Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-189
E. Tizzoni
Aiming to provide an overview on the tourism policy implemented by the European Economic Community from the early 1960s until today, the research gives a contribution to fill a gap in current European Integration History, since Historians devoted little attention to the role of tourism in the integration process. To achieve this goal, the article addresses the mutual interactions between the making of Europe and the spread of mass tourism, by a focus on the role played from the Commission and the Council in the field of leisure travel. Broadly speaking, achievements and contradictions of the attempts to set a true tourism policy throughout the decades are investigated. From a methodological point of view, the research owes to the so-called “new history of European integration”, to the extent that multiple layers are taken into account, in order to assess the consequences of EEC tourism policy on society as a whole.
{"title":"Europeans on Holiday","authors":"E. Tizzoni","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-189","url":null,"abstract":"Aiming to provide an overview on the tourism policy implemented by the European Economic Community from the early 1960s until today, the research gives a contribution to fill a gap in current European Integration History, since Historians devoted little attention to the role of tourism in the integration process. To achieve this goal, the article addresses the mutual interactions between the making of Europe and the spread of mass tourism, by a focus on the role played from the Commission and the Council in the field of leisure travel. Broadly speaking, achievements and contradictions of the attempts to set a true tourism policy throughout the decades are investigated. From a methodological point of view, the research owes to the so-called “new history of European integration”, to the extent that multiple layers are taken into account, in order to assess the consequences of EEC tourism policy on society as a whole.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79783129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-283
G. Bossuat
Pierre Mendès France, one of the great figures of the French political left from the 1940s to the 1970s, is mostly perceived as an anti-European or at least as a great sceptical in matters of European Unity à la Jean Monnet. Nonetheless, it would be unfair to taint him with this unsubtle image. All his action was turned to restore an then develop France's economy and society after World War II. Misunderstood as advocate of the monetary austerity and the fight against inflation in 1945, he meant to implement a common planning by the Europeans, with the participation of Great Britain. He didn't seek to build a European federation, but a community to promote a new society and an economy in progress, delivered from the restored plundering of carpetbagger capitalism and nationalism. His European vison was larger than that of the Six, but he didn't achieve the aim. Accused to have derailed the EDC in August 1954, he invented a way to make Germany, of which he always remained suspicious, participate in the Western rearmament. The Treaties of Rome contrived him in a political deadlock: despite their very liberal orientation, he could not do other than admit them because they proved to be quite useful for economic development. In response to Charles de Gaulle, Pierre Mendès France knew how to develop in the 1970s a project uniting the European left, capable, he thought, to correct the abuses of the merchant's Europe by means of a common modern planning in innovative sectors, in full employment, in European research and universities, in social policy an in justice for all citizens. What should be retained of all this? I would choose his ambition to regulate European development by seeking the benefit of the people.
皮埃尔•门德斯•弗朗索瓦是20世纪40年代至70年代法国政治左翼的伟大人物之一，人们大多认为他是一个反欧洲的人，或者至少是对欧洲统一问题持怀疑态度的人(让•莫内)。尽管如此，用这种不巧妙的形象来玷污他是不公平的。他的所有行动都是为了恢复和发展二战后的法国经济和社会。1945年，他被误解为主张货币紧缩和对抗通货膨胀，他的本意是在英国的参与下，由欧洲人实施一项共同计划。他并没有寻求建立一个欧洲联邦，而是建立一个共同体，以促进一个新社会和一个正在发展的经济，从投机商资本主义和民族主义的恢复掠夺中解脱出来。他的欧洲愿景比这六个人更大，但他没有达到目标。1954年8月，他被指控使EDC脱轨，他发明了一种方法，使他一直怀疑的德国参与西方的重整军备。《罗马条约》使他陷入了政治僵局:尽管它们的方向非常自由，但他只能承认它们，因为事实证明它们对经济发展非常有用。作为对戴高乐(Charles de Gaulle)的回应，皮埃尔•门迪姆斯(Pierre menduds)知道如何在20世纪70年代发展一项团结欧洲左翼的计划，他认为，通过在创新部门、充分就业、欧洲研究和大学、社会政策和所有公民的正义方面实施共同的现代计划，有能力纠正商人欧洲的弊端。所有这些应该保留什么?我会选择他的野心，以寻求人民的利益来规范欧洲的发展。
{"title":"L’actualité de la pensée de Pierre Mendès France sur l’unité européenne","authors":"G. Bossuat","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-283","url":null,"abstract":"Pierre Mendès France, one of the great figures of the French political left from the 1940s to the 1970s, is mostly perceived as an anti-European or at least as a great sceptical in matters of European Unity à la Jean Monnet. Nonetheless, it would be unfair to taint him with this unsubtle image. All his action was turned to restore an then develop France's economy and society after World War II. Misunderstood as advocate of the monetary austerity and the fight against inflation in 1945, he meant to implement a common planning by the Europeans, with the participation of Great Britain. He didn't seek to build a European federation, but a community to promote a new society and an economy in progress, delivered from the restored plundering of carpetbagger capitalism and nationalism. His European vison was larger than that of the Six, but he didn't achieve the aim. Accused to have derailed the EDC in August 1954, he invented a way to make Germany, of which he always remained suspicious, participate in the Western rearmament. The Treaties of Rome contrived him in a political deadlock: despite their very liberal orientation, he could not do other than admit them because they proved to be quite useful for economic development. In response to Charles de Gaulle, Pierre Mendès France knew how to develop in the 1970s a project uniting the European left, capable, he thought, to correct the abuses of the merchant's Europe by means of a common modern planning in innovative sectors, in full employment, in European research and universities, in social policy an in justice for all citizens. What should be retained of all this? I would choose his ambition to regulate European development by seeking the benefit of the people.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"51 6 Suppl 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85380420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-99
Robert Tabaszewski
The article concerns cooperation on individual and public health between EU and ASEAN countries. A specific approach of European countries towards the protection, improvement and control of health was analysed and the involvement of governments from Eastern Asia in the improvement of public health throughout Eurasia was examined. Research showed that the cooperation in the field of health has evolved, both from bilateral to multilateral and from temporary to fixed forms. Legal bases for cooperation created by WHO were also discussed. The article points to new forms of interregional cooperation between the EU and ASEAN on combating cross-border threats to health, including the fight against drug trafficking.
{"title":"Robert TABASZEWSKI Health as a Value in the Integration Policy of European and East Asian Countries. Historical and Legal Perspective","authors":"Robert Tabaszewski","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-99","url":null,"abstract":"The article concerns cooperation on individual and public health between EU and ASEAN countries. A specific approach of European countries towards the protection, improvement and control of health was analysed and the involvement of governments from Eastern Asia in the improvement of public health throughout Eurasia was examined. Research showed that the cooperation in the field of health has evolved, both from bilateral to multilateral and from temporary to fixed forms. Legal bases for cooperation created by WHO were also discussed. The article points to new forms of interregional cooperation between the EU and ASEAN on combating cross-border threats to health, including the fight against drug trafficking.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90595734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-165
Jasper M. Trautsch
In view of the fact that national maps were circulated in the 19th and early 20th century to strengthen people’s national consciousness, this article inquires whether the six EC founding states have in turn been using maps of Europe or the territory encompassed by the EC members since the 1950s in order to promote a sense of supranational community among the citizenry. Postage stamps, mass-produced by the national postal administrations, serve as the source material for this investigation. The analysis, however, reveals that the four largest countries initially made little use of cartographic representations of Europe. Only in the course of the eastward enlargement of the EU did European maps begin to appear frequently on stamps. One explanation for this surprising finding is the fact that the European unification process aimed at territorial expansion right from the start, but that maps have the contrary effect of implying that borders are fixed. It was therefore only when the European division was overcome that European maps were increasingly used to represent the continent as a closed space.
{"title":"Von der nationalen zur europäischen Identität? Potential und Problematik von Europakarten auf Briefmarken","authors":"Jasper M. Trautsch","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-165","url":null,"abstract":"In view of the fact that national maps were circulated in the 19th and early 20th century to strengthen people’s national consciousness, this article inquires whether the six EC founding states have in turn been using maps of Europe or the territory encompassed by the EC members since the 1950s in order to promote a sense of supranational community among the citizenry. Postage stamps, mass-produced by the national postal administrations, serve as the source material for this investigation. The analysis, however, reveals that the four largest countries initially made little use of cartographic representations of Europe. Only in the course of the eastward enlargement of the EU did European maps begin to appear frequently on stamps. One explanation for this surprising finding is the fact that the European unification process aimed at territorial expansion right from the start, but that maps have the contrary effect of implying that borders are fixed. It was therefore only when the European division was overcome that European maps were increasingly used to represent the continent as a closed space.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90258840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111
Paul Rusman
The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?
{"title":"The Netherlands selling submarines to Taiwan: how to judge government action?","authors":"Paul Rusman","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111","url":null,"abstract":"The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81510305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-207
Alice Cunha
Portugal’s negotiations for accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) took place at the same time as the country negotiated and implemented the pre-accession aid programme that aimed at the development of the Portuguese economy. In a historical context where the concept of a pre-accession strategy did not officially exist as such, the EEC was already establishing the basis for the future Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) which similarly aimed at preparing candidates to fulfil their obligations as member states. Taking stock of the existing literature on enlargement and benefiting from further archive research, this article aims to analyse how the granting of pre-accession aid was negotiated between the EEC and Portugal and to make a concise assessment of its implementation in the country.
{"title":"A welcome incentive: Pre-accession aid to Portugal within the context of the Iberian enlargement","authors":"Alice Cunha","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-207","url":null,"abstract":"Portugal’s negotiations for accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) took place at the same time as the country negotiated and implemented the pre-accession aid programme that aimed at the development of the Portuguese economy. In a historical context where the concept of a pre-accession strategy did not officially exist as such, the EEC was already establishing the basis for the future Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) which similarly aimed at preparing candidates to fulfil their obligations as member states. Taking stock of the existing literature on enlargement and benefiting from further archive research, this article aims to analyse how the granting of pre-accession aid was negotiated between the EEC and Portugal and to make a concise assessment of its implementation in the country.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89027074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-263
Lorenzo M. Capisani
The cooperation between the European Space Agency and the Chinese space organizations during the Cold War is analyzed as a self-standing issue of the general Sino- European relations. From the beginning, this collaboration aimed to rely on the scientific level, but political and commercial factors affected the actual development of the relations. Both sides made efforts to overcome hesitancies and build a long-term cooperation. However, Europe and China remained two actors with different political agenda and priorities. This element was especially relevant at the community level, as opposed to the bilateral levels. It influenced the development of the collaboration on space matters, which thrived until the first half of the 1980s, while it encountered more obstacles in the following years. The paper offers a final reflection on 1989 as a watershed date and on the resumption of the space cooperation in the 1990s.
{"title":"“To Think European”: The ESA Approach to Space Cooperation with China (1976-1989)","authors":"Lorenzo M. Capisani","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-263","url":null,"abstract":"The cooperation between the European Space Agency and the Chinese space organizations during the Cold War is analyzed as a self-standing issue of the general Sino- European relations. From the beginning, this collaboration aimed to rely on the scientific level, but political and commercial factors affected the actual development of the relations. Both sides made efforts to overcome hesitancies and build a long-term cooperation. However, Europe and China remained two actors with different political agenda and priorities. This element was especially relevant at the community level, as opposed to the bilateral levels. It influenced the development of the collaboration on space matters, which thrived until the first half of the 1980s, while it encountered more obstacles in the following years. The paper offers a final reflection on 1989 as a watershed date and on the resumption of the space cooperation in the 1990s.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73225802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-65
T. Kuroda
Today, the relationship between EU and Asian countries is at a turning point. During the Cold War, there was quite a large gap in status between the EC and ASEAN. The EC was highly institutionalised and the most advanced regional organisation, while ASEAN was simply an association of developing countries. However, in the post-Cold War era, Asia has gained a more important status compared to Europe. A striking example is the establishment of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996, where heads of states were treated as ‘equal partners’. This article addresses the following question as the main point of its research: Why and how did the EC establish institutional bonds with ASEAN countries? Despite this corpus of research, studies of the factors behind the EC’s shift towards institutionalised relationships with ASEAN have not examined the geopolitical interests at stake. This paper, thus, aims to give an overall picture of EC-ASEAN institutional relations in the 1970s, with particular attention to the global strategies of EC member states, based on a multi-archival approach. Thus, this paper analyses a neglected origin of the EU-Asia relationship.
{"title":"EC–ASEAN Relations in the 1970s as an Origin of the European Union–Asia Relationship","authors":"T. Kuroda","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-65","url":null,"abstract":"Today, the relationship between EU and Asian countries is at a turning point. During the Cold War, there was quite a large gap in status between the EC and ASEAN. The EC was highly institutionalised and the most advanced regional organisation, while ASEAN was simply an association of developing countries. However, in the post-Cold War era, Asia has gained a more important status compared to Europe. A striking example is the establishment of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996, where heads of states were treated as ‘equal partners’. This article addresses the following question as the main point of its research: Why and how did the EC establish institutional bonds with ASEAN countries? Despite this corpus of research, studies of the factors behind the EC’s shift towards institutionalised relationships with ASEAN have not examined the geopolitical interests at stake. This paper, thus, aims to give an overall picture of EC-ASEAN institutional relations in the 1970s, with particular attention to the global strategies of EC member states, based on a multi-archival approach. Thus, this paper analyses a neglected origin of the EU-Asia relationship.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81488521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-51
N. Kumagai
Reconciliation among states tends to be pragmatic, based on cost/benefit national interest calculation. But it can be reflective, involving the perpetrator’s responsibility and remorse and the victims’ forgiveness, thus enhancing their mutual confidence. Japan’s moral compensation for the former Dutch and South Korean comfort women was pragmatic, based on the post-war legal agreements, but its scheme with atonement projects for each survivor had reflective elements. The Netherlands mostly accepted and South Korea mostly rejected Japan’s moral compensation for their distinctive historical and political reasons. However, Japan’s occasional excuse-like denial of coercive recruitment of comfort women based on the absence of public documents significantly reduced their confidence in Japan. This shows that the vindication of the victims’ dignity, anchored with the perpetrator’s consistent acknowledgement of its offense, is at the core of reconciliation. Reflective reconciliation is difficult to achieve but pragmatic reconciliation leaves room for dialogue among all parties concerned toward genuine understanding of the victims and thus to the restoration of their dignity.
{"title":"Japan’s Reconciliation in the Issue of Comfort Women with the Netherlands and South Korea: Pragmatic and Reflective Reconciliation","authors":"N. Kumagai","doi":"10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-51","url":null,"abstract":"Reconciliation among states tends to be pragmatic, based on cost/benefit national interest calculation. But it can be reflective, involving the perpetrator’s responsibility and remorse and the victims’ forgiveness, thus enhancing their mutual confidence. Japan’s moral compensation for the former Dutch and South Korean comfort women was pragmatic, based on the post-war legal agreements, but its scheme with atonement projects for each survivor had reflective elements. The Netherlands mostly accepted and South Korea mostly rejected Japan’s moral compensation for their distinctive historical and political reasons. However, Japan’s occasional excuse-like denial of coercive recruitment of comfort women based on the absence of public documents significantly reduced their confidence in Japan. This shows that the vindication of the victims’ dignity, anchored with the perpetrator’s consistent acknowledgement of its offense, is at the core of reconciliation. Reflective reconciliation is difficult to achieve but pragmatic reconciliation leaves room for dialogue among all parties concerned toward genuine understanding of the victims and thus to the restoration of their dignity.","PeriodicalId":53497,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Integration History","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79916538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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