投入了大量的时间和精力,试图建立一个广泛的社区社会政策。在这样做的过程中,代表们希望让成员国的公民相信更紧密的欧洲一体化的附加价值,同时提高他们自己机构的地位。本文以广泛收集的欧洲议会档案文件为基础,有助于更深入地了解欧洲议会在《条约》所预见的只不过是一个协商大会的时期逐步获得权力的过程。
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引用次数: 1
La pensée des femmes catholiques en Europe. Les combats de Maria Paola Colombo Svevo 欧洲天主教妇女的思想。玛丽亚·保拉·科伦坡·斯韦沃的战斗
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-243
Maria Chiara Mattesini
‘Equal pay for equal work’, ‘Action against trafficking in human beings’ and the ‘Role of cooperatives in the growth of women's employment’ are those three im­portant battles carried out by the women at the European Parliament in the 1990s. They represent greater justice, more dignity, increased democracy. In particular, the article wants to remember the figure of Maria Paola Colombo Svevo, senator of the Italian Christian-Democratic Party, member of the European People's Party and member of the European Parliament between 1995 and 1999.
“同工同酬”、“打击人口贩运的行动”和“合作社在增加妇女就业中的作用”是妇女在1990年代在欧洲议会进行的三项重要斗争。他们代表着更大的正义,更多的尊严,更多的民主。文章特别想记住1995年至1999年期间,意大利基督教民主党参议员、欧洲人民党议员、欧洲议会议员玛丽亚·保拉·科伦坡·斯韦沃的身影。
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引用次数: 0
Pushing for a Greener Europe: The European Parliament and Environmental Policy in the 1970s and 1980s 推动更绿色的欧洲:20世纪70年代和80年代的欧洲议会和环境政策
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-57
Jan-Henrik Meyer
The European Parliament (EP) has long been derided as a powerless talking shop, notably before the 1979 elections and the granting of new co-legislative powers with the Single European Act. This article argues instead that already in the 1970s and early 1980s, the EP was a decisive player not only in initiating, but also in defining - and refining - European policy. Drawing on the case of the nascent environmental policy, the analysis demonstrates how the EP, its committees and members (MEPs), skilfully utilised the limited range of instruments available to them. In the early 1970s, the EP pushed for the inclusion of environmental policy into the EC policy portfolio and tried to influence its contents. In the early 1980s, after a decade of environmental legislation, the EP was an important advocate of making the already existing environmental law work and of adding new European laws. Their arguments and practices illustrate that MEPs were clearly aware of the limits but also of the opportunities the EC institutional system provided. Before as well as after direct elections, the EP exploited environmental scandals in the European public sphere - Rhine pollution, Seveso - to push for a greener, more environmentally friendly Europe. In a federalist spirit, the EP pursued institutional objectives at the same time: the strengthening of EC-level policy making and legal instruments, along with its own self-strengthening.
长期以来,欧洲议会(EP)一直被嘲笑为无能为力的清谈馆,尤其是在1979年选举和《单一欧洲法案》授予新的共同立法权之前。本文认为,早在上世纪70年代和80年代初,欧洲议会就不仅在启动、而且在定义和完善欧洲政策方面发挥了决定性作用。以新出台的环境政策为例,分析展示了欧洲议会、其委员会和成员(MEPs)如何巧妙地利用他们可用的有限工具。20世纪70年代初,欧洲议会推动将环境政策纳入欧共体的政策组合,并试图影响其内容。在20世纪80年代初,经过十年的环境立法,欧洲议会是一个重要的倡导者,使已有的环境法发挥作用,并增加新的欧洲法律。他们的论点和实践表明,欧洲议会议员清楚地意识到欧共体制度体系提供的限制,但也有机会。在直接选举之前和之后,欧洲议会都利用了欧洲公共领域的环境丑闻——莱茵河污染、塞维索河——来推动一个更绿色、更环保的欧洲。本着联邦主义精神,欧洲议会同时追求制度目标:加强欧共体层面的政策制定和法律工具,以及自身的自我强化。
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引用次数: 1
Imagining the Grotian Europe: Hugo Grotius’s Vision of Europe and Ideas of European Integration 想象格劳秀斯的欧洲:格劳秀斯的欧洲观与欧洲一体化思想
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-195
Tigran Yepremyan
The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new co­existential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with the construction of a theoretical framework from various ideas of the thinker and de­fines it as the Grotian theory of European integration. Based on the complex analy­sis of the Grotian concept of a community of sovereign nations and with an inter­pretive approach, the paper studies the visions of European unity in early modern and modern times. Grotius’s recommendation of “general congresses of Christian powers” had a constructive role in the configuration of the emerging European sys­tem of sovereign nation-states and for the new patterns of co-existential consensus. Hence, Grotius’s idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of na­tions is viewed within the framework of the theories of structural constructivism and intergovernmentalism of European integration.
本文从政治哲学和国际关系的角度,对格劳秀斯对欧洲新共存范式的设想和欧洲一体化思想进行了全面的研究。本文从格罗提安的各种思想出发,构建了一个理论框架,并将其定义为格罗提安的欧洲一体化理论。本文在对格罗提安的主权国家共同体概念进行复杂分析的基础上,运用阐释的方法,研究了近代早期和近代欧洲统一观。格劳秀斯关于“基督教权力大会”的建议在新兴的欧洲主权民族国家体系的配置和共存共识的新模式中发挥了建设性作用。因此,格劳秀斯对国家和国家社会的理想主义和整体方法是在结构建构主义和欧洲一体化政府间主义理论的框架内看待的。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of European Integration History
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